The Essential Writings Of Machiavelli Part 11

Then word reached the Signoria of Florence that the Cancellieri and Panciatichi factions were meeting secretly to reach an accord, excluding the Signori or the chancellors. The Signoria doubted that such negotiations would be in Florence's favor.5 They ascertained who from both factions might be prepared to come to an agreement, and, finding them well disposed, a.s.signed two of the magistrates of the Signoria and two members of the Collegio to oversee the matter. They sent an emissary to the Panciatichi who were stationed outside Pistoia, and another into the city, to ensure that neither party took any action on its own. Finally, after a long discussion by the committee, the articles of peace were agreed to and ratified on the twenty-first of August 1501. Florence then appointed new commissioners, who departed for Pistoia on the fifth of September, and from that day until the twentieth of October they worked on obtaining guarantees from the families and securing peace in accordance with the articles. This was done, and our Signori, wanting to conclude the peace and bring the Panciatichi back into Pistoia, sent a new commissioner with armed forces, and on the twentieth of October last they reinstated the Panciatichi in the city and established a guard, a measure deemed necessary to maintain the Panciatichi there. The situation remained thus until the twenty-third of February 1502. They ascertained who from both factions might be prepared to come to an agreement, and, finding them well disposed, a.s.signed two of the magistrates of the Signoria and two members of the Collegio to oversee the matter. They sent an emissary to the Panciatichi who were stationed outside Pistoia, and another into the city, to ensure that neither party took any action on its own. Finally, after a long discussion by the committee, the articles of peace were agreed to and ratified on the twenty-first of August 1501. Florence then appointed new commissioners, who departed for Pistoia on the fifth of September, and from that day until the twentieth of October they worked on obtaining guarantees from the families and securing peace in accordance with the articles. This was done, and our Signori, wanting to conclude the peace and bring the Panciatichi back into Pistoia, sent a new commissioner with armed forces, and on the twentieth of October last they reinstated the Panciatichi in the city and established a guard, a measure deemed necessary to maintain the Panciatichi there. The situation remained thus until the twenty-third of February 1502.

The reason for the tumult breaking out again has been reported in different ways. It was dealt with in the following manner: The chancellors in Pistoia informed the Florentine Signoria of the outbreak of violence and urged them to send a commissioner. The Signori immediately appointed Tommaso Tosinghi. He left on the twenty-third of February, but in Pistoia he found that the Panciatichi had again been chased out, that there had been injuries, that two of the magistrates and the captain of the infantry had been killed (all three of whom had been of the Panciatichi faction), and certain houses looted and torched. The commissioners took every measure to ensure that the violence would not increase. Then the Signoria, wanting to settle things once and for all, called Tommaso Tosinghi back in order to consult with him. They concluded first that Florence had to take complete control of Pistoia, and after that they would see how to proceed. Consequently our Signori, without tarrying, ordered that by the seventeenth of this month an infantry of seven hundred men will have been gathered and sent to Pistoia along with ninety mounted crossbowmen. Pagolo da Parrano, who is currently in Pescia with forty mounted crossbowmen, has been sent moneys and directed to take orders from the commissioners of Pistoia. Our Signori have ordered all these forces to be ready by the seventeenth of this month, so that once the soldiers receive their pay they will take control of Pistoia, set up guards at strategic points, punish the delinquents, and force the leaders of the two factions to come to Florence. They would also destroy and dismantle all the fortifications, and take from both factions the artillery and as many weapons as they could. The commissioners, as they have the authority, have already accomplished this to a large extent. They have begun punishing the delinquents and have initiated proceedings against them. They have ordered the men from both factions to present themselves in Florence by the twenty-fifth of this month, and a good number of them have already complied. They have taken from the factions all their artillery and other weapons, and have dismantled fortifications.

It now remains for the Florentine Signoria to decide how we should proceed, particularly in the question of reforming the city of Pistoia. All this, as the commissioners have pointed out, is up to us, as none of the Panciatichi or the Cancellieri-more than 150 men, along with other rebels and troublemakers-are in Pistoia now. Hence it will not be difficult to implement any measures that the Signoria will decide upon.

1. The chief executive council of Florence. The chief executive council of Florence.2. The magistrates of the chief executive council of Florence. The magistrates of the chief executive council of Florence.3. Florence had lost Pisa in 1494. Florence had lost Pisa in 1494.4. The Collegio were a special council that convened in emergencies, and the Otto di Pratica a council of eight responsible for Florence's external affairs. The Collegio were a special council that convened in emergencies, and the Otto di Pratica a council of eight responsible for Florence's external affairs.5. The Florentine Signoria would have appraised such secret meetings as an attempt by the two factions to join forces to oust Florence from Pistoia, gaining independence for the city. The Florentine Signoria would have appraised such secret meetings as an attempt by the two factions to join forces to oust Florence from Pistoia, gaining independence for the city.

ON THE N NATURE OF THE F FRENCH.

Machiavelli's first diplomatic contact with the French was early in 1500 on the Pisan front when Florence, after its failed campaign against Pisa, sought the help of King Louis XII, who had come to Italy to conquer Milan and Naples. Later that year Machiavelli had his second diplomatic encounter with the French at the court of Louis XII in Lyons. This piece, t.i.tled originally in Latin De natura Gallo rum, De natura Gallo rum, is believed to be from that period. It reflects Florentine anti-French sentiment, for though Louis XII was prepared to support Florence's quest to regain its former territories, his help cost Florence a large sum of money and the exorbitant expense of provisioning and quartering the French army, which Louis used primarily for his own campaigns is believed to be from that period. It reflects Florentine anti-French sentiment, for though Louis XII was prepared to support Florence's quest to regain its former territories, his help cost Florence a large sum of money and the exorbitant expense of provisioning and quartering the French army, which Louis used primarily for his own campaigns.

- The French are so intent on immediate advantage or injury that they have little memory of past wrongs or benefits, and little care for future good or evil.

For the French, first agreements are always best.

While they might not be able to do you a good turn, this does not hinder them from promising to do so. Yet if they are in a position to do you a good turn, they will do so only with great reluctance, or never. The French are most humble in bad fortune, and most insolent in good.

They are miserly rather than cautious.

They weave their bad cloth with vigor and expertise.

They care little for what is said or written about them.

They are more eager for money than blood.

The French court is generous only at audiences.

A victorious Frenchman is constantly summoned into the presence of the king, he who loses a battle, rarely. Therefore, anyone who is about to embark on a campaign must first weigh whether he is likely to succeed or not, and whether or not this is likely to please the king. Cesare Borgia knew this well, which enabled him to march to Florence with his army6 If a courtier and gentleman disobey the king in a matter concerning a third party, if he is in favor with the king he is not punished, but must show obedience in the future. If he is not in favor, he must stay away from the royal court for four months. This has twice cost us Pisa: once when Entragues held the citadel, and the second time when the French troops came to Pisa.7 He who wishes to conduct business at court must have money, great diligence, and good fortune.

