Dio's Rome Volume II Part 2

M. Pupius M.F. Piso, M. Valerius M.F. Messala Niger (B.C. 61 == a.u.

693.)

L. Afranius A.F., C. Caecilius C.F. Celer. (B.C. 60 == a.u. 694.)

(_BOOK 37, BOISSEVAIN._)

[B.C. 65 (_a.u._ 689)]

[-1-] The following year after these exploits and in the consulship of Lucius Cotta and Lucius Torquatus, he engaged in warfare against both the Albanians and the Iberians. With the latter of these he was compelled to become embroiled quite contrary to his plan. The Iberians dwell on both sides of the Cyrnus, adjoining on the one hand the Albanians and on the other the Armenians. Arthoces, their king, fearing that Pompey would direct his steps against him, too, sent envoys to him on a pretence of peace, but prepared to attack the invader at a time when, feeling secure, he should be therefore off his guard. Pompey learning of this betimes was in good season in making an incursion into the territory of Arthoces, ere the latter had made ready sufficiently or had occupied the pa.s.s on the frontier, which was well nigh impregnable.

He marched on, indeed, to the city called Acropolis,[11] before Arthoces ascertained that he was at hand. At that moment he was right at the narrowest point, where the Cyrnus[12] flows on the one side and the Caucasus extends on the other, and had fortified the mountain in order to guard the pa.s.s. Arthoces, panic-stricken, had no chance to array his forces, but crossed the river, burning down the bridge; and those within the wall, in view of his flight and a defeat they had sustained in battle, surrendered. Pompey made himself master of the thoroughfares, left a garrison in charge of them, and advancing from that point subjugated all the territory within the river boundary. [-2-] But when he was on the point of crossing the Cyrnus also, Arthoces sent to him requesting peace and promising voluntarily to furnish him control of the bridge and provisions. Both of these promises the king fulfilled as if he intended to come to terms, but terrified when he saw his adversary already across he fled away to the Pelorus, another river that flowed through his dominions. The man that he might have hindered from crossing he avoided by running away after drawing him on.

Pompey, seeing this, pursued after, overtook and conquered him. By a charge he got into close quarters with the enemy's bowmen before they could show their skill, and in the briefest time routed them. When things took this turn, Arthoces crossed the Pelorus and fled, burning the bridge over that stream too: of the rest some were killed in hand-to-hand fights, and some while fording the river on foot. Many, also, scattered through the woods, survived for a few days by shooting from the trees, which were exceedingly tall, but soon the trees were cut down at the base and they also were destroyed. Under these conditions Arthoces again sent a herald to Pompey for peace, and forwarded gifts.

These the other accepted, in order that the king in his hope to secure a truce might not proceed farther in any direction; but he did not agree to grant peace till the pet.i.tioner should first convey to him his children as hostages. Thus Pompey waited for a time until in the course of the summer the Pelorus became fordable in places, and then the Romans crossed over; their pa.s.sage was especially easy as they met no one to hinder them. Then Arthoces sent his children to him and finally concluded a treaty.

[-3-] Pompey, learning directly that the Phasis was not distant, decided to descend along its course to Colchis and thence to march to the Bosphorus against Mithridates. He advanced as planned, traversing the territory of the Colchians and their neighbors, using persuasion in some quarters and inspiring fear in others. There perceiving that his route on land led through many unknown and hostile tribes, and that the sea journey was rather difficult on account of the country's having no harbors and on account of the people inhabiting the region, he ordered the fleet to blockade Mithridates so as to watch that the latter did not set sail in any direction and to cut off his importation of provisions, while he himself turned his steps against the Albanians. He took what was not the shortest path, but went inland to Armenia in order that such action, coupled with the truce, might enable him to find them not expecting him. And the Cyrnus, too, he crossed at a point where it had become pa.s.sable because of summer, ordering the cavalry to cross down stream with the baggage animals next, and the infantry afterward. The object was that the horses should break the violence of the current with their bodies, and if even so any one of the pack animals should be swept off its feet it might collide with the men going alongside and not be carried further down. From there he marched to Cambyse without suffering any injury at the hands of the enemy, but through the influence of the scorching heat and consequent thirst he in common with, the whole army experienced hardship in his progress even at night over the greater part of the road. Their guides, being some of the captives, did not lead them by the most suitable route, and the river was of no advantage to them; for the water, of which they drank great quant.i.ties, was very cold and made a number sick.

