Dio's Rome Volume II Part 4

Here he courted Pompey and Cra.s.sus and the rest so skillfully that though they were still at enmity with each other, and their political clubs were likewise, and though each opposed everything that he learned the other wished, he won them over and was unanimously appointed by them all. This evidences his cleverness in the greatest degree that he should have known and arranged the occasions and the amount of his services so well as to attach them both to him when they were working against each other.

[-55-] He was not even satisfied with this, but actually reconciled them, not because he was desirous of having them agree, but because he saw that they were the most powerful persons. And he understood well that without the aid of both or of one he could never come to any great power; but if he should make a friend of merely either one of them, he should by that fact find the other his antagonist and should suffer more reverses through him than he would win success by the support of the other. For, on the one hand, it seemed to him that all men work more strenuously against their enemies than they cooperate with their friends, not merely as a corollary of the fact that anger and hate impel more earnest endeavor than any friendship, but also because, when one man works for himself, and a second for another, success does not hold a like amount of pleasure or failure of pain in the two cases. Per contra he reflected that it was handier to get in people's way and prevent their reaching any prominence than to be willing to lead them to great heights. The chief reason for this was that he who keeps another from attaining magnitude pleases others as well as himself, whereas he who exalts another renders him burdensome to both those parties.

[-56-] These reasons led Caesar at that time to insinuate himself into their good graces, and subsequently he reconciled them with each other.

He did not believe that without them he could either attain permanent power or fail to offend one of them some time, and had equally little fear of their harmonizing their plans and so becoming stronger than he.

For he understood perfectly that he should master other people immediately through their friendship, and a little later master them through the agency of each other. And so it was.[28]

Pompey and Cra.s.sus, the moment they entered into his plan, themselves made peace each with the other as if of their own accord, and took Caesar into partnership respecting their designs. Pompey, on his side, was not so strong as he had hoped to be, and seeing that Cra.s.sus was in power and that Caesar's influence was growing feared that he should be utterly overthrown by them; but he had the additional hope that if he made them sharers in present advantages, he should win back his old authority through them. Cra.s.sus thought that he should properly surpa.s.s them all by reason of his family as well as his wealth; and since he was far inferior to Pompey and thought that Caesar would rise to great heights, he desired to set them in opposition one to the other, in order that neither of them should have the upper hand. He expected that they would be evenly matched antagonists and in this event he would get the benefit of the friendship of each and gain honors beyond both of them. For without supporting in all respects either the policy of the populace or that of the senate he did everything to advance his own supremacy. Thus it happened that he did both of them equal services and avoided the enmity of either, promoting on occasion whatever measures pleased both to such an extent as was likely to give him the credit for everything that went to the liking of the two, without any share in more unpleasant issues.

[-57-] Thus the three for these reasons cemented friendship, ratified it with oaths, and managed public affairs by their own influence. Next they gave and received in turn, one from another, whatever they set their hearts on and was in view of the circ.u.mstances suitable to be carried out by them. Their harmony caused an agreement also on the part of their political followers: these, too, did with impunity whatever they wished, enjoying the leadership of their superiors toward any ends, so that few traces of moderation remained and those only in Cato and in any one else who wished to seem to hold the same opinions as did he. No one in that generation took part in politics from pure motives and without any individual desire of gain except Cato. Some were ashamed of the acts committed and others who strove to imitate him took a hand in affairs in places, and manifested something of the same spirit: they were not persevering, however, inasmuch as their efforts sprang from cultivation of an att.i.tude and not from innate virtue.

[-58-] This was the condition into which these men brought the affairs of Rome at that time while they concealed their sworn fellowship as much as possible. They did whatever had approved itself to them, but fabricated and put forth the most opposite motives, in order that they might still lie concealed for a very long time till their preparations should be sufficiently made.

Yet Heaven was not ignorant of their doings, and it straightway revealed plainly to those who could understand any such signs all that would later result from their domination. For of a sudden such a storm came down upon the whole city and all the land that quant.i.ties of trees were torn up by the roots, many houses were shattered, the boats moored in the Tiber both near the city and at its mouth were sunk, and the wooden bridge destroyed, and a small theatre built of timbers for some a.s.sembly was overturned, and in the midst of all this great numbers of human beings perished. These portents appeared in advance,--an image, as it were, of what should befall the people both on land and on water.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY

38

The following is contained in the Thirty-eighth of Dio's Rome: How Caesar and Bibulus fell to quarreling (chapters 1-8).

How Cicero was exiled (chapters 9-17).

How Philiscus consoled Cicero in the matter of his exile (chapters 18-30).

How Caesar fought the Helvetii and Ariovistus (chapters 31-50).

Duration of time, two years, in which there were the following magistrates, here enumerated:

C. Julius C.F. Caesar, M. Calpurnius || C.F. Bibulus ||. (B.C. 59 = a.u.

695.)

||L. Calpurnius || L.F. Piso, A. Gabinius A.F. (B.C. 58 = a.u. 696.)