If the French are asked to do a favor, they will first weigh the benefit it will bring them.

Unlike Italian gentlemen, they are usually not very particular about their honor. They were not overly concerned about losing face when they sent to Siena to demand the town of Montepulciano and were not obeyed.8 They are capricious and nonchalant.

They have the arrogance of the victor.

They are enemies of the Latin language and of the glory of Rome.

Italians have a bad time at the French court, except for those whose ship is heading for the rocks and who have nothing more to lose.

6. Cesare Borgia, as head of the papal army, with a.s.sistance from Louis XII of France, marched through Florentine territory in 1501. (Machiavelli was one of the Florentine amba.s.sadors attached to his camp.) Cesare Borgia, as head of the papal army, with a.s.sistance from Louis XII of France, marched through Florentine territory in 1501. (Machiavelli was one of the Florentine amba.s.sadors attached to his camp.)7. In 1496, Robert de Balzac, Comte d'Entragues, returned the occupied citadel of Pisa to the populace against the wishes of Charles VIII, and in 1500 the French army refused to help the Florentines recapture Pisa, despite a promise by Louis XII, Charles's successor, to do so. In 1496, Robert de Balzac, Comte d'Entragues, returned the occupied citadel of Pisa to the populace against the wishes of Charles VIII, and in 1500 the French army refused to help the Florentines recapture Pisa, despite a promise by Louis XII, Charles's successor, to do so.8. Louis XII sent Francesco da Narni to Siena to ask Pandolfo Petrucci, Lord of Siena, that the town of Montepulciano be returned to Florence, which Petrucci refused to do, despite being an ally of Louis XII. Louis XII sent Francesco da Narni to Siena to ask Pandolfo Petrucci, Lord of Siena, that the town of Montepulciano be returned to Florence, which Petrucci refused to do, despite being an ally of Louis XII.

ON H HOW TO T TREAT THE P POPULACE OF V VALDICHIANA A AFTER T THEIR R REBELLION.

In June 1502, as the Florentines were preparing a new expedition against Pisa and concentrating all their forces on that front, the city of Arezzo and the Valdichiana region to the south, in secret negotiations with Cesare Borgia, rebelled against Florentine authority. Borgia had already conquered the territories surrounding Florence, while Piero de' Medici, in the hope of returning to power in Florence, had made Arezzo his headquarters. Florence had a respite, as Borgia was busy confronting a major conspiracy among his generals, described in "How Duke Valentino [Cesare Borgia] Killed the Generals Who Conspired Against Him," which is also set in 1502. However, Borgia quickly and efficiently quelled the conspiracy and was again ready to turn his sights on Florence. This fragment of a discourse, written by Machiavelli in the summer of 1503, offers an important early example of how he looked to ancient Rome as a paradigm for solving contemporary problems.

- [Appearing before the Senate, Lucius Furius Camillus spoke of]9 what should be done with the territories and cities of Latium. These are the words he used, and the decision that the Senate reached, more or less verbatim, as Livy reports them: what should be done with the territories and cities of Latium. These are the words he used, and the decision that the Senate reached, more or less verbatim, as Livy reports them:10 "Senators! What needed to be done in Latium with armies and wars has, by grace of the G.o.ds and the skill of our soldiers, been done. Slaughtered are the enemy armies at Pedum and Astura. All the lands and cities of Latium, and the city of Antium in the land of the Volsci, either were conquered or surrendered, and are now in your power. As they keep rebelling and putting Rome in peril, we must consult about how to secure ourselves, either by cruelty or by generously forgiving them. G.o.d has granted you the ability to deliberate whether Latium is to be maintained, and how to make it secure for us indefinitely. So consider whether you want to punish harshly those who have given themselves to you and want to ruin Latium entirely, turning into a desert a country that has often supplied you with auxiliary armies in dangerous times; or whether you intend to follow the example of our forefathers and enlarge the Roman Republic, forcing those conquered to live in Rome. This would give you the glorious opportunity of expanding Rome. All I have to say to you is this: The most enduring power is the state which has loyal subjects who love their prince.11 But what must be deliberated must be deliberated swiftly, as you have many peoples hovering between hope and fear. You must free these peoples from their uncertainty and antic.i.p.ate their every action, either with punishment or reward. My task was to ensure that this decision would be yours, and my task has been done. It is now for you to decide what is for the benefit of our republic." But what must be deliberated must be deliberated swiftly, as you have many peoples hovering between hope and fear. You must free these peoples from their uncertainty and antic.i.p.ate their every action, either with punishment or reward. My task was to ensure that this decision would be yours, and my task has been done. It is now for you to decide what is for the benefit of our republic."

The senators praised Furius Camillus's speech, and as the case in each rebellious city and territory was different, they agreed that it would be impossible to pa.s.s a general resolution, but that each instance would have to be considered separately. Furius Camillus specified the case of each of the territories, and the senators decided that the Lanuvians were to become Roman citizens, and that the sacred objects taken from them during the war were to be returned. They also made the Aricians, the Nomentians, and the people of Pedum Roman citizens, while the people of Tusculum were allowed to keep their privileges, their rebellion being blamed on a few individuals.12 The people of Velitrae, however, were severely punished for having been Roman citizens who had revolted numerous times. Velitrae was destroyed, and all its citizens sent to live in Rome. To secure Antium the Romans sent new settlers, confiscated all the Antian ships, and prohibited the building of new ones. The people of Velitrae, however, were severely punished for having been Roman citizens who had revolted numerous times. Velitrae was destroyed, and all its citizens sent to live in Rome. To secure Antium the Romans sent new settlers, confiscated all the Antian ships, and prohibited the building of new ones.

It is clear from the judgment the Romans pa.s.sed on these rebellious territories that they strove either to win their loyalty through benefits, or to treat the territories so harshly that they would never need fear them again. The Romans regarded any middle way as harmful. In their resolutions, they chose one extreme or the other: benefiting those with whom they saw hope for reconciliation, and, where there was no hope, making certain Rome could not be harmed again. The Romans carried this out in two ways: One was to destroy the city and bring the inhabitants to live in Rome; the second was either to strip the city of its inhabitants and send in new ones, or, leaving the former inhabitants in place, to send in so many new ones that the original inhabitants could never again conspire against the authority of Rome. The Romans used these two methods in the case of Latium, destroying Velitrae and providing Antium with new inhabitants.

