Dio's Rome Volume II Part 3

[-22-] Regarding the former a statement has already been made as to who he was, and it has been related[23] that he cultivated the common people, and while generally striving to depose Pompey from his high position, still made a friend of him in cases where he was sure of pleasing the populace and gaining influence himself. But this Cato belonged to the family of the Porcii and emulated the great Cato, except that he had enjoyed a better Greek education than the former. He promoted a.s.siduously the interests of the mult.i.tude and admired no one man, being excessively devoted to the common weal; suspicious of sovereignty, he hated everything that had grown above its fellows, but loved everything mediocre through pity for its weakness. He showed himself a pa.s.sionate adherent of the populace as did no one else, and indulged in outspokenness beyond the limits of propriety, even when it involved danger. All this he did not with a view to power or glory or any honor, but solely for the sake of a life of independence, free from the dictation of tyrants. Such was the nature of the man who now for the first time came forward before the people and opposed the measures under consideration, not out of any hostility to Pompey, but because they transgressed time-honored customs.

[-23-] These honors, then, they granted Pompey in his absence, but none when he had come home, though they would certainly have added others, had he wished it; upon some other men, indeed, who had been less successful than he, they often bestowed many extravagant distinctions.

That they did so unwillingly, however, is clear.

Pompey knew well that all the gifts granted by the common people to those who have any influence and are in positions of authority contain the suggestion, no matter how willingly they are voted, of having been granted through force applied out of the resources of the strong. He knew that such honors bring no glory to those who receive them, because it is believed that they were obtained not from willing donors, but under compulsion, and not from good will, but as a result of flattery.

Hence he did not permit any one to propose any measure whatever. This course he declared far better than to reject what has been voted to one.

The latter method brought hatred for the high position that led to such measures being pa.s.sed, and connoted arrogance and insolence in not accepting what is granted by your superiors or at all events by your peers. By the former method you possessed in very fact the democratic name and behavior both, not indicated but existent. For having received almost all the offices and positions of command contrary to ancient precedent, he refused to accept all such others as were destined to bring him only envy and hatred even from the very givers, without enabling him to benefit any one or be benefited.

[-24-] All this took place in course of time. Temporarily the Romans had a respite from war for the remainder of the year, so that they even held the so-called _augurium salutis_ after a long interval. This is a kind of augury, which consists of an enquiry whether the G.o.d allows them to request welfare for the State, as if it were unholy even to make a request for it until the action received sanction. That day of the year was observed on which no army went out to war, or was taking defensive measures against any, or was fighting a battle. For this reason, amid the constant perils (especially those of a civil nature), it was not held. In general it was very difficult for them to secure exactly the day which should be free from all those disturbances, and furthermore it was most ridiculous, when they were voluntarily causing one another unspeakable woes through factional conflicts and were destined to suffer ills whether they were beaten or victorious, that they should still ask safety from the divine power.

[-25-] Notwithstanding, it was in some way possible at that time for the divination to be held, but it did not prove to be pure. Some strange birds flew up and made the augury of no effect. Other unlucky omens, too, developed. Many thunderbolts fell from a clear sky, the earth was mightily shaken, and human apparitions were visible in many places, and in the West flashes ran up into heaven, so that any one, even an ignorant fellow, was bound to know in advance what was signified by them. For the tribunes united with Antonius, the consul, who was much like themselves in character, and some one of them supported for office the children of those exiled by Sulla, while a second was for granting to Publius Paetus and to Cornelius Sulla, who had been convicted with him, the right to be members of the senate and to hold office. Another made a motion for a cancellation of debts, and for allotments of land to be made both in Italy and in the subject territory. These motions were taken in hand betimes by Cicero and those who were of the same mind as he, and were quashed before any action resulted from them.

