The Essential Writings Of Machiavelli Part 10

1.

The serious enmity between the populace and the n.o.bles, which arises from the desire of the n.o.bles to command and that of the populace not to obey, is the cause of all the evils that occur in a city18 It is this diversity of humors which feeds everything that throws republics into turmoil. It kept Rome disunited, and, if one may compare lesser things with greater, it is what kept Florence divided, even though the results were different in the two cities: In Rome the divisions that initially existed between the n.o.bles and the populace were settled by debate, while in Florence they were settled by combat. The enmity between the two factions in Rome ended in new laws, while that in Florence ended in the banishment and death of many citizens. The enmity within Rome invariably increased her military skill, while that within Florence was crushed by its opposing factions. The divisions in Rome led from a state of equality among its citizens to a momentous inequality, those in Florence from a state of inequality to an admirable equality. This diversity of effects must have sprung from the different aims of the two peoples. While the populace of Rome strove to enjoy the supreme honors together with the n.o.bles, the populace of Florence fought to govern Florence on its own without the partic.i.p.ation of the n.o.bles. As the desire of the Roman populace was more reasonable, the n.o.bles came to see the populace's a.s.saults as more bearable, and ceded easily, without taking up arms. Consequently, after some disputes and debates, populace and n.o.bles came together to produce a law that satisfied the former and allowed the latter to keep their status. In contrast, the desires of the Florentine populace were harmful and unjust, so that the n.o.bility prepared itself for its defense with greater forces, the result being bloodshed and the exile of citizens. The laws that were consequently enacted were not for the common good, but entirely in favor of the victor. It is this diversity of humors which feeds everything that throws republics into turmoil. It kept Rome disunited, and, if one may compare lesser things with greater, it is what kept Florence divided, even though the results were different in the two cities: In Rome the divisions that initially existed between the n.o.bles and the populace were settled by debate, while in Florence they were settled by combat. The enmity between the two factions in Rome ended in new laws, while that in Florence ended in the banishment and death of many citizens. The enmity within Rome invariably increased her military skill, while that within Florence was crushed by its opposing factions. The divisions in Rome led from a state of equality among its citizens to a momentous inequality, those in Florence from a state of inequality to an admirable equality. This diversity of effects must have sprung from the different aims of the two peoples. While the populace of Rome strove to enjoy the supreme honors together with the n.o.bles, the populace of Florence fought to govern Florence on its own without the partic.i.p.ation of the n.o.bles. As the desire of the Roman populace was more reasonable, the n.o.bles came to see the populace's a.s.saults as more bearable, and ceded easily, without taking up arms. Consequently, after some disputes and debates, populace and n.o.bles came together to produce a law that satisfied the former and allowed the latter to keep their status. In contrast, the desires of the Florentine populace were harmful and unjust, so that the n.o.bility prepared itself for its defense with greater forces, the result being bloodshed and the exile of citizens. The laws that were consequently enacted were not for the common good, but entirely in favor of the victor.

As a result of the victories of the populace, the city of Rome became more adept and expert. Because the populace could serve along with the n.o.bles in the administration of the magistracies, the army, and the provinces, they could acquire the same skill as the n.o.bles, and as the expertise of Rome grew, so did its might. But in Florence, when the populace was victorious, the n.o.bility was deprived of magistracies, and if they wanted to regain them, it was necessary for the n.o.bles not only to be like men of the populace in their behavior, spirit, and manner of living, but also to be seen to be like them. From this arose those changes in the coats of arms and the t.i.tles of families which the n.o.bles adopted in order to seem part of the populace. Hence the military prowess and generosity of spirit that had resided in the n.o.bility was extinguished, while it could not be rekindled in the populace since these qualities had never existed. So Florence became increasingly humble and wretched. But while in Rome the n.o.bles' skill turned into arrogance, so that Rome reached a point where it could not exist without a prince, Florence was in a position where a wise lawgiver could inst.i.tute any form of government.

BOOK VII.

33.

[...] Cola Montano was a man of letters and great ambition who taught Latin to the foremost youths of Milan. Either from hatred of the ways of Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan, or for some other reason, he was always arguing how detestable life was under a bad prince, and how lucky were those whom Nature and Fortune had granted the privilege of being born and living in a republic. He claimed that all famous men had been raised in republics, not in princ.i.p.alities, because republics reared skilled men while princ.i.p.alities destroyed them. Republics drew advantage from a man's skill, while princ.i.p.alities feared it.

The youths to whom Cola Montano was closest were Giovannandrea Lampognano, Carlo Visconti, and Girolamo Olgiato. He often discussed the duke's evil nature with them, and the misfortune of those who were under his rule, and his confidence in these young men's spirit and will grew so strong that he had them swear that once they were old enough, they would free their city from the tyranny of this prince. The young men were enthralled by the desire for freedom, which grew within them as the years pa.s.sed. This desire was quickened by the duke's evil deeds and the harm he did the young men and their families, making them all the more resolved to carry out the conspiracy. Duke Galeazzo was profligate and cruel, and the ample evidence he had given of this inspired the hatred of all. Not content with corrupting n.o.ble ladies, he also took pleasure in humiliating them in public, nor was he content with murdering men unless he could do so in some cruel fashion. The rumor followed him that he had killed his own mother, for it was said that he did not consider himself a ruler as long as she was alive. He comported himself in such a way that she withdrew to her residence in Cremona, which had been part of her dowry, but on her way there she was seized by a sudden illness and died. Many subsequently claimed that her son had had her killed. Duke Galeazzo had dishonored the women of Carlo's and Girolamo's families, and had refused to give Giovannandrea possession of the abbey of Miramondo, as the pontiff had a.s.signed it to one of the duke's close relatives instead.

These personal injuries fanned the young men's desire for vengeance and for delivering their city from so many evils, and they hoped that if they succeeded in killing the duke they would be supported by much of the n.o.bility and the entire populace. Determined to proceed with their plot, they often met together, which, since they were all old friends, did not arouse any suspicion. They discussed the matter in great detail, and to strengthen their spirit for the deed practiced striking each other in the side and the chest with the sheaths of the daggers they were intending to use. They debated the best time and place for the deed: The castle did not seem safe, a hunting expedition was uncertain and dangerous, and the duke's strolls through the city seemed difficult, offering scant prospect for success, as did a.s.sa.s.sinating him at a banquet. The young men therefore decided to a.s.sa.s.sinate the duke at some public ceremony which he would definitely attend, and where they and their supporters could gather without arousing suspicion. They also decided that should one of them be seized or arrested for whatever reason, the others would draw their swords and kill the duke, even if they were surrounded by the duke's armed guard.

34.