When no resistance to them developed at this place either, they marched on to the Abas, carrying supplies of water only; everything else they received by the free gift of the natives, and for this reason they committed no depredations.

[-4-] After they had already got across the river, Oroeses was announced as coming up. Pompey was anxious to lead him into conflict somehow before he should find out the number of the Romans, for fear that when he learned it he might retreat. Accordingly he marshaled his cavalry first, giving them notice beforehand what they should do; and keeping the rest behind them in a kneeling position and covered with their shields he made these last remain motionless, so that Oroeses should not ascertain their presence until he came close up. Thereupon the latter, in contempt for the cavalry who were alone, as he thought, joined battle with them, and when after a little they purposely turned to flight, pursued them at full speed. Then the infantry suddenly rising stood apart to furnish their own men a safe means of escape through their midst, but received the enemy, who were heedlessly bent on pursuit, and surrounded a number of them. So these soldiers cut down those caught inside the circle; and the cavalry, some of whom went round on the right and some on the other side of them, a.s.sailed in the rear those outside.

Each of these bodies slaughtered many in that place and others who had fled into the woods they burned to death, and they cried out, "Ha! ha!

the Saturnalia!" with reference to the attack made at that festival by the Albanians.

[-5-] After accomplishing this and overrunning the country, Pompey granted peace to the Albanians, and on the arrival of heralds concluded a truce with some of the other tribes that dwell along the Caucasus as far as the Caspian Sea, where the mountains, which begin at the Pontus, come to an end. Phraates likewise sent to him, wishing to renew the covenants. The sight of Pompey's onward rush and the fact that his lieutenants were also subjugating the rest of Armenia and that region of Pontus and that Grabinius had advanced across the Euphrates as far as the Tigris filled him with fear of them, and he was anxious to confirm the agreement. He effected nothing, however. Pompey, in view of the existing conditions and the hopes which they inspired, held him in contempt and replied scornfully to the amba.s.sadors, among other things demanding back the territory of Corduene, concerning which Phraates was having a dispute with Tigranes. When the envoys made no answer, inasmuch as they had received no instructions on this point, he wrote a few words to Phraates, but instead of waiting for any answer suddenly despatched Afranius into the territory, and having occupied it without a battle gave it to Tigranes.

[B.C. 65]

Afranius, returning through Mesopotamia to Syria, contrary to the agreement made with the Parthian, wandered from the way and endured much evil by reason of the winter and lack of supplies. Indeed, he would have perished, had not Carraeans, colonists of the Macedonians who dwelt somewhere in that vicinity, supported him and helped him forward.

[-6-] This was the treatment that Pompey[13]out of the fullness of his power accorded Phraates, thereby indicating very clearly to those desiring personal profit that everything depends on armed force, and he who is victorious by its aid wins inevitably the right to lay down what laws he pleases. Furthermore, he did violence to the t.i.tle of that ruler, in which Phraates delighted before all the world and before the Romans themselves, and by which the latter had always addressed him. For whereas he was called "king of kings," Pompey clipped off the phrase "of kings" and wrote "to the king," with merely that direction, in spite of the fact that he had given this t.i.tle to the captive Tigranes even contrary to their custom when he celebrated the triumph over him in Rome. Phraates, consequently, although he feared and was subservient to him, was vexed at this, feeling that he had been deprived of the kingdom; and he sent amba.s.sadors, reproaching him with all the injustice he had done, and forbade him to cross the Euphrates.