I have heard it said that in our actions we should look to history as our teacher, which is particularly true for princes. The world has always been inhabited in the same way by men who have had the same pa.s.sions: There have always been those who rule and those who serve, those who serve willingly and those who serve unwillingly, those who rebel and those who are punished. Should anyone doubt this, he has only to look at the incidents in Arezzo and the territories of Valdichiana last year,13 where we saw a repet.i.tion of the example of the peoples of Latium. They had rebelled against Rome and Rome had reacquired their territories, as was recently the case with Florence reacquiring Arezzo and Valdichiana. Even though the particulars of the rebellion and reacquisition of these territories was quite different, the fact of the rebellion and the reacquisition are the same. where we saw a repet.i.tion of the example of the peoples of Latium. They had rebelled against Rome and Rome had reacquired their territories, as was recently the case with Florence reacquiring Arezzo and Valdichiana. Even though the particulars of the rebellion and reacquisition of these territories was quite different, the fact of the rebellion and the reacquisition are the same.

If it is true that in our actions we should look to history as our teacher, it would be good if those who will have to judge and punish the territories of Valdichiana would follow the example of those who once ruled the world, particularly in a case where the ancients teach us in no uncertain terms the best course of action. Just as the Romans judged each territory differently, as the offense of each people was different, so must we now strive to evaluate the difference in offense in each of our rebellious territories.

If you were to a.s.sert that this is precisely what we have done, I would reply that we have done so only to some extent, but that we have fallen short in important ways. It is good that we allowed Cortona, Castiglione, Borgo Sansepolcro, and Foiano to keep their a.s.semblies, and that we indulged them, managing to reconquer them with benefits, because I equate them with the Lanuvians, Aricians, Nomentians, and the people of Tusculum and Pedum whom the Romans treated in a similar manner. But it is not good that the people of Arezzo, who acted in the same way as those of Velitrae and Antium, have not been treated the same way they were. If the judgment of the Romans merits commendation, our judgment merits criticism. The Romans believed that rebellious populaces had to be either benefited or destroyed, and that any other course of action was dangerous. From what I see with Arezzo, we have not adopted either of these two courses. One cannot claim that the Arezzans have benefited by having to come to Florence every day, their offices abolished, their possessions seized, their being disparaged publicly and having soldiers quartered in their homes. And yet one cannot claim, either, that we are securing ourselves against them by leaving their city walls intact and allowing five-sixths of their citizens to go on living there, not sending in new settlers who would keep them in check. In any future war that we might have to fight, we will have to face a greater expenditure in Arezzo than we will in fighting the enemy. Experience taught us this in 1498, before Arezzo rebelled or we began our cruel reprisals. For when the Venetian troops a.s.saulted Bibbiena,14 we had to send the forces of Duke Ludovico Sforza of Milan to Arezzo along with Count Rinuccio Marciano and his company in order to keep the city stable, instead of using those troops in Casentino against the enemy. Nor would we have had to pull Paolo Vitelli and his men from the Pisan front to send them to fight the Venetians in Casentino. Arezzo's disloyalty resulted in our having to face considerably more peril and expenditure than if it had remained loyal. Hence, putting together what one sees now and what one saw then, and the conditions we have imposed on the Arezzans, one can categorically conclude that if-G.o.d forbid!-we were to be invaded, Arezzo would either rebel or cause us so many problems as we tried to secure it that it would become an expenditure Florence would not be able to bear. we had to send the forces of Duke Ludovico Sforza of Milan to Arezzo along with Count Rinuccio Marciano and his company in order to keep the city stable, instead of using those troops in Casentino against the enemy. Nor would we have had to pull Paolo Vitelli and his men from the Pisan front to send them to fight the Venetians in Casentino. Arezzo's disloyalty resulted in our having to face considerably more peril and expenditure than if it had remained loyal. Hence, putting together what one sees now and what one saw then, and the conditions we have imposed on the Arezzans, one can categorically conclude that if-G.o.d forbid!-we were to be invaded, Arezzo would either rebel or cause us so many problems as we tried to secure it that it would become an expenditure Florence would not be able to bear.

I do not want to neglect discussing the prospect of Florence's being invaded, and the inevitable designs any invader will have on Arezzo, as at the moment this is a central topic of discussion. Let us not concentrate on the danger we can expect from ultramontane princes,15 but let us turn our sights on a peril closer at hand. Anyone who has observed Cesare Borgia's course of action will note that in his strategy for maintaining the states he has occupied, he never looks to Italian alliances, having little esteem for Venice and even less for Florence. One can only conjecture that he intends to create such a powerful state in Italy that he will be una.s.sailable, making allegiance to him desirable for any ruler. Should this be his design, then he is clearly aspiring to possess all of Tuscany in order to form a greater kingdom with the states surrounding Tuscany that he already holds. but let us turn our sights on a peril closer at hand. Anyone who has observed Cesare Borgia's course of action will note that in his strategy for maintaining the states he has occupied, he never looks to Italian alliances, having little esteem for Venice and even less for Florence. One can only conjecture that he intends to create such a powerful state in Italy that he will be una.s.sailable, making allegiance to him desirable for any ruler. Should this be his design, then he is clearly aspiring to possess all of Tuscany in order to form a greater kingdom with the states surrounding Tuscany that he already holds.16 There is no doubt that these are his designs, because of what I have just mentioned, but also because of his boundless ambition, and the way he has drawn out negotiations with us without ever concluding any agreements. It now remains for us to see if the time is right for him to put his designs into practice. I remember hearing Cardinal Soderini There is no doubt that these are his designs, because of what I have just mentioned, but also because of his boundless ambition, and the way he has drawn out negotiations with us without ever concluding any agreements. It now remains for us to see if the time is right for him to put his designs into practice. I remember hearing Cardinal Soderini17 say that among the many reasons one could call Cesare Borgia and the pope say that among the many reasons one could call Cesare Borgia and the pope18 great is that they are experts at seeing an opportunity and seizing it. This view is proved by our experience of what they have carried out when they had the opportunity. If one were to debate whether now is an opportune moment for them to a.s.sault Florence, I would say no. But one must consider that Cesare Borgia cannot wait for the kind of moment in which he can be a.s.sured of victory, as time is not on his side: His father the pope cannot be expected to live long, great is that they are experts at seeing an opportunity and seizing it. This view is proved by our experience of what they have carried out when they had the opportunity. If one were to debate whether now is an opportune moment for them to a.s.sault Florence, I would say no. But one must consider that Cesare Borgia cannot wait for the kind of moment in which he can be a.s.sured of victory, as time is not on his side: His father the pope cannot be expected to live long,19 and Cesare will have to grasp the first opportunity that presents itself and place his cause to a great extent in Fortune's hands. and Cesare will have to grasp the first opportunity that presents itself and place his cause to a great extent in Fortune's hands.