The year 1476 was drawing to a close and the Christmas feast was approaching. On Saint Stephen's Day the duke was accustomed to proceed with great pomp to the church of that martyred saint, and the conspirators decided that this would be the best moment to carry out their design. On the morning of the saint's day they armed some of their most trusted friends and servants, announcing that they were going to the a.s.sistance of Giovannandrea, who wanted to build an aqueduct leading onto his estate against the wishes of some of his neighbors. They led their armed men to the church, alleging that they wished to request permission from the prince before setting out. Under various pretexts they also gathered together other friends and kinsmen at the church, hoping that when the deed was done everyone would follow them in the rest of their enterprise. Their aim, after the duke's death, was to a.s.semble their armed followers and march to those parts of the city where they believed they could easily incite the plebeians to take up arms against the d.u.c.h.ess19 and the leaders of the state. The starving populace, they believed, would readily follow them, as they planned to allow them to plunder the houses of Messer Cecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, and Francesco Lucani, all leaders of the state, and in this way secure themselves and restore liberty to the populace. and the leaders of the state. The starving populace, they believed, would readily follow them, as they planned to allow them to plunder the houses of Messer Cecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, and Francesco Lucani, all leaders of the state, and in this way secure themselves and restore liberty to the populace.

The young men's plan was fixed, and they were resolved to carry it out. Giovannandrea and the others went to the church early and heard Ma.s.s together, after which Giovannandrea turned to a statue of Saint Ambrose and said: "Patron of our city! You know our intention and what we are striving for with such great danger to ourselves. Favor our enterprise, and prove by your support of justice that you despise injustice!"

Meanwhile, as the duke was preparing to set out for the church, he encountered many omens of impending death. At daybreak, when he was dressing, he put on his cuira.s.s as he often did, but then immediately took it off again, either because it was uncomfortable or because he did not like its appearance. He then decided to have Ma.s.s read at the castle instead, but found that his chaplain had left for the Church of Saint Stephen with all the sacral vessels. He then asked the Bishop of Como to celebrate the Ma.s.s instead, but the bishop was unable to. Consequently, it was almost as if the duke was being forced to go to the church. Before he left, he had his sons Giovangaleazzo and Ermes come to him, and embraced and kissed them many times, as if he could not part from them. But finally, having decided to go, he left the castle and walked to the church with the emissaries of Ferrara and Mantua on either side.

In the meantime, to excite less suspicion and escape the intense cold, the conspirators retired to the chamber of the archpriest, who was their friend, but on hearing the duke approach they returned to the church. Giovannandrea and Girolamo positioned themselves to the right of the entrance, Carlo to the left. Those preceding the duke had already entered and were then followed by the duke himself, who was surrounded by a great crowd, as was to be expected in a solemn ducal procession. The first to move were Lampognano and Girolamo, pretending to clear the way for the duke. Once they were close enough, they grasped the short sharp knives hidden in their sleeves and struck at him. Lampognano inflicted two wounds, one in the belly, the other in the throat; Girolamo also struck the duke in the throat and in the chest. Carlo Visconti was standing closer to the door, and as the duke had already pa.s.sed by when the others attacked, Visconti could not wound him in front, but with two blows pierced his back and shoulder. These six wounds were so rapid and sudden that the duke fell to the ground before anyone realized what was happening-nor could the duke do or say anything, except call out a single time to the Virgin Mary for help.

With the duke on the ground a great commotion broke out: Swords were drawn, and as happens at unforeseen events, some ran from the church and others ran blindly toward the uproar without anyone knowing what was happening. Nevertheless, those closest to the duke who had seen him slain recognized the murderers and pursued them. Giovannandrea tried to push his way out of the church through the large crowd of women who were sitting on the floor, as was their practice, but he became tangled in their dresses and was slain by a Moor, one of the duke's manservants. Carlo too was killed by the men around him. Girolamo Olgiato, on the other hand, managed to make his way through the crowd and out of the church. On seeing his companions dead, and not knowing where to flee, he ran home, where his father and brothers refused to receive him: Only his mother showed compa.s.sion, and entrusted Girolamo to a priest, an old family friend who disguised him in his robes and led him to his house. There Girolamo remained for two days, still hoping that some uprising in Milan might save him. But there was no uprising, so he tried to escape in disguise, afraid that sooner or later he would be discovered at the priest's house. But he was recognized and handed over to the magistrates, to whom he revealed all the details of the conspiracy. Girolamo was twenty-three years old, and he showed as much spirit at his death as he had during the conspiracy. Finding himself stripped before his executioner, who stood knife in hand, Girolamo, a man of letters, spoke the following words in Latin: Mors acerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti? Mors acerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti?20 The endeavor of these unfortunate young men was planned in secrecy and carried out with spirit, and they failed only when those who they expected would follow and defend them neither followed nor defended them. A prince should therefore learn to live in a manner that will make him loved and revered, so that no one who intends to a.s.sa.s.sinate him can hope to escape. Conspirators, on the other hand, should be aware of the futility of trusting the mult.i.tude, and of believing that even when malcontent the people will follow or join them in their perilous undertakings.21 All Italy was alarmed by this event, but alarmed even more by the events in Florence that were soon to follow, events that ended a peace in Italy that had lasted for twelve years, as I shall show in the following book, which might have a sad and tearful ending, but will commence with bloodshed and terror. All Italy was alarmed by this event, but alarmed even more by the events in Florence that were soon to follow, events that ended a peace in Italy that had lasted for twelve years, as I shall show in the following book, which might have a sad and tearful ending, but will commence with bloodshed and terror.

BOOK VIII.

1.

The beginning of this eighth book falls between two conspiracies: one in Milan, which I have just described, and the other, which I will now describe, in Florence. Hence it would seem fitting, should I follow my usual practice, to discuss the nature of conspiracies and their significance. I would do this quite readily if I had not already discussed the matter elsewhere,22 or if it were the kind of subject one could touch on briefly. But as the nature of conspiracies and their significance deserve extensive consideration and have already been discussed in another place, I leave them aside and move on. or if it were the kind of subject one could touch on briefly. But as the nature of conspiracies and their significance deserve extensive consideration and have already been discussed in another place, I leave them aside and move on.