[-7-] As Pompey made no reasonable reply, the other immediately inst.i.tuted a campaign in the spring against Tigranes, being accompanied by the latter's son, to whom he had given his daughter in marriage. This was in the consulship Of Lucius Caesar and Gaius Figulus.

[B.C. 64 (_a.u._ 690)]

In the first battle Phraates was beaten, but later was victorious in his turn. And when Tigranes invoked the a.s.sistance of Pompey, who was in Syria, he sent amba.s.sadors to the Roman commander, making many accusations and throwing out numerous hints against the Romans, so that Pompey was both ashamed and alarmed. As a result the latter lent no aid to Tigranes and took no hostile measures against Phraates, giving as an excuse that no such expedition had been a.s.signed to him and that Mithridates was still in arms. He declared himself satisfied with what had been effected and said that he feared in striving for additional results he might meet with reverses, as had Lucullus.

Such was the trend of his philosophy: he maintained that to make personal gains was outrageous and to aim at the possessions of others unjust, as soon as he was no longer able to use them. Through dread of the forces of the Parthian, therefore, and fear of the unsettled state of affairs he did not take up this war in spite of many solicitations.

As for the barbarians' complaints, he disparaged them, offering no counter-argument, but a.s.serting that the dispute which the prince had with Tigranes concerned some boundaries, and that three men should decide the case for them. These he actually sent, and they were enrolled as arbitrators by the two kings, who then settled all their mutual complaints. For Tigranes was angry at not having obtained a.s.sistance, and Phraates wished the Armenian ruler to survive, so that in case of need he might some day have him as an ally against the Romans. They both understood well that whichever of them should conquer the other would simply help on matters for the Romans and would himself become easier for them to subdue. For these reasons, then, they were reconciled.

Pompey pa.s.sed the winter in Aspis, winning over the sections that were still resisting, and took Symphorion,[14] a fort which Stratonice betrayed to him. She was the wife of Mithridates, and in anger toward him because she had been abandoned sent the garrison out pretendedly to collect supplies and let the Romans in, although her child was with ...

[15] ...

[B.C. 65 (_a.u._ 689)]

[-8-] ... [not (?)] for this alone in his aedileship he (C. Jul. Caesar) received praise, but because he had also conducted both the Roman and the Megalesian games on the most expensive scale and had further arranged contests of gladiators in the most magnificent manner. Of the sums expended on them a portion was raised by him in conjunction with his colleague Marcus Bibulus, but another portion by him privately; and his individual expenditure on the spectacles so much surpa.s.sed, that he appropriated to himself the glory for them, and was thought to have taken the whole cost on himself. Even Bibulus joked about it saying that he had suffered the same fate as Pollux: for, although that hero possessed a temple in common with his brother Castor, it was named only for the latter.

[-9-] All this contributed to the Romans' joy, but they were quite disturbed at the portents of that year. On the Capitol many statues were melted by thunderbolts, among other images one of Jupiter, set upon a pillar, and a likeness of the she-wolf with Romulus and Remus, mounted on a pedestal, fell down; also the letters of the tablets on which the laws were inscribed ran together and became indistinct. Accordingly, on the advice of the soothsayers, they offered many expiatory sacrifices and voted that a larger statue of Jupiter should be set up, looking toward the east and the Forum, in order that the conspiracies by which they were distraught might dissolve.

Such were the occurrences of that year. The censors also became involved in a dispute regarding the dwellers beyond the Po: one thought it wise to admit them to citizenship, and another not; so they did not perform any of their duties, but resigned their office. Their successors, too, did nothing in the following year, for the reason that the tribunes hindered them in regard to the list of the senate, in fear lest they themselves should be dropped from that a.s.sembly. Meantime all those who were resident aliens in Rome, except those who dwelt in what is now Italy, were banished on the motion of one Gaius Papius, a tribune, because they were getting to be in the majority and were not thought fit persons to dwell among the citizens.