[-26-] t.i.tus Labienus, however, by indicting Gaius Rabirius for the murder of Saturninus caused them the greatest disorder. For Saturninus had been killed some thirty-six years earlier, and the steps taken against him by the consuls of the period had been at the direction of the senate: as a result of the present action the senate was likely to lose authority over its votes. Consequently the whole system of government was stirred up. Rabirius did not admit the murder, but denied it. The tribunes were eager to overthrow completely the power and the reputation of the senate and were preparing for themselves in advance authority to do whatever they pleased. For the calling to account of acts that had received the approval of the senate and had been committed so many years before tended to give immunity to those who were undertaking anything similar, and curtailed the punishments they could inflict. Now the senate in general thought it shocking for a man of senatorial rank who was guilty of no crime and now well advanced in years to perish, and were all the more enraged because the dignity of the government was being attacked, and control of affairs was being entrusted to the vilest men.

[-27-] Hence arose turbulent exhibitions of partisanship and contentions about the court, the one party demanding that it should not be convened and the other that it should sit. When the latter party won, because of Caesar and some others, there was strife again regarding the trial. Caesar himself was judge with Lucius Caesar; for the charge against Rabirius was not a simple one, but the so-called _perduellio-:--and they condemned him, although they had not been chosen according to precedent by the people, but by the praetor himself, which was not permitted. Rabirius yielded, and would certainly have been convicted before the popular court also, had not Metellus Celer who was an augur and praetor hindered it. For since nothing else would make them heed him and they were unconcerned that the trial had been held in a manner contrary to custom, he ran up to Janiculum before they had cast any vote whatever, and pulled down the military signal, so that it was no longer lawful for them to reach a decision.

[-28-] Now this matter of the signal is about as follows. In old times there were many enemies dwelling near the city, and the Romans (according to the account) fearing that while they were holding an a.s.sembly foes might occupy Janiculum to attack the city decided that not all should vote at once, but that some men under arms should by turns always guard that spot. So they garrisoned it as long as the a.s.sembly lasted, but when it was about to be dissolved, the signal was pulled down and the guards departed. Regularly no business was any longer allowed to be transacted unless the post were garrisoned. It was permissible only in the case of a.s.semblies which collected by companies, for these were outside the wall and all who had arms were obliged to attend them. Even to this day it is done from religious grounds.

So on that occasion, when the signal was pulled down, the a.s.sembly was dissolved and Rabirius saved. Labienus, indeed, had the right to go to court again, but he did not do this.

[-29-] As for Catiline, his ruin was accomplished in the following way and for the reasons which I shall narrate. He had been seeking the consulship even then, and contriving every conceivable way to get appointed, when the senate decreed, chiefly at the instance of Cicero, that a banishment of ten years should be added by law to the penalties imposed for bribery. Catiline thought, as was doubtless true, that this ruling had been made on his account, and planned, by collecting a small band, to slay Cicero and some other foremost men on the very day of the election, in order that he might immediately be chosen consul. This project he was unable, however, to carry out. Cicero learned of the plot beforehand, informed the senate of it, and delivered a long accusation against him. Being unsuccessful, however, in persuading them to vote any of the measures he asked--this was because his announcement was not regarded as credible and he was suspected of having uttered false charges against the men on account of personal enmity--Cicero became frightened, seeing that he had given Catiline additional provocation, and he did not venture to enter the a.s.sembly alone, as had been his custom, but he took his friends along prepared to defend him if any danger threatened; and he wore for his own safety and because of their hostility a breastplate beneath his clothing, which he would purposely uncover. For this reason and because anyway some report had been spread of a plot against him, the populace was furiously angry and the fellow conspirators of Catiline through fear of him became quiet. [-30-] In this way new consuls were chosen, and Catiline no longer directed his plot in secret or against Cicero and his adherents only, but against the whole commonwealth. He a.s.sembled from Rome itself the lowest characters and such as were always eager for a revolution and as many as possible of the allies, by promising them cancellation of debts, redistribution of lands, and everything else by which he was most likely to allure them. Upon the foremost and most powerful of them (of whose number was Antonius the consul) he imposed the obligation of taking the oath in an unholy manner. He sacrificed a boy, and after administering the oath over his entrails, tasted the inwards in company with the rest. Those who cooperated with him most were: In Rome, the consul and Publius Lentulus, who, after his consulship, had been expelled from the senate (he was now acting as praetor, in order to gain senatorial rank again); at Faesulae, where the men of his party were collecting, one Gaius Mallius, who was most experienced in military matters (he had served with Sulla's centurions) and the greatest possible spendthrift.