The Medici had now crushed all the enemies who had challenged them openly, but in order for this family to wield exclusive power in Florence and distinguish themselves from other families in civic life, the Medici also needed to overcome enemies who were plotting against them secretly. When the Medici had been vying with other families of equal influence and standing, citizens who envied their power were able to oppose them openly without having to fear that they would be crushed at the first sign of opposition, since at that point the magistrates were independent and no faction had reason to be afraid until they actually lost. But after the victory of 146623 the government was almost entirely in the hands of the Medici, who had acquired so much power that those who were dissatisfied either had to suffer in patience or, if they wanted to destroy the Medici's power, had to try doing so through secret means and conspiracy. But conspiracies barely ever succeed, more often than not bringing ruin to the conspirators and greatness to those they conspire against. As a result, when in such a conspiracy a prince is attacked and is not killed (the a.s.sa.s.sination of the Duke of Milan was a rare exception), the prince emerges with greater power, and frequently, even if he was a good man before the conspiracy, will turn evil. This happens because conspiracies give the prince reason to fear, and fear gives him reason to secure himself, and securing himself gives him reason to harm others, from which arises hatred and, often enough, the prince's ruin. Hence these conspiracies quickly crush those who conspire, while those who are conspired against will with time inevitably cause harm. the government was almost entirely in the hands of the Medici, who had acquired so much power that those who were dissatisfied either had to suffer in patience or, if they wanted to destroy the Medici's power, had to try doing so through secret means and conspiracy. But conspiracies barely ever succeed, more often than not bringing ruin to the conspirators and greatness to those they conspire against. As a result, when in such a conspiracy a prince is attacked and is not killed (the a.s.sa.s.sination of the Duke of Milan was a rare exception), the prince emerges with greater power, and frequently, even if he was a good man before the conspiracy, will turn evil. This happens because conspiracies give the prince reason to fear, and fear gives him reason to secure himself, and securing himself gives him reason to harm others, from which arises hatred and, often enough, the prince's ruin. Hence these conspiracies quickly crush those who conspire, while those who are conspired against will with time inevitably cause harm.

2.

Italy was, as I have already shown, divided into two factions: Pope Sixtus IV and King Ferdinand on one side, and the Venetians, the duke, and the Florentines on the other. Though all-out war between the factions had not yet broken out, every day there were new grounds for such an event, the pope, particularly, endeavoring in all his enterprises to harm the government of Florence. Hence at the death of Filippo de' Medici, the Archbishop of Pisa, the pope bestowed the Archbishopric on Francesco Salviati, who he knew was an enemy of the Medici. The Signoria of Florence24 was opposed to this and refused to grant Salviati accession to this office, which resulted in considerable turmoil between the pope and the Signoria. The pope also bestowed the greatest favors on the Pazzi in Rome, disfavoring the Medici at every opportunity. was opposed to this and refused to grant Salviati accession to this office, which resulted in considerable turmoil between the pope and the Signoria. The pope also bestowed the greatest favors on the Pazzi in Rome, disfavoring the Medici at every opportunity.

In that era the Pazzi, through their wealth and n.o.bility, were the foremost family of Florence. The head of the house of Pazzi was Messer Iacopo, who had been made a cavaliere cavaliere by the people on account of his wealth and n.o.bility. He had no children except a natural daughter, but had many nephews born to his brothers Messers Piero and Antonio. The foremost of these were Guglielmo, Francesco, Rinato, and Giovanni, and after them in rank came Andrea, Niccolo, and Galeotto. Cosimo de' Medici, seeing their wealth and n.o.bility, had given his niece Bianca in marriage to Guglielmo de' Pazzi in the hope that this alliance would bring the two houses closer, removing the enmity and hatred that is so often sparked by distrust. by the people on account of his wealth and n.o.bility. He had no children except a natural daughter, but had many nephews born to his brothers Messers Piero and Antonio. The foremost of these were Guglielmo, Francesco, Rinato, and Giovanni, and after them in rank came Andrea, Niccolo, and Galeotto. Cosimo de' Medici, seeing their wealth and n.o.bility, had given his niece Bianca in marriage to Guglielmo de' Pazzi in the hope that this alliance would bring the two houses closer, removing the enmity and hatred that is so often sparked by distrust.

However, our designs frequently tend to be uncertain and false, and this alliance brought unexpected consequences, for Lorenzo de' Medici's advisers drew his attention to how very dangerous and detrimental to his authority it was to unite wealth and status in a citizen. The result was that neither Messer Iacopo nor his nephews were given the ranks and honors they merited in relation to the other citizens. This sparked the first indignation in the Pazzi and the first fear in the Medici, and as one of these grew it gave fodder to the other to grow as well. Now whenever the Pazzi had a dispute with any citizen, the magistracy invariably ruled against the Pazzi. Once, when Francesco de' Pazzi was in Rome, the Council of Eight25 forced him to return to Florence on some trivial matter without granting him the respect usually accorded to a dignitary, so that the Pazzi continuously complained with injurious and indignant words that increased people's suspicion of the Medici, and in turn increased the damage the Medici did to the Pazzi. Giovanni de' Pazzi had married the daughter of Giovanni Buonromei, a very wealthy man whose estate after his death came to his daughter, as he had no other children. Yet Giovanni Buonromei's nephew Carlo seized part of the estate, and when the matter was brought before the magistrates, Giovanni de' Pazzi's wife was stripped of her father's inheritance, which was granted to Carlo. The Pazzi saw this as the work of the Medici. In fact, Giuliano de' Medici often complained to his brother Lorenzo that he feared that should the Medici set their eyes on too much, they might well lose everything. forced him to return to Florence on some trivial matter without granting him the respect usually accorded to a dignitary, so that the Pazzi continuously complained with injurious and indignant words that increased people's suspicion of the Medici, and in turn increased the damage the Medici did to the Pazzi. Giovanni de' Pazzi had married the daughter of Giovanni Buonromei, a very wealthy man whose estate after his death came to his daughter, as he had no other children. Yet Giovanni Buonromei's nephew Carlo seized part of the estate, and when the matter was brought before the magistrates, Giovanni de' Pazzi's wife was stripped of her father's inheritance, which was granted to Carlo. The Pazzi saw this as the work of the Medici. In fact, Giuliano de' Medici often complained to his brother Lorenzo that he feared that should the Medici set their eyes on too much, they might well lose everything.

3.

But Lorenzo, flushed with power and youth, wanted to control everything and be the one to bestow or withhold all favors and honors. The Pazzi, with all their n.o.bility and wealth, were unwilling to endure the many wrongs against them, and began to consider how they could avenge themselves against the Medici. Francesco de' Pazzi was the first to broach the subject. He was more spirited and fiery than the rest, so much so that he was intent on either gaining what he did not have, or losing all he did have. He so hated the rulers of Florence that he lived almost exclusively in Rome, where, as was customary with Florentine merchants, he worked with a great amount of capital. And as he was a close friend of Count Girolamo,26 they frequently complained to each other about the Medici, and after much complaining came to the conclusion that it would be necessary, should the count wish to live securely on his estates and Francesco in Florence, to change the Florentine government. This, they believed, could not be done without the deaths of Giuliano and Lorenzo de' Medici. They were certain that the pope and King Ferdinand would readily consent to their plan once they saw how easily it could be accomplished. they frequently complained to each other about the Medici, and after much complaining came to the conclusion that it would be necessary, should the count wish to live securely on his estates and Francesco in Florence, to change the Florentine government. This, they believed, could not be done without the deaths of Giuliano and Lorenzo de' Medici. They were certain that the pope and King Ferdinand would readily consent to their plan once they saw how easily it could be accomplished.