9. This is a conjectured beginning of the sentence, as the original ma.n.u.script began with the words This is a conjectured beginning of the sentence, as the original ma.n.u.script began with the words Quello che si dovesse fare Quello che si dovesse fare (what should be done). Lucius Furius Camillus (d. 365 (what should be done). Lucius Furius Camillus (d. 365 BCE BCE) was a heroic Roman general of the first Samnite War and a consul of Rome in 339 BCE BCE. See also Discourses Discourses, Book I, chapter 8.10. Machiavelli is translating and paraphrasing Camillus's speech and the Senate's reaction to it from Livy's Machiavelli is translating and paraphrasing Camillus's speech and the Senate's reaction to it from Livy's History of Rome History of Rome, Book VIII, chapters 13 and 14.11. Livy in fact says (Book VIII, chapter 1): "The most stable and long-standing empire is definitely that in which subjects take pleasure in obeying." Machiavelli adapts Livy's words, antic.i.p.ating one of the ideas he develops in Livy in fact says (Book VIII, chapter 1): "The most stable and long-standing empire is definitely that in which subjects take pleasure in obeying." Machiavelli adapts Livy's words, antic.i.p.ating one of the ideas he develops in The Prince The Prince.12. Lanuvium, Aricia, Nomentum, Pedum, Tusculum, and Velitrae were cities of Latium within twenty-five miles of Rome. Lanuvium, Aricia, Nomentum, Pedum, Tusculum, and Velitrae were cities of Latium within twenty-five miles of Rome.13. There had been a rebellion against the Florentine occupation in 1502. There had been a rebellion against the Florentine occupation in 1502.14. A city eighteen miles from Arezzo, and thirty-five miles from Florence. The Venetians had attacked the Casentino Valley and occupied Bibbiena in 1498 in an attempt to aid Pisa in its fight to remain independent of Florence. See "Discourse on Pisa." A city eighteen miles from Arezzo, and thirty-five miles from Florence. The Venetians had attacked the Casentino Valley and occupied Bibbiena in 1498 in an attempt to aid Pisa in its fight to remain independent of Florence. See "Discourse on Pisa."15. Primarily the King of France and the Holy Roman Emperor. Primarily the King of France and the Holy Roman Emperor.16. Romagna and Urbino. Romagna and Urbino.17. Francesco Soderini, Bishop of Volterra, and brother of Piero Soderini, the Gonfalonier of Florence. Francesco Soderini, Bishop of Volterra, and brother of Piero Soderini, the Gonfalonier of Florence.18. Pope Alexander VI, Cesare Borgia's father. Pope Alexander VI, Cesare Borgia's father.19. Pope Alexander did in fact die a few months after Machiavelli wrote this discourse. Pope Alexander did in fact die a few months after Machiavelli wrote this discourse.

HOW D DUKE V VALENTINO K KILLED THE G GENERALS W WHO C CONSPIRED A AGAINST H HIM20.

By the early 1500s, Cesare Borgia had become one of the most powerful men in Italy. Since his father had been elected to the pontificate in 1492 as Pope Alexander VI, Cesare Borgia had been made archbishop (at sixteen), cardinal (at seventeen), and finally Captain General of the Papal Armies. Alhough young Borgia was a lackadaisical archbishop and cardinal, he filled the army post with spectacular dexterity, fast expanding the papal territories. By late 1502, however, a number of his generals came together in a plot against him. Borgia was caught entirely unawares, suddenly finding himself stripped of most of his troops and having to fight defensively within his own territories. But as Machiavelli shows in the following piece, Borgia handled the matter with careful and ruthless strategy.

- Duke Valentino21 had just returned from Lombardy where he had gone to justify himself before King Louis XII of France against the many accusations the Florentines had leveled against him concerning the revolt of Arezzo and other towns in the Valdichiana. had just returned from Lombardy where he had gone to justify himself before King Louis XII of France against the many accusations the Florentines had leveled against him concerning the revolt of Arezzo and other towns in the Valdichiana.22 He had arrived in Imola, where he intended to stop with his troops while he prepared a campaign against the tyrant of Bologna, Giovanni Bentivoglio, He had arrived in Imola, where he intended to stop with his troops while he prepared a campaign against the tyrant of Bologna, Giovanni Bentivoglio,23 as Duke Valentino wanted to bring Bologna under his rule and make it the capital of his Duchy of Romagna. When the Vitelli and the Orsini and their followers heard of his plan, they began to worry that he was becoming too powerful. They feared that once he occupied Bologna, he would destroy them so that he would be the only leader with a powerful army in Italy as Duke Valentino wanted to bring Bologna under his rule and make it the capital of his Duchy of Romagna. When the Vitelli and the Orsini and their followers heard of his plan, they began to worry that he was becoming too powerful. They feared that once he occupied Bologna, he would destroy them so that he would be the only leader with a powerful army in Italy24 They called a meeting in Perugia-the Diet of Magione. They called a meeting in Perugia-the Diet of Magione.25 Present were Cardinal Giambattista Orsini, Signor Paolo Orsini, Duke Francesco Orsini of Gravina, Vitellozzo Vitelli, Liverotto da Fermo, Giampaolo Baglioni, the tyrant of Perugia, and Antonio da Venafro, who had been sent by Pandolfo Petrucci, the ruler of Siena. Present were Cardinal Giambattista Orsini, Signor Paolo Orsini, Duke Francesco Orsini of Gravina, Vitellozzo Vitelli, Liverotto da Fermo, Giampaolo Baglioni, the tyrant of Perugia, and Antonio da Venafro, who had been sent by Pandolfo Petrucci, the ruler of Siena.26 They discussed Duke Valentino's power and spirit, and how vital it was for them to check his hunger for supremacy before he ruined them all. They decided to stand by the Bolognese tyrant, Giovanni Bentivoglio, against Duke Valentino, and to seek to win over the Florentines. They sent emissaries to both Bologna and Florence, promising to help Bentivoglio and entreating the Florentines to join them in the fight against Duke Valentino, their common enemy. They discussed Duke Valentino's power and spirit, and how vital it was for them to check his hunger for supremacy before he ruined them all. They decided to stand by the Bolognese tyrant, Giovanni Bentivoglio, against Duke Valentino, and to seek to win over the Florentines. They sent emissaries to both Bologna and Florence, promising to help Bentivoglio and entreating the Florentines to join them in the fight against Duke Valentino, their common enemy.