Everything that he had gained at that epoch, although a vast sum, he had consumed by evil practices, and was eager for other similar exploits.

Afranius, returning through Mesopotamia to Syria, contrary to the agreement made with the Parthian, [B.C. 65] wandered from the way and endured much evil by reason of the winter and lack of supplies. Indeed, he would have perished, had not Carraeans, colonists of the Macedonians who dwelt somewhere in that vicinity, supported him and helped him forward.

[-31-] While they were making these preparations, information came to Cicero, first of what was occurring in the city, through some letters which did not indicate the writer but were given to Cra.s.sus and some other influential men. On their publication a decree was pa.s.sed that a state of disorder existed and that a search should be made for those responsible for it. Next came the news from Etruria, whereupon they voted to the consuls in addition the guardianship of the city and of all its interests, as they had been accustomed to have: for to this decree was subjoined the command that they should take care that no injury happen to the republic. When this had been done and a garrison stationed at many points, there was no further sign of revolution in the city, insomuch that Cicero was even falsely charged with sycophancy; but messages from the Etruscans confirmed the accusation, and thereupon he prepared an indictment for violence against Catiline.

[-32-] The latter at first accepted it with entire readiness as if supported by a good conscience, and made ready for the trial, even offering to surrender himself to Cicero so that the latter could watch and see that he did not escape anywhere. As Cicero, however, refused to take charge of him, he voluntarily took up his residence at the house of Metellus the praetor, in order that he might be as free as possible from the suspicion of promoting a revolution until he should gain some additional strength from the conspirators in that very town. But he made no headway at all, because Antonius through fear shrank back and Lentulus was anything but an energetic sort of person. Accordingly, he gave them notice to a.s.semble by night in a particular house, where he met them without Metellus's knowledge and upbraided them for their timorousness and weakness. Next he set forth in detail how great punishments they would suffer if they were detected and how many desirable things they would obtain if successful, and by means so encouraged and incited them, that two men promised to rush into Cicero's house at daybreak and murder him there.

[-33-] Information of this, too, was given in advance: for Cicero, being a man of influence, had through his speeches by either conciliation or intimidation gained many followers, who reported such occurrences to him: and the senate voted that Catiline should leave the city. The latter was glad enough to withdraw on this excuse and went to Faesulae, where he prepared an out and out war. He took the consular name and dress and proceeded to organize the men previously collected by Mallius, meanwhile gaining accessions first of freemen, and second of slaves.

The Romans consequently condemned him for violence, ordered Antonius to the war (being ignorant, of course, of their conspiracy), and themselves changed their apparel. The crisis kept Cicero likewise where he was. The government of Macedonia had fallen to him by lot, but he did not set out for that country,--retiring in favor of his colleague on account of his occupation in the prosecutions,--nor for Hither Gaul, which he had obtained in its place, on account of the immediate situation. Instead, he charged himself with the protection of the city, but sent Metellus to Gaul to prevent Catiline from alienating it.

[-34-] It was extremely well for the Romans that he remained. For Lentulus made preparations to burn down the city and commit wholesale slaughter with the aid of his fellow conspirators and of Allobroges, who chanced to be there on an emba.s.sy: these also he persuaded to join him[24] and the others implicated in the revolution in their undertaking. The consul learning of their purpose arrested the men sent to carry it out and brought them with their letter into the senate-chamber, where, by granting them immunity, he proved all the conspiracy. As a consequence Lentulus was forced by the senate to resign the praetorship, and was kept under guard along with the others arrested while the remnant of the society was being sought for. These measures pleased the populace equally: especially so, when, during a speech of Cicero's on the subject, the statue of Jupiter was set up on the Capitol at the very time of the a.s.sembly, and by instructions of the soothsayers was placed so as to face the East and the Forum. For these prophets had decided that some conspiracy would be brought to light by the erection of the statue, and when its setting up coincided with the time of the conspirators' arrest, the people magnified the divine power and were the more angry at those charged with the disturbance.