Francesco de' Pazzi and Count Girolamo spoke of their plan to Francesco Salviati, the archbishop of Pisa, who was exceedingly ambitious and had recently been offended by the Medici.27 He readily joined in the conspiracy, and they discussed among themselves what to do next. They decided to involve Iacopo de' Pazzi, without whom they believed they could not carry out their plan. The best tactic seemed for Francesco de' Pazzi to go to Florence while Archbishop Salviati and Count Girolamo remained in Rome so they would be close to the pope when the time came to approach him. Francesco de' Pazzi found Messer Iacopo de' Pazzi more cautious and inflexible than he would have liked, and on informing the others of this in Rome, it was decided that some greater authority would be necessary to draw him into the scheme. Consequently, the archbishop and the count approached Giovan van Battista da Montesecco, an ill.u.s.trious He readily joined in the conspiracy, and they discussed among themselves what to do next. They decided to involve Iacopo de' Pazzi, without whom they believed they could not carry out their plan. The best tactic seemed for Francesco de' Pazzi to go to Florence while Archbishop Salviati and Count Girolamo remained in Rome so they would be close to the pope when the time came to approach him. Francesco de' Pazzi found Messer Iacopo de' Pazzi more cautious and inflexible than he would have liked, and on informing the others of this in Rome, it was decided that some greater authority would be necessary to draw him into the scheme. Consequently, the archbishop and the count approached Giovan van Battista da Montesecco, an ill.u.s.trious condottiere condottiere in the service of the pope, who was under obligation to both the pope and the count. Da Montesecco pointed out the difficulties and dangers of the scheme, but the archbishop strove to make light of them by calling attention to the backing of the pope and the king, the hatred of the citizens of Florence for the Medici, and the powerful houses of Salviati and Pazzi. The archbishop also noted the ease with which the Medici could be killed, as they went about town incautiously and without a guard, and how easily the government could be changed once the Medici were dead. Da Montesecco was not entirely convinced, as he had heard a quite different tale from many Florentines. in the service of the pope, who was under obligation to both the pope and the count. Da Montesecco pointed out the difficulties and dangers of the scheme, but the archbishop strove to make light of them by calling attention to the backing of the pope and the king, the hatred of the citizens of Florence for the Medici, and the powerful houses of Salviati and Pazzi. The archbishop also noted the ease with which the Medici could be killed, as they went about town incautiously and without a guard, and how easily the government could be changed once the Medici were dead. Da Montesecco was not entirely convinced, as he had heard a quite different tale from many Florentines.

4.

While they were engaged in these deliberations, Duke Carlo Manfredi of Faenza fell so ill that it was believed he was about to die. This offered the archbishop and the count the opportunity to send Giovan Battista da Montesecco to Florence and from there to the Romagna, under the pretext of retaking the territories that Duke Carlo had seized from Count Girolamo. The count commissioned da Montesecco to speak to Lorenzo de' Medici and to ask him on his behalf for advice on how to handle the matter of the Romagna, and then, together with Francesco de' Pazzi, to attempt to induce Messer Iacopo de' Pazzi to partic.i.p.ate in the conspiracy. In order to impress Messer Iacopo with the authority of the pope, they asked da Montesecco before his departure to speak to the pontiff, who made the greatest offers he could in favor of the enterprise.28 On arriving in Florence, Giovan Battista approached Lorenzo de' Medici, who received him very warmly and offered him wise and gracious advice. Da Montesecco found himself filled with admiration for Lorenzo, who seemed a quite different man from what he had been led to expect. In fact da Montesecco thought him courteous, wise, and well disposed toward Count Girolamo. Nevertheless, da Montesecco was resolved to meet with Francesco de' Pazzi, but as Francesco had left for Lucca, he decided to speak to Messer Iacopo on his own, finding him initially quite averse to the conspiracy. All the same, before they parted company, da Montesecco saw that his invocation of the pope's authority seemed to have moved Messer Iacopo to some extent. Messer Iacopo told da Montesecco to go to the Romagna, and that by the time he returned Francesco would also have returned from Lucca, at which point they could discuss the matter in greater detail.

When da Montesecco returned to Florence from the Romagna he feigned further consultation with Lorenzo de' Medici about Count Girolamo's affairs, after which he and Messer Francesco met with Messer Iacopo and did not relent until he agreed to join the conspiracy. They then discussed how it was to be carried out. Messer Iacopo did not believe they would succeed if both Medici brothers were in Florence, and suggested they wait until Lorenzo went to Rome, a journey it was rumored that he was planning. Messer Francesco liked the idea, but suggested that in the event that Lorenzo did not go to Rome, both Medici brothers could be a.s.sa.s.sinated at a wedding, at a tournament, or in a church. As for a.s.sistance from outside, he felt that the pope could gather an army under the pretext of a campaign against the town of Montone, which the pope had every reason to seize from Count Carlo, who had caused the troubles in Siena and Perugia that I have already mentioned. Nevertheless, nothing was decided except that Francesco de' Pazzi and da Montesecco would go to Rome and arrange everything with Count Girolamo and the pope.

The matter was once more discussed in Rome, and it was finally decided that when the pope's expedition against Montone was over, Giovan Francesco da Tolentino, one of the pope's soldiers, would go to the Romagna, and that Messer Lorenzo da Castello29 would go to Castello. The two men would gather troops provided by their territories and wait for an order from Archbishop Salviati and Francesco de' Pazzi, who had come to Florence with Giovan Battista da Montesecco, to see to any details necessary for the execution of the plan. King Ferdinand, too, promised through an emissary all the help he could. would go to Castello. The two men would gather troops provided by their territories and wait for an order from Archbishop Salviati and Francesco de' Pazzi, who had come to Florence with Giovan Battista da Montesecco, to see to any details necessary for the execution of the plan. King Ferdinand, too, promised through an emissary all the help he could.

Archbishop Salviati and Francesco de' Pazzi arrived in Florence and drew into the conspiracy Iacopo di Poggio,30 a young man of letters who was, however, very ambitious and eager for change, and two Iacopo Salviatis, one a brother of Archbishop Salviati and the other a kinsman. They also involved Bernardo Bandini and Napoleone Franzesi, spirited young men indebted to the Pazzi family. As for men from outside Florence, beside those already mentioned, they also drew in Antonio da Volterra and a priest by the name of Stefano, who taught Latin to Iacopo de' Pazzi's daughter. Rinato de' Pazzi, a grave and prudent man who was quite aware of the dangers that can arise from such undertakings, was against the conspiracy; in fact he detested it, and tried to thwart it as best he could, short of endangering his family and friends. a young man of letters who was, however, very ambitious and eager for change, and two Iacopo Salviatis, one a brother of Archbishop Salviati and the other a kinsman. They also involved Bernardo Bandini and Napoleone Franzesi, spirited young men indebted to the Pazzi family. As for men from outside Florence, beside those already mentioned, they also drew in Antonio da Volterra and a priest by the name of Stefano, who taught Latin to Iacopo de' Pazzi's daughter. Rinato de' Pazzi, a grave and prudent man who was quite aware of the dangers that can arise from such undertakings, was against the conspiracy; in fact he detested it, and tried to thwart it as best he could, short of endangering his family and friends.