[B.C. 64(_a.u._ 690)]

[-10-] In the ensuing year, with Figulus and Lucius Caesar in office, notable events were few, but worthy of remembrance in view of the contradictions in human affairs. For the man[16] who had slain Lucretius at the instance of Sulla and another[17] who had murdered many of the persons proscribed by him were tried for the slaughter and punished,--Julius Caesar being most instrumental in bringing this about.

Thus the changes of affairs often render those once thoroughly powerful exceedingly weak. But though this matter went contrary to the expectation of the majority, they were equally surprised that Catiline, who had incurred guilt on those same grounds (for he, too, had put out of the way many similar persons), was acquitted. The result was that he became far worse and for that reason also perished.

[B.C. 63 (_a.u._ 691)]

For, when Marcus Cicero was consul with Gaius Antonius, and Mithridates no longer inflicted any injury upon the Romans but had destroyed his own self, Catiline undertook to set up a new government, and by banding together the allies against the state threw the people into fear of a mighty conflict. Now each of these occurrences came about as follows.

[-11-] Mithridates himself did not give way under his disasters, but trusting more in his will than in his power, especially while Pompey was lingering in Syria, planned to reach the Ister through Scythia, and from that point to invade Italy. As he was by nature given to great projects and had experienced many failures and many successes, he regarded nothing as beyond his ability to venture or to hope. If he missed he preferred to perish conjointly with his kingdom, with pride unblemished, rather than to live deprived of it in inglorious humility. On this idea he grew strong. For in proportion as he wasted away through weakness of body, the more steadfast did he grow in strength of mind, so that he even revived the infirmity of the former by the reasonings of the latter.

The rest who were his a.s.sociates, as the position of the Romans kept getting always more secure and that of Mithridates weaker,--among other things the greatest earthquake that had ever occurred destroyed many of their cities--became estranged; the military also mutinied and unknown persons kidnapped some of his children, whom they conveyed to Pompey.

[-12-] Thereupon he detected and punished some; others he chastised from mere suspicion: no one could any longer trust him; of his remaining children, even, he put to death one of whom he grew suspicious. Seeing this, one of his sons, Pharnaces, impelled at once by fear of the king and an expectation that he would get the kingdom from the Romans, being now of man's estate, plotted against him. He was detected, for many both openly and secretly meddled constantly with all he was doing; and if the body-guard had had even the slightest good will toward their aged sovereign, the conspirator would immediately have met his just deserts.

As it was, Mithridates, who had proved himself most wise in all matters pertaining to a king, did not recognize the fact that neither arms nor mult.i.tude of subjects are of value to any one, without friendship on the part of the people; nay, the more dependents a person has (unless he holds them faithful to him) the greater burden they are to him. At any rate Pharnaces, followed both by the men he had made ready in advance, and by those whom his father had sent to arrest him (and these he very easily made his own) hastened straight on against the father himself.

The old king was in Panticapaeum when he learned this, and sent ahead some soldiers against his son, saying that he himself would soon follow them. These also Pharnaces quickly diverted from their purpose, inasmuch as they did not love Mithridates either, and after receiving the voluntary submission of the city, put to death his father, who had fled for refuge into the palace.

[-13-] The latter had tried to make way with himself, and after removing beforehand by poison his wives and remaining children, he had swallowed what was left to the last drop. Neither by that means nor by the sword was he able to induce death with his own hands. For the poison, although deadly, did not prevail over him, since he had inured his const.i.tution to it, taking every day precautionary antidotes in large doses: and the force of the sword blow was lessened on account of the weakness of his hand, caused by his age and the interference of those around him, and on account of the effect of the poison, of whatever sort it was. When, therefore, he failed to pour out his life through his own efforts and seemed to linger beyond the proper time, those whom he had sent against his son fell upon him and hastened his end with swords and spear points.

Mithridates, who had experienced the most varied and tremendous fortune, found the close of his life equally far from being simple. He desired to die against his will, and though anxious to kill himself was not able; but first by poison and then by the sword at once became a suicide and was slain by his foes.