[-35-] A report went abroad that Cra.s.sus was also among them, and one of the men arrested, too, gave this information; still, not many believed it. Some, in the first place, thought they had no business to suspect him of such a thing; others regarded it as a trumped-up charge emanating from the guilty parties, in order that the latter might thereby get some help from him, because he possessed the greatest influence. And if it did seem credible to any persons, at least they did not see fit to ruin a man who was foremost among them and to disquiet the city still more.

Consequently this charge fell through utterly.

Now many slaves, and freemen as well, some through fear and others for pity of Lentulus and the rest, made preparations to deliver them all forcibly and rescue them from death. Cicero learned of this beforehand and occupied the Capitol and Forum betimes by night with a garrison. At dawn he received from above an inspiration to hope for the best: for in the course of sacrifices conducted in his house by the Vestals in behalf of the populace, the fire, contrary to custom, shot up in a tongue of great length. Accordingly, he ordered the praetors to administer an oath to the populace and have them enlisted, in case there should be any need of soldiers, and meanwhile himself convened the senate: then, by throwing them into agitation and fright, he persuaded them to condemn to death the persons held under arrest.

[-36-] At first the senators had been at variance, and came near setting them free. For while all before Caesar had voted that they should be put to death, he gave his decision that they should be imprisoned and deported to various cities after having their property confiscated, with the condition that there should be no further deliberation about immunity for them, and if any one of them should run away, he should be considered among the enemies of that city from which he fled. Then all who subsequently made known their opinions, until it came to Cato, cast this vote, so that some of the first also changed their minds. But the fact that Cato himself gave a sentence of death against them caused all the rest to vote similarly. So the conspirators were punished by the decision of the majority and a sacrifice and period of festival over them was decreed,--something that had never before happened from any such cause. Others, also, against whom information was lodged, were sought out and some incurred suspicion and were held to account for merely intending to join that party. The consuls managed most of the investigations, but Aulus Fulvius, a senator, was slain by his own father; and some think that the latter was not the only private individual who did this. There were many others, that is, not only consuls but persons in private life, who killed their children. This was the course of affairs at that time.

[-37-] The priestly elections, on motion of Labienus supported by Caesar, were again referred by the people to popular vote, contrary to the law of Sulla, but in renewal of the law of Domitius. Caesar at the death of Metellus Pius was eager for his priesthood, although young and not having served as praetor. Resting his hopes of it upon the mult.i.tude, therefore, especially because he had helped Labienus against Rabirius and had not voted for the death of Lentulus, he took the above course.

And he was appointed pontifex maximus, in spite of the fact that many others, Catulus most of all, were his rivals for the honor. This because he showed himself perfectly ready to serve and flatter every one, even ordinary persons, and he spared no speech or action for getting possession of the objects for which he strove. He paid no heed to temporary groveling when weighed against subsequent power, and he cringed as before superiors to those men whom he was planning to dominate.

[-38-] Toward Caesar, accordingly, for these reasons, the ma.s.ses were well disposed, but their anger was directed against Cicero for the death of the citizens, and they displayed their enmity in many ways. Finally, when on the last day of his office he desired to give a defence and account of all that had been done in his consulship,--for he took great pleasure not only in being praised by others, but also in extolling himself,--they made him keep silence and did not allow him to utter a word outside of his oath; in this they had Metellus Nepos, the tribune, to aid them. Only Cicero, in violent protestation, did take an additional oath that he had saved the city.