5.

The pope had sent Raffaello Riario, a nephew of Count Girolamo, to the University of Pisa to study canon law, and while he was still studying had advanced him to the rank of cardinal. The conspirators decided that they would invite the young cardinal to Florence, where his arrival would act as cover for the conspiracy. This way, any number of conspirators from outside Florence could be brought into the city concealed among his retinue.

The cardinal arrived in Florence and was received by Iacopo de' Pazzi at his villa Montughi outside the city. The conspirators also wanted to use the cardinal's arrival as pretext for a banquet where Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici could be a.s.sa.s.sinated. They therefore arranged for the Medici to invite the cardinal to their villa at Fiesole, but Giuliano de' Medici, either deliberately or by chance, did not attend. When this plan proved futile, the conspirators decided that if they invited the Medici to a banquet in Florence, both brothers would be compelled to attend, and they set Sunday, the twenty-sixth of April of the year 1478, for the feast.

The conspirators, intending to kill the Medici brothers during the dinner, met in the evening on Sat.u.r.day to arrange what each would do on the following day. The next morning, however, Francesco was informed that Giuliano de' Medici would not be attending the feast, and the chief conspirators met again and decided that they could not defer carrying out the conspiracy, as it would be impossible with so many individuals now involved for the plot not to be exposed. They therefore decided to kill the Medici brothers in the Cathedral of Santa Reparata, where it was their custom to go, and where the young cardinal would also be present. They wanted da Montesecco to carry out the murder of Lorenzo, while Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini would carry out that of Giuliano. But da Montesecco refused to undertake the murder, either because his meetings with Lorenzo had caused him to warm toward him or for some other reason, but he told the conspirators that he did not have the spirit to commit such a violent act in a church, adding sacrilege to betrayal.31 This led to the ruin of the conspiracy, because as time was pressing, the conspirators were compelled to give the task to Antonio da Volterra and Stefano the priest, both utterly unsuited by nature and inclination to such a deed. For if there was ever a deed that demanded great courage and an unwavering spirit strengthened by much experience of life and death, it was an a.s.sa.s.sination such as this, where one might see even the courage of battle-scarred men falter. This led to the ruin of the conspiracy, because as time was pressing, the conspirators were compelled to give the task to Antonio da Volterra and Stefano the priest, both utterly unsuited by nature and inclination to such a deed. For if there was ever a deed that demanded great courage and an unwavering spirit strengthened by much experience of life and death, it was an a.s.sa.s.sination such as this, where one might see even the courage of battle-scarred men falter.

Resolved to carry out the a.s.sa.s.sination, they chose as a signal the moment when the priest would take communion during High Ma.s.s. At that instant, Archbishop Salviati, along with his followers and Iacopo di Poggio, was to take possession of the Signoria, so that after the Medici brothers' death the magistrates would stand by the conspirators, either voluntarily or through force.

6.

The conspirators now proceeded to the church, where the cardinal and Lorenzo de' Medici were already present. The church was crowded, and the divine service had commenced before Giuliano de' Medici arrived. Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, who had been a.s.signed to murder him, went to his house to find him, and enticed him to the church with much artistry. It is striking that Francesco and Bernardo were able to conceal so much hatred and violent intent with so much spirit and flinty courage, for as they led Giuliano de' Medici to the church they entertained him with jests and puerile banter. Francesco was quite willing, under the pretense of friendship, to throw his arms around Giuliano and press him close to see if he was wearing a protective cuira.s.s or the like beneath his garments. The Medici knew the bitterness of the Pazzi toward them, and knew that the Pazzi wanted to undermine their power over the government; but they did not fear for their lives, as they believed that though the Pazzi would doubtless try to counter them, they would do so by means of civil authority and not through violence. Thus the young Medici, not fearing for their safety, were happy enough to join the Pazzi in their pretense of friendship.

The a.s.sa.s.sins were ready: some at the side of Lorenzo de' Medici, where they could stand easily and without raising suspicion on account of the large crowd in the church, the other a.s.sa.s.sins next to Giuliano. At the prearranged moment, Bernardo Bandini struck Giuliano in the chest with a dagger, Giuliano collapsing after a few steps. Francesco de' Pazzi then threw himself upon the body, stabbing it again and again, so blinded by rage that he severely wounded himself in the leg. Messer Antonio da Volterra and Stefano the priest attacked Lorenzo, but after repeated blows only wounded him with a slight cut on the neck, either because of their lack of skill or because of Lorenzo's spirit, for Lorenzo used his arms and the help of those around him to defend himself, rendering all the attempts of his attackers futile. They fled in terror and hid, though they were soon found and killed in a most humiliating manner, their bodies dragged through the city. Lorenzo, on the other hand, surrounded by his friends, locked himself in the sacristy of the church. Bernardo Bandini, seeing Giuliano de' Medici dead, also killed Francesco Nori, who was very close to the Medici, either out of longtime enmity or because Nori had tried to come to Giuliano's aid. Not content with these two murders, Bernardo Bandini ran in search of Lorenzo, intending to make up with his courage and speed for the ineffective attempts of the others. But finding that Lorenzo was hidden in the sacristy, he could do nothing. In the midst of these grave and violent events, which were so terrible that it seemed as if the church would come tumbling down, young Cardinal Riario clung to the altar, where the priests vied to protect him, until the Signoria, once the uproar died down, led him to their palace. There he remained in terror for his life until he was set free.

7.

During that era there were in Florence a number of exiles from Perugia who had been driven from their homes by factional feuds, and the Pazzi secured their a.s.sistance by promising to help restore Perugia to their faction. Archbishop Salviati, who had set out with Iacopo di Poggio to seize the palace of the Signoria, had also taken with him his allies, his two Salviati kinsmen, and the exiles from Perugia. At the palace he left some of his men below, with orders that the moment they heard a noise they should immediately seize the gate. In the meantime, he and most of the Perugians went to the upper floors, where they found the magistrates of the Signoria at dinner, as the hour was late. Cesare Petrucci, the Gonfalonier of Justice,32 asked him in, and he entered with only a few of his men, leaving the others outside, most of whom ended up locking themselves in the chancery because the doors were such that once they fell shut they could not be opened from either side without a key. asked him in, and he entered with only a few of his men, leaving the others outside, most of whom ended up locking themselves in the chancery because the doors were such that once they fell shut they could not be opened from either side without a key.