News of this meeting immediately spread throughout Italy, and peoples unhappy under Duke Valentino's rule-among them the citizens of Urbino-gained hope that change was imminent. As a result, spirits grew so heated that some men of Urbino decided to seize the Castle of San Leo, which was held by the duke. The castellan was having timber brought up to strengthen the castle's fortifications, and the conspirators lay in wait until the timber was being dragged across the drawbridge, preventing those inside from drawing it up. Seizing the opportunity, the armed men jumped onto the bridge and stormed the castle. Word of the capture spread, and the whole state of Urbino rebelled. The former duke was restored,27 as the people had now taken hope, not so much from the occupation of the castle as from the Diet of Magione, which they were certain would come to their aid, and when the Diet of Magione heard of the rebellion in Urbino, its members were determined not to miss the opportunity. They set out to occupy all the towns belonging to Urbino that were still held by Duke Valentino. The Diet once more sent emissaries to Florence to entreat the republic to join them in crushing the common foe, arguing that the cause was already as good as won and that there would not be another such opportunity. But the Florentines, because of their hatred for the Vitelli and the Orsini, not only declined an allegiance but sent their minister Niccolo Machiavelli to offer duke Valentino shelter and aid against his new enemies. The Duke, in Imola, was in the grip of fear, for in a single stroke and against all expectations his former generals had become his enemies, and he found himself with a war on his doorstep. But he took courage from the Florentines' offer, and decided to forestall the war through peace negotiations, and in the meantime to marshal some help. He sent to the King of France for additional men, and hired all the cavalrymen he could find and anyone who had anything to do with horses. as the people had now taken hope, not so much from the occupation of the castle as from the Diet of Magione, which they were certain would come to their aid, and when the Diet of Magione heard of the rebellion in Urbino, its members were determined not to miss the opportunity. They set out to occupy all the towns belonging to Urbino that were still held by Duke Valentino. The Diet once more sent emissaries to Florence to entreat the republic to join them in crushing the common foe, arguing that the cause was already as good as won and that there would not be another such opportunity. But the Florentines, because of their hatred for the Vitelli and the Orsini, not only declined an allegiance but sent their minister Niccolo Machiavelli to offer duke Valentino shelter and aid against his new enemies. The Duke, in Imola, was in the grip of fear, for in a single stroke and against all expectations his former generals had become his enemies, and he found himself with a war on his doorstep. But he took courage from the Florentines' offer, and decided to forestall the war through peace negotiations, and in the meantime to marshal some help. He sent to the King of France for additional men, and hired all the cavalrymen he could find and anyone who had anything to do with horses.

Despite Duke Valentino's efforts his enemies advanced, reaching Fos...o...b..one, where they encountered some of his soldiers, whom the Vitelli and the Orsini routed. As a result of this, the duke put all his resources into trying to stop this trouble through peace negotiations. As he was a great dissembler, he did not neglect to give every indication that the conspirators had taken up weapons against a man who had agreed to let them keep whatever territories they had acquired, and announced that he would be happy enough to keep the t.i.tle of prince while they ruled the princ.i.p.ality. Duke Valentino was so successful in his persuasion that the conspirators laid down their arms and sent Signor Paolo Orsini to him to negotiate a truce. In the meantime, Duke Valentino had continued building up his army, diligently strengthening his cavalry and infantry, and he distributed his men throughout the Romagna so that these preparations would not be noticed.

In the meantime, five hundred French lancers had also arrived, and though Duke Valentino was now strong enough to attack his enemies in open war, he nevertheless calculated that it would be safer and more useful to deceive them, so he continued his peace negotiations, orchestrating them so diligently that a truce was successfully concluded. He gave the conspirators back the old mercenary positions they had held in his army, made them a present of four thousand ducats, promised not to harm the Bentivoglio family, and even arranged an alliance through marriage with Giovanni Bentivoglio.28 He also promised to order them into his presence only as often as they would allow. For their part, they promised to give him back the Duchy of Urbino and all the other territories they had occupied, to serve in all his campaigns, and not to make war on anyone or hire themselves out to anyone without his permission. He also promised to order them into his presence only as often as they would allow. For their part, they promised to give him back the Duchy of Urbino and all the other territories they had occupied, to serve in all his campaigns, and not to make war on anyone or hire themselves out to anyone without his permission.

When this accord was completed, Duke Guidobaldo of Urbino once more fled to Venice, first destroying all the fortresses in his state: for he was certain that the populace was on his side, and he did not want his undefended fortresses to be occupied by the enemy, which would impair any action his supporters might attempt on his behalf. But Duke Valentino, having devised the accord and dispersed his own men and the French men-at-arms throughout the Romagna, set out for Imola at the end of November, stopping first at Cesena. There he stayed many days to negotiate with the envoys of the Vitelli and the Orsini, who had gathered with their men in the Duchy of Urbino, as to what campaign ought to be mounted next. Nothing was concluded, and so Liverotto da Fermo was sent to suggest that they would support a campaign against Tuscany if the duke wanted to mount one; if not, they could besiege Senigallia. To this the duke replied that as the Florentines were his allies, he did not want to wage war against Tuscany, but that he would support a march on Senigallia.

The result was that within a few days news came that Senigallia had surrendered, but that the castle would not yield because the castellan refused to give it up to anyone but Duke Valentino. They therefore urged him to come in person. The duke saw this as an excellent opportunity: He would be going to Senigallia not on his own initiative but because he was being implored to go, and thus no suspicions would be aroused. To rea.s.sure everyone even further, he dismissed all his French soldiers and sent them back to Lombardy with the exception of a hundred lancers of the Comte de Candale, his brother-in-law29 He left Cesena in mid-December and went to Fano, where with all his shrewdness and sagacity he managed to persuade the Vitelli and the Orsini to wait for him in Senigallia. He made it plain that any show of distrust on their part would jeopardize the strength and duration of their new accord, and that he was a man who wanted to make use of the arms and the counsel of his friends. Vitellozzo Vitelli remained quite reluctant, because the death of his brother had taught him that one cannot first attack a prince and then trust him, but he nevertheless allowed himself to be persuaded by Paolo Orsini, whom the duke had bribed with gifts and promises, and so agreed to wait for the duke in Senigallia. He left Cesena in mid-December and went to Fano, where with all his shrewdness and sagacity he managed to persuade the Vitelli and the Orsini to wait for him in Senigallia. He made it plain that any show of distrust on their part would jeopardize the strength and duration of their new accord, and that he was a man who wanted to make use of the arms and the counsel of his friends. Vitellozzo Vitelli remained quite reluctant, because the death of his brother had taught him that one cannot first attack a prince and then trust him, but he nevertheless allowed himself to be persuaded by Paolo Orsini, whom the duke had bribed with gifts and promises, and so agreed to wait for the duke in Senigallia.