[B.C. 62 (_a.u._ 692)]

[-39-] For that he incurred all the greater hatred. Catiline met his doom at the very opening of the year in which Junius Sila.n.u.s and Lucius Licinius held office. For a while, although he had no small force, he watched the movements of Lentulus and delayed, in the hope that if Cicero and his adherents should be slain in good season he could easily execute his remaining designs. But when he ascertained that Lentulus had perished and that many of his followers had deserted for that reason, he was compelled to risk the uttermost, especially as Antonius and Metellus Celer, who were besieging Faesulae, did not allow him to advance in any direction. He proceeded, therefore, against Antonius--the two were separately encamped--although the latter had greater renown than Metellus and was invested with greater power. The reason was that Catiline had hopes of his letting himself be beaten in order to fulfill the demands of his oath.

[-40-] The latter, who suspected this, no longer felt kindly toward Catiline, because he was weak; for most men form both friendships and enmities with reference to persons' influence and to individual advantage. Furthermore, being afraid that the arch-conspirator, when he saw them fighting earnestly, might utter some reproach and bring to light things that should not be mentioned, he pretended to be sick and confided the conduct of the battle to Marcus Petreius. This commander joined battle with them and not without bloodshed cut down Catiline and three thousand others while fighting most valiantly. No one of them fled, but every man fell at his post. Even the victors mourned their common loss, inasmuch as they had destroyed (no matter how justly) so many and such brave men, who were citizens and allies. His head Antonius sent to the city in order that its inhabitants might believe in his death and have no further fear. He himself was named imperator for the victory, although the number of the slaughtered was smaller than usual.

Sacrifices of oxen were also voted, and the people changed their raiment to signify their deliverance from all dangers.

[-41-] Nevertheless, the allies who had shared the undertaking with Catiline and still survived after that did not remain quiet, but through fear of punishment created disturbances. Against each division of them praetors were sent, overcame them in season, while still in a way scattered, and punished them. Others that were avoiding observation were convicted and condemned on information from Lucius Vettius, a knight, who had taken part in the conspiracy but now on promise of immunity revealed them. This went on until, after having impeached some men and written their names on a tablet, he desired the privilege of writing in others. The senators suspected that he was not dealing fair and would not give him the doc.u.ment again for fear he should erase some names, but had him mention orally all he had omitted. Then in shame and fear he made known only a few others.

Since even under these circ.u.mstances disquietude prevailed in the city and among the allies through ignorance of the persons named, and some were needlessly troubled about themselves, while some incorrectly suspected others, the senate decreed that the names be published. As a result the innocent regained composure and judgments were p.r.o.nounced upon those called to account. Some were present to be condemned and others let their cases go by default.

[-42-] Such was the career of Catiline and his downfall which, owing to the reputation of Cicero and the speeches delivered against him, brought him a greater name than his deeds deserved. Cicero came near being tried immediately for the killing of Lentulus and the other prisoners. This complaint, though technically brought against him, was really directed against the senate. For among the populace its members were subject to denunciations of the utmost virulence voiced by Metellus Nepos, to the effect that they had no right to condemn any citizen to death without the consent of the people. But Cicero had no trouble at that time. The senate had granted immunity to all those who administered affairs during that period and had further proclaimed that if any one should dare to call any one of them to account again, he should be in the category of a personal and public enemy; so that Nepos was afraid and aroused no further tumult.

[-43-] This was not the senate's only victory. Nepos had moved that Pompey be summoned with his army (he was still in Asia), pretendedly for the purpose of bringing calm to the existing conditions, but really in hope that he himself might through him get power in the disturbances he was causing, because Pompey favored the mult.i.tude: this plan the senators prevented from being ratified. For, to begin with, Cato and Quintus Minucius in their capacity as tribunes vetoed the proposition and stopped the clerk who was reading the motion. Nepos took the doc.u.ment to read it himself, but they s.n.a.t.c.hed it away, and when even so he undertook to make some oral remarks they laid hold of his mouth. The result was that a battle with sticks and stones and even swords took place between them, in which some others joined who a.s.sisted both sides.