Archbishop Salviati stepped up to the Gonfalonier under the pretense of bringing him a message from the pope, but began talking with such faltering and jumbled words, and such a suspicious expression on his face, that the Gonfalonier ran shouting out of the chamber and, coming upon Iacopo di Poggio in the hall, grabbed him by the hair and dragged him to his sergeants. The gentlemen of the Signoria raised the alarm, and with whatever arms were at hand immediately killed or pushed out the windows all the men who had followed the archbishop into the palace, some of whom had been locked up, others overcome by terror. Archbishop Salviati, the two Iacopo Salviatis, and Iacopo di Poggio were hanged. But the men who had been left below in the palace had overcome the guards, taken control of the gate, and occupied all the lower floors, so that armed citizens who came running at the uproar could not offer their help to the Signoria, nor could unarmed citizens offer their support.

8.

Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini were gripped by fear, seeing Lorenzo de' Medici safe and Francesco himself, who bore the entire weight of the conspiracy, severely wounded. Bernardo was quick to apply the same frankness of spirit to his safety as he had to harming the Medici: Seeing that all was lost, he managed to escape unharmed. Francesco, on the other hand, returned wounded to his house and tried to mount his horse, as the plan had been that he would ride through the city with his armed men, rousing the populace to arms and liberty. But as his wound was too severe and he had lost too much blood, he could not get into the saddle. So he undressed and threw himself naked upon his bed, entreating Iacopo de' Pazzi to ride out in his stead.

Messer Iacopo, though old and unaccustomed to turmoil, mounted his horse in a final attempt to right their fortunes, and with about a hundred armed men a.s.sembled beforehand for the enterprise, rode out onto the piazza before the palace of the Signoria, calling out to the populace and to Liberty to come to his aid. But neither the one nor the other responded, for the populace had been rendered deaf by the fortune and munificence of the Medici, while Liberty was unknown in Florence. Only the gentlemen of the Signoria, who were masters of the upper floor of the palace, responded, greeting him with stones and attempting to intimidate him with threats. While Messer Iacopo wavered on the piazza, he was met by his brother-in-law Giovanni Serristori, who first reproached him for the mayhem he and his conspirators had unleashed, and then urged him to go home, a.s.suring him that Liberty and the cause of the populace were as much in the hearts of other citizens as they were in his. But Messer Iacopo was deprived of all hope: The magistrates of the Signoria were hostile to his cause, Lorenzo de' Medici was alive, Francesco de' Pazzi was wounded, and no one was prepared to follow or support him. Not knowing what else to do, he decided to try to save himself by flight, and so rode out of Florence and headed to the Romagna with his company of armed men.

9.

Meanwhile the whole city had erupted in turmoil, and Lorenzo de' Medici, accompanied by a crowd of armed men, had withdrawn to his house. The populace retook the palace of the Signoria, and all the conspirators who had occupied it were either taken prisoner or killed. All Florence called out the name of Medici in praise, and the limbs of the dead were speared on lances or dragged through the streets. The whole city pursued the Pazzi with words of rage and acts of cruelty. The populace seized their houses, and Francesco was dragged naked from his bed and led to the Signoria, where he was hanged next to Archbishop Salviati and the other conspirators. As Francesco was being dragged to the piazza, no amount of violent words or acts could induce him to say a single word-he only sighed quietly, fixing those around him with unwavering eyes.

Guglielmo de' Pazzi, Lorenzo de' Medici's brother-in-law, fled to Lorenzo's house, and escaped death through his innocence and the intercession of his wife, Bianca. All the citizens, armed and unarmed, came to Lorenzo during those trying days, and every one of them offered his support, so great were the fortune and grace the Medici had secured through prudence and bounty.

During these events, Rinato de' Pazzi had withdrawn to his villa. On hearing what had happened he attempted to escape in disguise, but was recognized, arrested, and taken back to Florence. Messer Iacopo de' Pazzi was also seized while crossing the Apennines, because the local people, having heard of the a.s.sa.s.sination and seeing him in flight, seized him and returned him to Florence. He kept begging his captors to kill him by the roadside, but to no avail. Messers Iacopo and Rinato were condemned to death within four days of the conspiracy, and despite the widespread slaughter and the streets filled with men's limbs, the only death lamented was that of Rinato de' Pazzi, for he was considered a wise and good man, and not known for the pride of which the rest of his family stood accused.

So that the incident would serve as a deterrent to future conspirators, Messer Iacopo, after having been buried in the tomb of his ancestors, was dragged out and buried by the city walls as if excommunicated, and then disinterred again and dragged naked through the city by the noose with which he had been hanged. Then, since no place could be found to bury him, his body was thrown into the Arno River, whose waters were very high. This is truly a great example of Fortune, to see a man of such riches and such favored position fall into utter misery, ruin, and degradation. It was said that Messer Iacopo had some vices, among them the kind of gambling and blasphemy that might befit many a lost man, but that he made up for these vices by great charity, giving generously to sanctuaries and the needy. One can also say in his favor that on the day before which Giuliano de' Medici's murder was planned, he paid all his debts and returned with exemplary solicitude whatever property of others he still held in customs or at his house, so that no one else would have to partake of his Fortune, should things go wrong.

Giovan Battista da Montesecco, after a long interrogation under torture, was beheaded. Napoleone Franzesi escaped punishment by flight. Guglielmo de' Pazzi was banished, while any cousins of his who were still alive were imprisoned in the dungeons of the fortress of Volterra.

Once the tumults were over and the conspirators punished, the funeral rites for Giuliano de' Medici were performed, accompanied by the laments of the whole of Florence, because Giuliano had exhibited all the kindness and bounty that could be wished for in a man of rank and fortune such as his. He left a natural son, born some months after his death and named Giulio, and who was graced with all the skill and fortune that in our present times is evident to the whole world, and of which, if G.o.d grants me life, I shall speak at length when I come to our own times.33 The men who had gathered in support of the Pazzi under Lorenzo da Castello in the Val di Tavere, and under Giovan Francesco da Tolentino in the Romagna, marched on Florence, but retreated on hearing that the conspiracy had failed. The men who had gathered in support of the Pazzi under Lorenzo da Castello in the Val di Tavere, and under Giovan Francesco da Tolentino in the Romagna, marched on Florence, but retreated on hearing that the conspiracy had failed.