On the evening before his departure from Fano-the thirtieth of December 1502-Duke Valentino had revealed his secret plan to eight of his most trusted men, among them Don Michele and Monsignor d'Elna, who was later to become cardinal:30 The moment Vitelozzo Vitelli, Paolo Orsini, Duke Francesco Orsini of Gravina, and Liverotto da Fermo approached, he wanted one man on either side of them, so that there would be two men consigned to each of them all the way to Senigallia, not allowing any of them to escape until they arrived at his quarters, where they would be seized. He then ordered all his soldiers, mounted and on foot-more than two thousand hors.e.m.e.n and ten thousand infantry-to gather at daybreak on the banks of the Metauro, a river about five miles from Fano, where they were to await his arrival. Then, finding himself there by the Metauro River with his men on the last day of December, he sent out in advance of his arrival a cavalcade of some two hundred hors.e.m.e.n, then all his infantry, after which he and his men-at-arms followed. The moment Vitelozzo Vitelli, Paolo Orsini, Duke Francesco Orsini of Gravina, and Liverotto da Fermo approached, he wanted one man on either side of them, so that there would be two men consigned to each of them all the way to Senigallia, not allowing any of them to escape until they arrived at his quarters, where they would be seized. He then ordered all his soldiers, mounted and on foot-more than two thousand hors.e.m.e.n and ten thousand infantry-to gather at daybreak on the banks of the Metauro, a river about five miles from Fano, where they were to await his arrival. Then, finding himself there by the Metauro River with his men on the last day of December, he sent out in advance of his arrival a cavalcade of some two hundred hors.e.m.e.n, then all his infantry, after which he and his men-at-arms followed.

Fano and Senigallia are cities of La Marca on the sh.o.r.es of the Adriatic, situated about fifteen miles from one another. Whoever approaches Senigallia has on his right the mountains, with foothills that come so close to the sea that there is often only a narrow strip of land between them and the waves. Even in those places where the foothills are further inland, the strip is never more than two miles wide. Senigallia lies a bow's shot from these foothills, and less than a mile away from the sh.o.r.e. There is a little river by the city that washes the walls facing toward Fano. The road to Senigallia runs a good distance alongside the mountains, and when it reaches the river it turns left and goes along the riverbank for about a bow's shot until it reaches a bridge that crosses the river and almost meets the Senigallia city gate at an angle. Before one reaches the city gate there is a little village with a square, one side of which is formed by the river.

The Vitelli and the Orsini decided to wait for Duke Valentino and honor him personally, and had sent their men to a castle six miles away from Senigallia so that there would be room for the duke's men. Inside Senigallia they had kept only Liverotto da Fermo with his thousand foot soldiers and a hundred and fifty hors.e.m.e.n, who were quartered in the village outside the gates that I have just mentioned.

Duke Valentino approached Senigallia. When the vanguard of his cavalry arrived at the bridge, it did not cross, but stopped and formed two lines, one along the river, the other along the open country, leaving a path in the middle for the foot soldiers, who then marched straight into the town. Vitellozzo, Pagolo, and Duke Orsini of Gravina rode toward Duke Valentino on mules, accompanied by a handful of hors.e.m.e.n. Vitellozzo, unarmed and wearing a cape lined in green, seemed quite afflicted, as if he were aware of his impending death, which, in view of the prowess of the man and his former fortune, caused some amazement. And it is said that when he parted from his soldiers to go to Senigallia to meet the duke, it was as if he were saying a final farewell. He told his generals that he left his house and its fortunes in their hands, and cautioned his nephews that they should not remember the fortunes of their house, but the prowess of their fathers and uncles. When the three men arrived before the duke and greeted him with courtesy, they were received by him in a friendly manner and immediately escorted by the men who had been charged to keep an eye on them. The duke, however, saw that Liverotto was missing. He had remained back with his men in Senigallia and was waiting on the square in front of his quarters by the river, keeping them in order and exercising them. The duke winked at Don Michele, whom he had entrusted with the care of Liverotto, signaling that he see to it that Liverotto did not escape, at which Don Michele rode off to Liverotto and told him that this was not the time to have his men gathered outside their quarters, as they were to be occupied by the duke's men. He encouraged him to have them return to their quarters and come with him to meet the duke. Liverotto followed Duke Valentino's order and rode out to meet him, and the duke, seeing him, called out to him. Liverotto made his obeisance and joined the others.

They all rode into Senigallia and to the duke's quarters, where he led them into a secret chamber and had them taken prisoner. He then immediately mounted his horse and ordered that the soldiers of Liverotto and the Orsini be stripped of their arms and belongings. Liverotto's men were immediately plundered, as they were right there in Senigallia, but the men of the Orsini and the Vitelli, being at some distance and having a premonition of their masters' fate, had enough time to gather together, and, remembering the prowess and discipline of the House of Vitelli, stood their ground against the local people and the enemy soldiers, and saved themselves. But the soldiers of Duke Valentino, not content with merely plundering Liverotto da Fermo's men, began sacking Senigallia. And had the duke not put a stop to their audacity by putting many of them to death, they would have looted the town entirely.

When night came and the turmoil stopped, the duke felt that the time had come to kill Vitellozzo and Liverotto. He had them taken to a place together and strangled. Neither of them uttered any words worthy of their previous life: Vitellozzo begged that he might throw himself on the pope's mercy and plead for a full indulgence for his sins, while Liverotto, weeping, heaped all the blame for the harm done to Duke Valentino on Vitellozzo. The duke left Paolo Orsini and Duke Orsini of Gravina alive until he heard from Rome that the pope31 had seized Cardinal Orsino, Archbishop of Florence, and Messer Iacopo da Santa Croce. At this news, on the eighteenth of January, 1502, they too were strangled in the same fashion at the Castle of Pieve. had seized Cardinal Orsino, Archbishop of Florence, and Messer Iacopo da Santa Croce. At this news, on the eighteenth of January, 1502, they too were strangled in the same fashion at the Castle of Pieve.