[-14-] Pharnaces embalmed his body and sent it to Pompey as a proof of what had been done, and surrendered himself and his dominions. The Roman showed Mithridates no indignity, on the contrary commanding that he be buried among the graves of his ancestors; for, feeling that his hostility had been extinguished with his life, he indulged in no vain anger against the dead body. The kingdom of Bosporus, however, he granted to Pharnaces as the wages of his b.l.o.o.d.y deed, and enrolled him among his friends and allies.

After the death of Mithridates all portions of his dominions, except a few, were subjugated. Garrisons which at that date were still holding a few fortifications outside of Bosporus, did not immediately come to terms,--not so much because they were minded to resist him as because they were afraid that some persons might confiscate beforehand the money which they were guarding and lay the blame upon them: hence they waited, wishing to exhibit everything to Pompey himself.[-15-] When, then, the regions in that quarter had been subdued, and Phraates remained quiet, while Syria and Phoenicia were in a state of calm, the conqueror turned against Aretas. The latter was king of the Arabians, now slaves to the Romans as far as the Red Sea. Previously he had done the greatest injury to Syria and had on this account become involved in a battle with the Romans who were defending it: he was defeated by them, but nevertheless continued hostile at that time. Upon him and his neighbors Pompey made a descent, overcame them without effort, and handed them over to a garrison. Thence he proceeded against Palestine, in Syria, because its inhabitants were harming Phoenicia. Their rulers were two brothers, Hyrca.n.u.s and Aristobulus, who[18] were themselves quarreling, as it chanced, and stirring up the cities concerning the priesthood (for so they called their kingdom) of their G.o.d, whoever he is.

Pompey immediately brought to his side without a battle Hyrca.n.u.s, who had no force worthy of note, and by confining Aristobulus in a certain spot compelled him to come to terms. And when he would surrender neither money nor garrison,[19] Pompey threw him into prison. After this he more easily overcame the rest, but in the siege of Jerusalem found trouble.

[-16-]Most of the city he took without exertion, as he was received by the party of Hyrca.n.u.s, but the temple itself, which the others had occupied in advance, he did not capture without labor. It was on high ground and strengthened by its own defences, and if they had continued defending it on all days alike, he could not have got possession of it.

As it was, they made an exception of what were called the days of Saturn,[20] and by doing no work at all on them offered the Romans an opportunity in this vacant interval to batter down the wall. The latter on learning this superst.i.tion of theirs, made no serious attempt the rest of the time, but on those days, when they came around in succession, a.s.saulted most vigorously. Thus the holders were captured on the day of Saturn, making no defence, and all the money was plundered.

The kingdom was given to Hyrca.n.u.s, and Aristobulus was carried back to Rome.

This was the course of events at that time in Palestine. That is the name that has been applied from of old to the whole race, which extends from Phoenicia to Egypt along the inner sea. They have also another name that has been acquired,--i.e., the country has been called Judaea, and the people themselves Jews. [-17-]I do not know from what source this t.i.tle was first given them, but it applies also to all the rest of mankind, although of foreign race, who cherish their customs. This nation exists among the Romans also, and though often diminished has increased to a very great extent and has won its way to the right of freedom in its observances. They are distinguished from the rest of mankind in every detail of life, so to speak, and especially by the fact that they do not honor any of the usual G.o.ds, but reverence mightily one particular divinity. They never had any statue in Jerusalem itself, but believing him to be inexpressible, invisible, they worship him in the most extravagant fashion on earth. They built to him a temple that was extremely large and beautiful, except in so far as it was void and roofless, and dedicated the day called the day of Saturn, on which, among many other most peculiar actions, they undertake no serious occupation.

Now as for him, who he is and why he has been so honored, and how they got their superst.i.tion about accounts have been given by many, no one of which pertains to this history.