1. Leonardo Bruni (c. 13701444), also called Leonardo d'Arezzo as he was born in the city of Arezzo, was a scholar and historian who wrote Leonardo Bruni (c. 13701444), also called Leonardo d'Arezzo as he was born in the city of Arezzo, was a scholar and historian who wrote Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII (Twelve Books of the History of the Florentine People) Historiarum Florentini populi libri XII (Twelve Books of the History of the Florentine People). Gian Francesco Poggio Bracciolini (13801459) was one of the foremost scholars of the early Renaissance. From 1453 until his death in 1459 he was Chancellor of Florence, during which time he wrote his history of the city.2. With "ruin" Machiavelli is referring to the end of the Roman Republic. Machiavelli develops the idea of the destructive and regenerative qualities of divisiveness in a state in With "ruin" Machiavelli is referring to the end of the Roman Republic. Machiavelli develops the idea of the destructive and regenerative qualities of divisiveness in a state in Discourses Discourses, Book I, chapters 46.3. See See Florentine Histories Florentine Histories, Book III, chapter 1.4. After the Ghibelline faction, which supported the Holy Roman Emperor against the pope, was expelled from Florence (see following footnote), the Guelph faction split into the feuding factions of the Neri (Black) and Bianchi (White). After the Ghibelline faction, which supported the Holy Roman Emperor against the pope, was expelled from Florence (see following footnote), the Guelph faction split into the feuding factions of the Neri (Black) and Bianchi (White).5. In 1266 Carlo d'Anjou defeated King Manfred of Sicily, who had a.s.serted himself in Tuscany and Lombardy as protector of the Ghibellines. The Florentine Guelphs then initiated a ma.s.s expulsion of the Ghibellines from Florence. In 1266 Carlo d'Anjou defeated King Manfred of Sicily, who had a.s.serted himself in Tuscany and Lombardy as protector of the Ghibellines. The Florentine Guelphs then initiated a ma.s.s expulsion of the Ghibellines from Florence.6. The Battle of Campaldino (1289) between Florence, controlled by the Guelphs, and Arezzo, controlled by the Ghibellines, marked the beginning of the supremacy of the Florentine Guelphs over Tuscany. The Battle of Campaldino (1289) between Florence, controlled by the Guelphs, and Arezzo, controlled by the Ghibellines, marked the beginning of the supremacy of the Florentine Guelphs over Tuscany.7. Florence's war with Duke Filippo Maria Visconti of Milan lasted from 1423 to 1428, and that against Lucca from 1429 to 1433. Florence's war with Duke Filippo Maria Visconti of Milan lasted from 1423 to 1428, and that against Lucca from 1429 to 1433.8. Uguccione della f.a.ggiuola (c. 12501319) was one of the most influential members of the Ghibelline faction of Tuscany. He had been elected chief magistrate of Pisa, then commander of the army, and in 1314, already in his late sixties, seized power and became tyrant of Pisa. The Ghibelline faction consisted for the most part of feudal aristocrats and their partisans, and supported the Holy Roman Emperor. The Guelph faction which supported the papacy was its longtime opponent. Uguccione della f.a.ggiuola (c. 12501319) was one of the most influential members of the Ghibelline faction of Tuscany. He had been elected chief magistrate of Pisa, then commander of the army, and in 1314, already in his late sixties, seized power and became tyrant of Pisa. The Ghibelline faction consisted for the most part of feudal aristocrats and their partisans, and supported the Holy Roman Emperor. The Guelph faction which supported the papacy was its longtime opponent.9. Piero d'Anjou, the brother of King Roberto of Naples. See also Piero d'Anjou, the brother of King Roberto of Naples. See also The Life of Castruccio Castracani The Life of Castruccio Castracani, p. 403.10. Bertrand de Baux, of the ill.u.s.trious lords of Baux-en-Provence. He had married Beatrice d'Anjou, the sister of King Roberto, and had recently been given the t.i.tle of Count d'Andria, hence his nickname "Novello"-"new" or "fresh." Bertrand de Baux, of the ill.u.s.trious lords of Baux-en-Provence. He had married Beatrice d'Anjou, the sister of King Roberto, and had recently been given the t.i.tle of Count d'Andria, hence his nickname "Novello"-"new" or "fresh."11. A town in the province of Perugia in central Italy. A town in the province of Perugia in central Italy.12. The body of magistrates of Florence's supreme executive council. The body of magistrates of Florence's supreme executive council.13. The commanders of the people's militia, which originated in Florence in the 1250s. The commanders of the people's militia, which originated in Florence in the 1250s.14. Caterina, daughter of Albert of Habsburg, had married Duke Carlo of Calabria, oldest son of King Roberto of Naples, in 1316. Caterina, daughter of Albert of Habsburg, had married Duke Carlo of Calabria, oldest son of King Roberto of Naples, in 1316.15. See See The Life of Castruccio Castracani The Life of Castruccio Castracani.16. Ramondo di Cardona was captured and imprisoned in Lucca until Castracani's death in 1528. Ramondo di Cardona was captured and imprisoned in Lucca until Castracani's death in 1528.17. Walter VI de la Brienne (c. 130456) was appointed governor of Florence for Carlo of Calabria, an office he held briefly in 1326. He returned to Florence in 1342 when the Florentine ruling cla.s.ses called upon him to rule the city. Here he showed his "true nature," his despotic rule ending after only ten months. Walter VI de la Brienne (c. 130456) was appointed governor of Florence for Carlo of Calabria, an office he held briefly in 1326. He returned to Florence in 1342 when the Florentine ruling cla.s.ses called upon him to rule the city. Here he showed his "true nature," his despotic rule ending after only ten months.18. In In The Prince The Prince, chapter 9, Machiavelli writes: "In every city there are two opposing humors. This arises from the fact that the n.o.bles want to command and oppress the people, but the people do not want to be commanded or oppressed by the n.o.bles." See also Discourses Discourses, Book I, chapter 5: "For without doubt, if one considers the respective aims of the n.o.bles and the populace, one sees in the former a strong desire to dominate, and in the latter merely a desire not to be dominated."19. Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza's wife, Bona of Savoy. Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza's wife, Bona of Savoy.20. "Death is bitter, fame perpetual, the memory of this fact will endure." "Death is bitter, fame perpetual, the memory of this fact will endure."21. Machiavelli a.n.a.lyzes "the dangers incurred after carrying out a conspiracy" in Machiavelli a.n.a.lyzes "the dangers incurred after carrying out a conspiracy" in Discourses Discourses, Book III, chapter 6, and also in The Prince The Prince, chapter 19, where Machiavelli further develops why "it is difficult to attack or conspire against one who is greatly esteemed."22. Discourses Discourses, Book III, chapter 6, t.i.tled "On Conspiracies."23. In 1466, Piero di Cosimo de' Medici (the father of Lorenzo and Giuliano, whom Machiavelli discusses in this chapter) had crushed his opponent Luca Pitti. In 1466, Piero di Cosimo de' Medici (the father of Lorenzo and Giuliano, whom Machiavelli discusses in this chapter) had crushed his opponent Luca Pitti.24. The chief executive council of Florence. The chief executive council of Florence.25. The purpose of the Council of Eight The purpose of the Council of Eight (Otto di Guardia) (Otto di Guardia) was to uncover conspiracies against the Florentine government. was to uncover conspiracies against the Florentine government.26. Count Girolamo Riario of Imola and Forl (144388) was the nephew of Pope Sixtus IV. Machiavelli also mentions him in Count Girolamo Riario of Imola and Forl (144388) was the nephew of Pope Sixtus IV. Machiavelli also mentions him in Discourses Discourses, Book III, chapter 6, t.i.tled "On Conspiracies."27. Archbishop Salviati had aspired to the archbishopric of Florence and was successfully opposed by the Medici. When he was granted the archbishopric of Pisa in 1474, the Medici and their allies barred him from taking office for three years. Archbishop Salviati had aspired to the archbishopric of Florence and was successfully opposed by the Medici. When he was granted the archbishopric of Pisa in 1474, the Medici and their allies barred him from taking office for three years.28. The pope was in favor of the Medici being ousted from power, but was categorically against their a.s.sa.s.sination. The pope was in favor of the Medici being ousted from power, but was categorically against their a.s.sa.s.sination.29. Lorenzo Giustini, the pope's governor of Castello. Lorenzo Giustini, the pope's governor of Castello.30. The son of Gian Francesco Poggio Bracciolini, who was a foremost scholar and calligrapher of the Renaissance (see note 1 above). The son of Gian Francesco Poggio Bracciolini, who was a foremost scholar and calligrapher of the Renaissance (see note 1 above).31. See also See also Discourses Discourses, Book III, chapter 6: "As a result, the conspirators quickly decided that they would do in the cathedral what they had intended to do in the Medici palace. This threw their entire plan into disarray, because Giovan Battista da Montesecco did not want any part in a murder committed in a church. Every action had to be rea.s.signed to a different conspirator, who did not have time to steady his mind. In the end, the conspirators made so many mistakes that their plot was crushed."32. The Gonfalonier of Justice was an office inst.i.tuted in the thirteenth century in Florence to protect the interests of the people against the powerful n.o.bles and magnates. The Gonfalonier of Justice was also the most prominent member of the Signoria, Florence's supreme executive council. The Gonfalonier of Justice was an office inst.i.tuted in the thirteenth century in Florence to protect the interests of the people against the powerful n.o.bles and magnates. The Gonfalonier of Justice was also the most prominent member of the Signoria, Florence's supreme executive council.33. The The Florentine Histories Florentine Histories are dedicated to Giulio de' Medici, Pope Clement VII, but Machiavelli does not mention him again, the eighth book ending in 1492 at Lorenzo de' Medici's death. are dedicated to Giulio de' Medici, Pope Clement VII, but Machiavelli does not mention him again, the eighth book ending in 1492 at Lorenzo de' Medici's death.