20. The first Italian publication of this piece in Rome in 1533 was t.i.tled The first Italian publication of this piece in Rome in 1533 was t.i.tled Il modo che tenne il duca Valentino per ammazar Vitellozo, Oliverotto da Fermo, il signor Pagolo et il duca di Gravina Orsini in Senigaglia Il modo che tenne il duca Valentino per ammazar Vitellozo, Oliverotto da Fermo, il signor Pagolo et il duca di Gravina Orsini in Senigaglia (The manner in which Duke Valentino killed Vitellozzo, Oliverotto da Fermo, Signor Pagolo, and Duke Orsini of Gravina in Senigaglia). (The manner in which Duke Valentino killed Vitellozzo, Oliverotto da Fermo, Signor Pagolo, and Duke Orsini of Gravina in Senigaglia).21. Cesare Borgia. Cesare Borgia.22. Cesare Borgia had played a key role in inciting Arezzo and Valdichiana to rebel against Florentine rule. (Borgia was expanding his territories and had his sights set on Tuscany.) Both Florence and Borgia were, however, dependent on the King of France, who, displeased at Borgia's involvement in Florentine interests, had summoned him to France to explain himself. See "On How to Treat the Populace of Valdichiana After Their Rebellion" above. Cesare Borgia had played a key role in inciting Arezzo and Valdichiana to rebel against Florentine rule. (Borgia was expanding his territories and had his sights set on Tuscany.) Both Florence and Borgia were, however, dependent on the King of France, who, displeased at Borgia's involvement in Florentine interests, had summoned him to France to explain himself. See "On How to Treat the Populace of Valdichiana After Their Rebellion" above.23. Giovanni Bentivogli (14431508) had been Gonfalonier of Bologna until Pope Paolo II made him chief senator for life in 1466. Pope Julius II, however, excommunicated and ousted him from Bologna in 1506. Giovanni Bentivogli (14431508) had been Gonfalonier of Bologna until Pope Paolo II made him chief senator for life in 1466. Pope Julius II, however, excommunicated and ousted him from Bologna in 1506.24. The Vitelli family were the lords of Citta di Castello, a town east of Arezzo, and the Orsini were a powerful Roman family. The Vitelli family were the lords of Citta di Castello, a town east of Arezzo, and the Orsini were a powerful Roman family.25. The place of the meeting, the castle of La Magione, belonged to the Cardinal Giambattista Orsini. The place of the meeting, the castle of La Magione, belonged to the Cardinal Giambattista Orsini.26. Cardinal Giambattista Orsini had been one of the cardinals who had voted for the election of Pope Alexander VI, Duke Valentino's father. Paolo Orsini, Francesco Orsini (the Duke of Gravina), and Liverotto da Fermo had been mercenary generals in the service of Duke Valentino. Giampaolo Baglioni had been Lord of Perugia until he was ousted by Cesare Borgia in 1502. Antonio da Venafro was a professor at the University of Siena. Cardinal Giambattista Orsini had been one of the cardinals who had voted for the election of Pope Alexander VI, Duke Valentino's father. Paolo Orsini, Francesco Orsini (the Duke of Gravina), and Liverotto da Fermo had been mercenary generals in the service of Duke Valentino. Giampaolo Baglioni had been Lord of Perugia until he was ousted by Cesare Borgia in 1502. Antonio da Venafro was a professor at the University of Siena.27. Duke Guidobaldo da Montefeltro had been ousted by Cesare Borgia in 1502. Duke Guidobaldo da Montefeltro had been ousted by Cesare Borgia in 1502.28. Cesare Borgia and Giovanni Bentivoglio agreed to the future marriage of Costanzo, Giovanni's nephew, with Angela Borgia-Lanzol, Borgia's niece. The wedding, however, never took place. Cesare Borgia and Giovanni Bentivoglio agreed to the future marriage of Costanzo, Giovanni's nephew, with Angela Borgia-Lanzol, Borgia's niece. The wedding, however, never took place.29. The Comte de Candale had married Anne d'Albret, the sister of Cesare Borgia's wife, Charlotte d'Albret. The Comte de Candale had married Anne d'Albret, the sister of Cesare Borgia's wife, Charlotte d'Albret.30. Don Michele, also known as Don Michelotto, was a mercenary and Cesare Borgia's feared henchman. Monsignor d'Elna, Francisco Galceran de Llori i de Borja, was a cousin of Cesare Borgia. Don Michele, also known as Don Michelotto, was a mercenary and Cesare Borgia's feared henchman. Monsignor d'Elna, Francisco Galceran de Llori i de Borja, was a cousin of Cesare Borgia.31. Pope Alexander VI, Duke Valentino's father. Pope Alexander VI, Duke Valentino's father.

DISCOURSE ON THE A AFFAIRS OF G GERMANY AND I ITS E EMPEROR.

In 1509, Gianvittorio Soderini and Piero Guicciardini sought Machiavelli's advice on the German emperor Maximilian, the Holy Roman Emperor, and his court before setting out from Florence on a diplomatic mission. To oppose Venice, Maximilian had entered into the League of Cambrai with France, Spain, and the pope in 1508. Now Venice had been defeated, and the powers were in negotiations about how to proceed.

- When I returned from Germany last year [1508], I wrote a few things about the emperor of Germany and am not quite sure what else to add: so I shall say only some things about his character. The emperor is a spendthrift without equal, either in our times or in times past. Consequently he is always short of funds, and no sum of money can ever be sufficient, regardless of his situation or fortune. He is changeable: One day he will want something, the next day not. He confers with no one, but believes everyone. He wants all the things he cannot have, but turns his back on anything he can have. Therefore, he invariably reaches contradictory decisions. But he is also a man of military ac.u.men: He keeps his army in excellent order, commands it with justice and discipline, bears fatigue as well as the most indefatigable man, and faces danger with courage, so that as commander he is second to none. He is forthcoming in the audiences that he grants, but will grant them only at his own initiative-nor does he like applications from amba.s.sadors, unless he himself calls them into his presence. He is very secretive. He is in continuous agitation of body and mind, but will often undo in the evening what he has done in the morning. This makes legations to him difficult, because the most important duty of the envoy, whether sent by a prince or a republic, is to conjecture the future through negotiations and incidents. After all, the envoy who conjectures wisely and conveys his conjectures well to his government will a.s.sure his government the advantage, allowing it to take measures at an appropriate time. When the envoy conjectures well, this honors the envoy and his government, but if he conjectures badly he and his government are dishonored. To give you a better example, imagine yourself at a point where either going to war or negotiating is on the table. If you want to perform your duty well, you will have to say that existing opinion favors war as much as it does negotiation. War must be measured by the available forces, money, quality of government, and Fortune. And the side that has most of these is likely to be victorious. After evaluating who might be victorious, the amba.s.sador must make his evaluation understood at home, so that he and his state can better deliberate.

There will now be several negotiations: those between the Venetians and the emperor, those between the emperor and France, those between the emperor and the pope, and those between the emperor and you. When it comes to your negotiations, you ought to have no difficulty making the right conjecture and weighing what the emperor's intentions are, what he really wants, which way his mind is turning, and what might make him move ahead or draw back. Once you have figured this out, you must judge whether it will be more to your advantage to be decisive or to play for time. It will be up to you to reach these decisions within the limits of your mission.

A CAUTION TO THE M MEDICI.

In 1512 the Medici returned to power in Florence, ousting and exiling Piero Soderini, who had been Machiavelli's patron, and whom Machiavelli had served in the highest political capacities. With the return of the Medici, Machiavelli was stripped of all his authority and influence and was forbidden to set foot in the Signoria. "A Caution to the Medici," first published in Italian in 1866 under the t.i.tle Ai Palleschi Ai Palleschi (To the Medici Faction), was a desperate attempt by Machiavelli to regain some of his standing. However, he was to face brief imprisonment and even torture for alleged conspiracy against the Medici, before being temporarily banished from the city (To the Medici Faction), was a desperate attempt by Machiavelli to regain some of his standing. However, he was to face brief imprisonment and even torture for alleged conspiracy against the Medici, before being temporarily banished from the city.