[-18-] The custom of referring the days to the seven stars called planets was established by the Egyptians, but has spread to all men, though it was inst.i.tuted comparatively not long ago. At any rate the original Greeks in no case understood it, so far as I am aware. But since it is becoming quite habitual to all the rest of mankind and to the Romans themselves, and this is to them already in a way an hereditary possession, I wish to make a few brief statements about it, telling how and in what way it has been so arranged.

I have heard two accounts, in general not difficult of comprehension, and containing some one's theories. If one apply the so-called "principle of the tetrachord" (which is believed to const.i.tute the basis of music) in order to these stars, by which the whole universe of heaven is divided into regular intervals, as each one of them revolves, and beginning at the outer orbit a.s.signed to Saturn, then omitting the next two name the master of the fourth, and after him pa.s.sing over two others reach the seventh, and in the return cycle approach them by the names of the days, one will find all the days to be in a kind of musical connection with the arrangement of the heavens.

[-19-] This is one of the accounts: the other is as follows. If you begin at the first one to count the hours of the day and of the night, a.s.signing the first to Saturn, the next to Jupiter, the third to Mars, the fourth to Sol,[21] the fifth to Venus, the sixth to Mercury, and the seventh to Luna,[20] according to the order of the cycles the Egyptians observe in their system, and if you repeat the process, covering thus the twenty-four hours, you will find that the first hour of the following day comes to the sun. And if you carry on the operation throughout the next twenty-four hours, by the same method as outlined above, you will consecrate the first hour of the third day to the moon, and if you proceed similarly through the rest, each day will receive the G.o.d that appertains to it. This, then, is the tradition.[22]

[-20-] Pompey, when he had accomplished what has been related, went again to the Pontus and after taking charge of the forts returned to Asia and thence to Greece and Italy. He had won many battles; had brought into subjection many potentates and kings, some by going to war with them and some by treaty, he had colonized eight cities, had created many lands and sources of revenue for the Romans, and had established and organized most of the nations in the continent of Asia then belonging to them with their own laws and governments, so that even to this day they use the laws that he laid down.

But although these achievements were great and had been equaled by no earlier Roman, one might ascribe them both to good fortune and to his fellow campaigners. The performance for which credit particularly attaches to Pompey himself, which is forever worthy of admiration, I will now proceed to set forth.

[-21-] He had enormous power both on sea and on land; he had supplied himself with vast sums of money from captives; he had made friends with numerous potentates and kings; and he had kept practically all the communities which he ruled well disposed through benefits bestowed. And although by these means he might have occupied Italy and have taken possession of the whole Roman sway, since the majority would have accepted him voluntarily, and if any had resisted they would certainly have capitulated through weakness, yet he did not choose to do this.

Instead, as soon as he had crossed to Brundusium he gave up of his own accord all his powers, without waiting for any vote to be pa.s.sed concerning the matter by the senate or the people, not troubling himself even about using them in the course of the triumph. For since he understood that the careers of Marius and Sulla were held in abomination by all mankind, he did not wish to cause them any fear even for a few days that they should undergo any similar experiences. Consequently he did not so much as acquire any name from his exploits, although he might have taken many.

As for the triumphal celebration--I mean that one which is considered the chief,--although according to most ancient precedents it is not lawful that it be held without those who aided the victory, he nevertheless accepted it, as it had been voted to him. He conducted the procession in honor of all his wars at once, including in it many trophies beautifully arrayed to represent each of his deeds, even the smallest: and after them all came one huge one, arrayed in costly fashion and bearing an inscription to the effect that it was a World Trophy. He did not, however, add any other t.i.tle to his name, but was satisfied with that of Magnus only, which, as is known, he had gained even before these achievements. Nor did he get any other extravagant privilege awarded him: only he did use once such as had been voted him in absence. These were that he should wear the laurel wreath on the occasion of all meetings at any time, and should be clad in the robe of office at all of them, as well as in the triumphal garb at the horse-races. They were granted him chiefly through the cooperation of Caesar, and contrary to the judgment of Marcus Cato.