POLITICAL E ESSAYS AND AND T TREATISES.

These shorter pieces are a selection of discourses, legations, and notes that Machiavelli wrote in response to critical contemporary issues. They range from the "Discourse on Pisa," which he wrote from his firsthand experience of Florence's Pisan campaign in 1499, to "A Caution to the Medici," written in 1512 after the return to power of the Medici that signaled the end of Machiavelli's ill.u.s.trious political career and his ruin.

DISCOURSE ON P PISA.

Pisa had belonged to Florence until 1494, when Piero de' Medici, the ruler of Florence, was compelled to cede Pisa and other territories to the French during Charles VIII's Italian campaign. Within a year, Pisa had declared independence from French rule. To Florence, however, Pisa provided access to a port and was thus absolutely vital, so the Florentines began an expensive military and diplomatic effort to regain it. Other Italian states initially came to Pisa's aid against Florence, but their support gradually fell away until Venice, its last ally and Florence's great commercial rival, engaged Florence in battle at Casentino. In April 1499 the Duke of Ferrara, who was asked to mediate, negotiated Venice's ceding Pisa to Florence for 180,000 florins. The Venetians retreated from Pisa, but without handing the city over to the Florentines. Machiavelli probably wrote this piece in May 1499, shortly after the Venetian withdrawal from Pisa.

- As no one doubts that Florence must regain Pisa if it wants to maintain its independence, I do not feel I need argue the matter with other reasons than those we already know. I will examine only the ways that can or will lead to our regaining Pisa, which are either by force or by love. In other words, either we will besiege Pisa, or Pisa will willingly throw herself into our arms. As the course of love would be more secure, and consequently more desirable, I shall examine whether it is feasible. I propose that if Pisa should throw herself into our arms without our having to march into battle, then she will do so either of her own accord, handing herself over to us, or she will be handed over to us by someone who has taken control of her. Pisa's current predicament is reason enough to believe that she might want to return to our patronage, as she is alone and weak, lacking all defense, shunned by Milan, turned away by Genoa, frowned upon by the pope, and mistreated by Siena, doggedly waiting in a vain hope for weakness and disunion in Florence and others. Nor have the Pisans-this is how perfidious they are-ever been prepared to accept our emissaries or our slightest sign of goodwill. But though at present they are in such a dire state, they still will not bow their heads: hence we cannot believe that they will voluntarily submit themselves to our dominion. As for Pisa being handed over to us by someone who has managed to take possession of her, we must conjecture that such a man will have entered Pisa at their beckoning, or by force. If by force, we cannot reasonably expect him to hand Pisa over to us, because if he is powerful enough to occupy Pisa he will be powerful enough to defend and keep her for himself, as Pisa is not the kind of city to be voluntarily relinquished by whoever has become her lord. As for our entering Pisa through love, called in by the Pisans themselves-and I base my views on the recent Venetian example-I cannot believe that anyone would deceive Pisa and, under the guise of coming to her defense, betray her and hand her over as a prisoner. The only way another power's intervention would cause Pisa to come under our jurisdiction would be by that power abandoning Pisa and leaving her to us as prey, the way the Venetians did. For these reasons there does not seem to be any possibility of our reacquiring Pisa without force. As force is necessary, I believe we must now weigh whether it behooves us to use it in such times as these.

ON P PISTOIAN M MATTERS.

Since the thirteenth century, Pistoia, a wealthy city eighteen miles northwest of Florence, had been under the rule of either the city of Lucca or the city of Florence, and was governed by tyrannical lords such as Uguccione della f.a.ggiuola and Castruccio Castracani (see The Life of Castruccio Castracani The Life of Castruccio Castracani and and Florentine Histories, Florentine Histories, chapters 29 and 30). In 1401 Pistoia finally came under Florentine rule, and as the city began to prosper in the early Renaissance, the clashes and skirmishes between the rivaling Panciatichi and Cancellieri factions grew. As Machiavelli pointed out in chapters 29 and 30). In 1401 Pistoia finally came under Florentine rule, and as the city began to prosper in the early Renaissance, the clashes and skirmishes between the rivaling Panciatichi and Cancellieri factions grew. As Machiavelli pointed out in The Prince, The Prince, chapter 20, "Our forefathers, and those we thought wise, used to say that Pistoi