Therefore the senators convened in session that very day, changed their togas and gave the consuls charge of the city, "that it suffer no injury." Then even Nepos was afraid and retired immediately from their midst: subsequently, after publishing some piece of writing against the senate, he set out to join Pompey, although he had no right to be absent from the city a single night.

[-44-] After this occurrence Caesar, who was now praetor, likewise showed no further revolutionary tendencies. He effected the removal of the name of Catulus from the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus--he was calling him to account for theft and was demanding an account of the money he had spent--and the entrusting to Pompey of the construction of the remainder of the edifice. For many details, considering the size and character of the work, were but half finished. Or else Caesar pretended it was so, in order that Pompey might gain the glory for its completion and inscribe his name instead. He was not, to be sure, so ready to do him a favor as to submit to having pa.s.sed concerning himself some decrees similar to that regarding Nepos. He did not, in fact, act thus for Pompey's sake, but in order that he might ingratiate himself with the populace. Still, as it was, all feared Pompey to such an extent, seeing that it was not yet clear whether he would give up his legions, that when he sent ahead Marcus Piso, his lieutenant, to seek the consulship, they postponed the elections in order that the latter might attend them, and on his arrival elected him unanimously. For Pompey had recommended the man not only to his friends, but also to his enemies.

[-45-] It was at this time that Publius Clodius debauched Caesar's wife in her house and during the performance of the secret rites which according to ancestral precedent the Vestals carried out at the residences of consuls and praetors in behalf of the whole male population. Caesar brought no charge against him, understanding well that on account of his connections he would not be convicted, but divorced his wife, telling her that he did not really believe the story but that he could no longer live with her inasmuch as she had been suspected of committing adultery at all: a chaste woman must not only not err, but not even incur any evil suspicion.

[B.C. 61 (_a.u._ 693)]

[-46-] Following these events the stone bridge, called the Fabrician, leading to the little island in the Tiber was constructed. The next year in the consulship of Piso and Marcus Messala, the men in power showed their hatred of Clodius and at the same time made expiation for his pollution by delivering him to the court, after the pontifices had decided that the rites because of his act had not been duly performed and should be annulled. He was accused of adultery, in spite of Caesar's silence, and of desertion at Nisibis and furthermore of having had guilty relations with his sister: yet he was acquitted, although the juries had requested and obtained of the senate a guard to prevent their suffering any harm at his hands. Regarding this Catulus said jestingly that they had asked for the guard not in order to condemn Clodius with safety, but in order to preserve for themselves the money which they had received in bribes.[25]

The author of this speech died shortly after,--a man who had always, more conspicuously than his predecessors, held democracy in honor above everything. That year the censors enrolled in the senatorial body all who had attained office, even beyond the proper number. Until then, too, the populace had watched unbroken series of armed combats, but now they introduced the custom of going out to take lunch in the course of the entertainment. This practice which began at that time continues even now, when the person in authority exhibits games.

[-47-] This was the course of affairs in the city. Gaul in the vicinity of Narbo was being devastated by the Allobroges, and Gaius Pomptinus, its governor, sent his lieutenants against the enemy, but himself made a stand at a convenient spot from which he could keep watch of what occurred; this would enable him to give them opportune advice and a.s.sistance, as their advantage might from time to time dictate.

Manlius Lentinus made a campaign against the city of Valentia and terrified the inhabitants so, that the majority ran away and the rest sent amba.s.sadors for peace. Just then the country population coming to their aid suddenly fell upon him; and he was repulsed from the wall, but ravaged the land with impunity until Catugnatus, the commander of their whole tribe, and some others of the dwellers across the Isar brought them help. For the time being he did not dare to hinder them from crossing, by reason of the number of the boats, for fear they might gather in a body on seeing the Romans arrayed against them. As the country was wooded, however, right down to the river bank, he planted ambuscades in it, and captured and destroyed them as fast as they crossed. While following up some fugitives he fell in with Catugnatus himself, and would have perished with all his force, had not the advent of a violent storm detained the barbarians from pursuit.