- I wish to caution you against the counsel of those who argue that you would benefit by exposing Piero Soderini's shortcomings in order to blacken his name among the populace, and you would do well to look those individuals carefully in the eye and see what is motivating them. What you will see is that their motivation is not to benefit the new Medici government, but to strengthen their own faction. It does not seem to me that anything for which Piero Soderini might have been at fault would strengthen the position of the new Medici government in the eyes of the people, because the Medici government could easily be suspected and inculpated of the same things as Soderini. Hence, exposing Soderini's defects will not empower this government, but only those who were his enemies, who persistently countered him in Florentine politics.32 The current opinion of the people is that the faction in question wished Soderini ill so it could seize the government for itself. If, however, Soderini could be defamed to the Florentine people, they would say: "The enemies of Soderini were telling the truth! They are, after all, upright citizens who are blackening Soderini because he merits it! If things have turned as they have it is not because they planned it that way."

Consequently the new Medici government, by exposing Soderini, would destroy his reputation but not in any way strengthen its own position, only that of the individuals who were his enemies and who were badmouthing him. These enemies would then have more influence with the populace. This is in no way to the advantage of the Medici government, because it must find a way for this faction to be despised, not prized, by the people, so that the faction will be compelled to maintain its allegiance to the Medici, thus sharing the Medici's good or bad fortune.

If you look into who these people are, you will see that what I am saying is true. As they see it, their having been enemies of Soderini, their faction will have drawn the hatred of the populace upon themselves unless they can now prove that he was evil and deserved their enmity. The reason they want to free themselves of the populace's hatred is so that they can promote their own interests, not those of the Medici. The cause of the tensions between the populace and the Medici is not Soderini or his fall, but simply the change in government. So I repeat: Airing Soderini's defects does not raise the standing of the Medici government but that of Soderini's enemies, while the Medici government would only weaken itself by attacking a man who is in exile and cannot harm it, all the while strengthening individuals who are here in Florence and who have every opportunity to harm the Medici and incite Florence to rise up against their government.

In order to underline my conclusion, I shall say once more: It is not Piero Soderini who is the enemy of this government, but the old order. Therefore, it would benefit this government to a.s.sail the old order, not Soderini. Some individuals who pander both to the populace and the Medici are very hostile to Soderini and would welcome the opportunity to denigrate him so that they can cast off the burden they bear with the people for having been its enemy. But they are doing this for themselves, not for the Medici, nor for those who wish to stand by the Medici in good and bad fortune.

I also wish to clarify this matter in another way. There are some citizens who flock to the Medici because they are anxious for two things: not to be harmed by the Medici by distancing themselves from them, and that if the old order were to return with Piero Soderini in power, not to be exiled from Florence by him. Presenting Soderini as an evil man, so as to make him hated by the people, lessens their fear of him. These citizens hope to succeed to his position should the old order return. In this sense they have less need to support the Medici, and more to hope for by distancing themselves from them. How this is contrary to the benefit of the Medici is plain to see, because the Medici cannot remain in Florence should the old order return, with or without Soderini. Those individuals who want the old order restored would be exiled if Soderini returns, but if the old order is reestablished without Soderini, they will remain in Florence and thrive. This is why they wish to destroy Soderini's standing, so that they can strengthen their own faction, not that of the Medici. This is definitely not to the Medici's advantage. In fact, it is in every possible way most harmful and dangerous for both the House of Medici and its government, as it removes the muzzles from many mouths that will surely and most readily bite them.

32. Machiavelli is referring to the faction of aristocrats. Machiavelli is referring to the faction of aristocrats.

LITERATURE.

Today Machiavelli is considered a giant of political philosophy, his most widely read works being The Prince The Prince and and The Discourses The Discourses, neither of which had been published in his lifetime. In his day, however, Machiavelli was particularly appreciated as a writer of elegant prose and well-crafted tales, a successful playwright, and an original and accomplished poet. A great contemporary of Machiavelli, Mateo Bandello (who wrote the tale of Romeo and Juliet), remembers Giovanni de' Medici asking Machiavelli to entertain the company with one of his delightful "novelle." (Unfortunately, "Belf.a.gor" is the only one that has come down to us). This section offers a glimpse of Machiavelli's literary range.

RULES FOR AN E ELEGANT S SOCIAL C CIRCLE.

"Rules for an Elegant Social Circle" stands out among Machiavelli's preserved works for its biting satire of Florentine mores of the early sixteenth century. It is uncertain when Machiavelli wrote this piece, but as Michelangelo's statue of David is mentioned in the text, it would have been after 1504, which was the year the statue was erected in the Piazza della Signoria.

- A circle of ladies and gentlemen would gather for soirees where they often did amusing things, but often dull things as well. They had not found a way to make the amusing more amusing or the dull less tedious, for though they sometimes thought up little pranks, they never made the effort to carry them out. Finally a quick-witted member of the circle who had some experience in the ways of the world took it upon himself to organize-or I should say codify-some rules for these soirees, so that everyone could contrive this or that diversion for the amus.e.m.e.nt of a lady, a gentleman, or perhaps even both, but then also execute it. It was therefore decided that the circle would submit to the following rules, which were agreed upon by common consent: No gentleman under the age of thirty is to be admitted to the circle, though ladies of any age may attend.

The circle will have a leader-either a lady or a gentleman-who will hold office for eight days. Gentlemen serve as leaders in descending order, from the gentleman with the longest nose to the one with the shortest, while ladies will serve in ascending order, from the lady with the smallest foot to the one with the largest.

Any gentleman or lady who does not within a day broadcast everything said or done at one of the soirees will be punished in the following manner: A lady transgressor will have her slippers nailed in a prominent place for all to see, with a note bearing her name; a gentleman transgressor will find his hose hung prominently inside out for all to observe.

Members of the circle must make a point of speaking badly of one another and revealing one another's sins to any and every stranger, trumpeting said transgressions without restraint.

No gentleman or lady of the circle may go to confession except during Holy Week. Should a lady transgress, she will be obliged to convey the leader of the circle to the confessional, and should a gentleman transgress, the leader of the circle will convey him there whenever he sees fit. (A blind confessor ought to be chosen, and if he is hard of hearing, too, even better.) On no account must any member say a good word about another, otherwise he or she must submit to the above punishment.

If any of the gentlemen or ladies deem themselves uncommonly good-looking, and two witnesses can be found, the lady will be obliged to reveal her leg up to four finger widths above the knee, while the gentleman will have to reveal whether he is sporting a handkerchief or the like in his codpiece.

The ladies will be obliged to go to the church of the Friars of the Servi1 at least four times a month, or at any other time members of the circle tell them to go. Should they fail to do so, they will have to go twice as often. at least four times a month, or at any other time member