[-48-] Later, when Catugnatus had gone away to some distant place, Lentinus overran the country again, and seized and razed to the ground the wall where he had met with mishap. Also, Lucius Marius and Servius Galba crossed the Rhone and after damaging the possessions of the Allobroges finally reached the city of Solonium[27] and occupied a strong position commanding it. In the battle they conquered their opponents and set fire to the fortification, a portion of which was of wood: they did not, however, capture it, being hindered by the appearance of Catugnatus. Pomptinus, on receipt of this news, proceeded against him with his entire force, and besieged and got possession of the inhabitants all except Catugnatus. After that he more easily subjugated the remaining portions.

[B.C. 60 (_a.u._ 694)]

[-49-] At this juncture Pompey entered Italy and had Lucius Afranius and Metellus Celer appointed consuls, vainly hoping that through them he could effect whatever he desired. Among his chief wishes was to have some land given to him for the comrades of his campaigns and to have all his acts approved; but he failed of these objects at that time, because those in power, who were formerly not pleased with him, prevented the questions being brought to vote. And of the consuls themselves Afranius (who understood how to dance better than to transact any business) did not unite with him for any purpose, and Metellus, in anger that Pompey had divorced his sister in spite of having had children by her, consistently opposed him in everything. Moreover, Lucius Lucullus whom Pompey had once treated contemptuously at a chance meeting in Gaul was greatly incensed against him, bidding him give an account individually and separately of everything he had done instead of demanding a ratification for all of his acts at once. He said it was only fair to refuse to let absolutely everything that Pompey had done, as to the character of which no one knew anything, be confirmed; it was unjust to treat them like deeds performed by some master. When he (Lucullus) had finished any of his own undertakings, he was accustomed to ask that an investigation of each one be made in the senate, in order that the senators might ratify whichever suited them. Lucullus was strongly supported by Cato and Metellus and the rest who had the same wishes as they.

[-50-] Accordingly, when the tribune who moved that land be a.s.signed to the adherents of Pompey added to the proposition (in order that they might more readily vote this particular measure and ratify his acts) that the same opportunity be afforded all the citizens as well, Metellus contested every point with him and attacked the tribune to such an extent that the latter had him put in a cell. Then Metellus wished to a.s.semble the senate there. When the other--his name was Lucius Flavius--set the tribune's bench at the very entrance of the cell and sitting there became an obstacle to any one's entrance, Metellus ordered the wall of the prison to be cut through so that the senate might have an entrance through it, and made preparations to pa.s.s the night where he was. Pompey, on learning of this, in shame and some fear that the populace might take offence, directed Flavius to withdraw. He spoke as if this were a request from Metellus, but was not believed: for the latter's pride was well known to all. Indeed, Metellus would not give his consent when the other tribunes wished to set him free. He would not even yield when Flavius threatened him again that he would not allow him to go out to the province which he had obtained by lot unless he should a.s.sist the tribune in putting the law through: on the contrary he was very glad to remain in the city.

Pompey, therefore, since he could accomplish nothing because of Metellus and the rest, said that they were jealous of him and that he would let the people know of this. Fearing, however, that he should miss their support as well, and so be subjected to still greater shame, he abandoned his original aims. Thus he learned that he had no power in reality, but only the reputation and envy resulting from his former authority, which on the other hand afforded him no actual benefit; and he repented of having let his legions go and of having delivered himself to his enemies.

[-51-] Clodius's hatred[27] of the influential men led him after the trial to desire to be tribune, and he induced some of those who held that office to move that a share in it be given to the patricians also.

As he could not bring this about, he abjured his n.o.ble rank and changing his tactics set out to obtain the prerogatives of the populace, and was even enrolled in their list. Immediately he sought the tribuneship but was not appointed, owing to the opposition of Metellus, who was related to him and did not like his actions. The excuse that Metellus gave was that the transference of Clodius had not been in accord with tradition; this change had been permitted only at the time when the lex curiata was introduced. Thus ended this episode.

Since now the taxes were a great oppression to the city and the rest of Italy, the law that abolished them caused pleasure to all. The senators, however, were angry at the praetor who proposed it (Metellus Nepos was the man) and wished to erase his name from the law, entering another one instead. Although this plan was not carried out, it was still made clear to all that they received not even benefits gladly from inferior men.

About this same time Faustus, son of Sulla, gave a gladiatorial combat in memory of his father and entertained the people brilliantly, furnishing them with baths and oil gratis.

[-52-] While this happened in the city, Caesar had obtained the government of Lusitania after his praetorship: and, though he might without any great labor have cleared the land of brigandage (which probably always existed there) and then have kept quiet, he refused to do so. He was eager for glory, emulating Pompey and his other predecessors who at one time had held great power, and he harbored no small designs; it was his hope, in case he should at that time accomplish anything, to be immediately chosen consul and show the people deeds of magnitude. That hope was based more especially upon the fact that in Gades, when he was praetor, he had dreamed of intercourse with his mother, and had learned from the seers that he should come to great power. Hence, on beholding there a likeness of Alexander dedicated in the temple of Hercules he had given a groan, lamenting that he had performed no great work as yet.

Accordingly, though he might, as I have said, have been at peace, he took his way to Mount Herminium and ordered the dwellers on it to move into the plain, pretendedly that they might not rush down from their strongholds and plunder, but really because he well knew that they would never do what he asked, and that as a result he should get a cause for war. This also happened. After these men, then, had taken up arms he proceeded to draw them on. When some of the neighbors, fearing that he would betake himself against them too, carried off their children and wives and most valuable possessions out of the way across the Dorius, he first occupied their cities, where these measures were being taken, and next joined battle with the men themselves. They put their flocks in front of them, so that the Romans might scatter to seize the cattle, whereupon they would attack them. But Caesar, neglecting the quadrupeds, took the men by surprise and conquered them. [-53-] Meanwhile he learned that the inhabitants of Herminium had withdrawn and were intending to ambuscade him as he returned. So for the time being he returned by another road, but again made an attempt upon them in which he was victorious and pursued them in flight to the ocean. When, however, they abandoned the mainland and crossed over to an island, he stayed where he was, for his supply of boats was not large. He did put together some rafts, by means of which he sent on a part of his army, and lost numerous men. The person in command of them had advanced to a breakwater which was near the island and had disembarked the troops with a view to their crossing over on foot, when he was forced off by the flood tide and put out to sea, leaving them in the lurch. All of them died bravely defending themselves save Publius Scaefius, the only one to survive.

Deprived of his shield and wounded in many places he leaped into the water and escaped by swimming. These events occurred all at one time.

Later, Caesar sent for boats from Gades, crossed over to the island with his whole army and overcame the dwellers there without a blow, as they were in poor condition from lack of food. Thence he sailed along to Brigantium, a city of Gallaecia, alarmed the people (who had never before seen a vessel) by the breakers which his approach to land caused, and subjugated them.

[-54-] On accomplishing this he thought he had gained a sufficient means of access to the consulship and set out hastily, even before his successor arrived, to the elections. He decided to seek the position even before asking for a triumph, since it was not possible to hold a festival beforehand. He was refused the triumph, for Cato opposed him with might and main. However, he let that go, hoping to perform many more and greater exploits and celebrate corresponding triumphs, if elected consul. Besides the omens previously recited, on which, he at all times greatly prided himself, was the fact that a horse of his had been born with clefts in the hoofs of its front feet, and bore him proudly, whereas it would not endure any other rider. Consequently his expectations were of no small character, so that he willingly resigned the triumphal celebration and entered the city to canva.s.s for office.