The names within the parallel lines are lacking in the MSS., but were inserted by Palmer (and Boissevain).

(_BOOK 38, BOISSEVAIN_.)

[B.C. 59 (_a.u._ 695)]

[-1-] The following year Caesar wished to court the favor of the entire mult.i.tude, that he might make them his own to an even greater degree.

But since he was anxious to seem to be advancing also the interests of the leading cla.s.ses, so as to avoid getting into enmity with them, he often told them that he would propose no measure which would not advantage them also. Now there was a certain proposition about the land which he was for a.s.signing to the whole populace, that he had framed in such a way as to incur no little censure for it. However, he pretended he would not introduce this measure, either, unless it should be according to their wishes. So far as the law went, indeed, no one could find fault with him. The ma.s.s of the citizens, which was unwieldly (a feature which more than any other accounted for their tendency to riot), was thus turning in the direction of work and agriculture; and most of the desolated sections of Italy were being colonized afresh, so that not only those who had been worn out in the campaigns, but also all of the rest should have subsistence a plenty, and that without any individual expense on the part of the city or any a.s.sessment of the chief men; rather it included the conferring of both rank and office upon many. He wanted to distribute all the public land except Campania--this he advised their keeping distinct as a public possession, because of its excellence--and the rest he urged them to buy not from any one who was unwilling to sell nor again for so large a price as the settlers might wish, but first from people who were willing to dispose of their holdings and second for as large a price as it had been valued at in the tax-lists. They had a great deal of surplus money, he a.s.serted, as a result of the booty which Pompey had captured, as well as from the new[29] tributes and taxes just established, and they ought, inasmuch as it had been provided by the dangers that citizens had incurred, to expend it upon those very persons. Furthermore he was for const.i.tuting the land commissioners not a small body, to seem like an oligarchy, nor composed of men who were laboring under any legal indictment,[30] lest somebody might be displeased, but twenty to begin with, so that many might share the honor, and next those who were most suitable, except himself. This point he quite insisted should be settled in advance, that it might not be thought that he was making a motion on his own account.

He himself was satisfied with the conception and proposal of the matter; at least he said so, but clearly he was doing a favor to Pompey and Cra.s.sus and the rest.

[-2-] So far as the motion went, then, he escaped censure, so that no one, indeed, ventured to open his mouth in opposition: for he had read it aloud beforehand in the senate, and calling upon each one of the senators by name had enquired his opinion, for fear that some one might have some fault to find; and he promised to frame differently or even erase entirely any clause which might not please any person. Still on the whole quite all the foremost men who were outside the plot were irritated. And this very fact troubled them most, that Caesar had compiled such a doc.u.ment that not one could raise a criticism and yet they were all cast down. They suspected the purpose with which it was being done,--that he would bind the mult.i.tude to him as a result of it, and have reputation and power over all men. For this reason even if no one spoke against him, no one expressed approval, either. This sufficed for the majority and they kept promising him that they would pa.s.s the decree: but they did nothing; on the contrary, fruitless delays and postponements kept arising. [-3-] As for Marcus Cato, who was in general an upright man and displeased with any innovation but was able to exert no influence either by nature or by education, he did not himself make any complaint against the motion, but without going into particulars urged them to abide by the existing system and take no steps beyond it.

At this Caesar was on the point of dragging Cato out of the very senate-house and casting him into prison. The latter gave himself up quite readily to be led away and not a few of the rest followed him; one of them, Marcus Petreius, being rebuked by Caesar because he was taking his departure before the senate was yet dismissed, replied: "I prefer to be with Cato in his cell rather than here with you." Abashed at this speech Caesar let Cato go and adjourned the senate, saying only this much in pa.s.sing: "I have made you judges and lords of the law so that if anything should not suit you, it need not be brought into the public a.s.sembly; but since you are not willing to pa.s.s a decree, that body itself shall decide."

[-4-] Thereafter he communicated to the senate nothing further under this head but brought directly before the people whatever he desired.

However, as he wished even under these circ.u.mstances to secure as sympathizers some of the foremost men in the a.s.sembly, hoping that they had now changed their minds and would be a little afraid of the populace, he began with his colleague and asked him if he criticised the provisions of the law. When the latter made no answer save that he would endure no innovations in his own office, Caesar proceeded to supplicate him and persuaded the mult.i.tude to join him in his request, saying: "You shall have the law if only he wishes it."

Bibulus with a great shout replied: "You shall not have this law this year, even if all of you wish it." And having spoken thus he took his departure.

Caesar did not address any further enquiries to persons in office, fearing that some one of them might also oppose him; but he held a conference with Pompey and Cra.s.sus, though they were private citizens, and bade them make known their views about the proposition. This was not because he failed to understand their att.i.tude, for all their undertakings were in common; but he purposed to honor these men in that he called them in as advisers about the law when they were holding no office, and also to stir terror in the rest by securing the adherence of men who were admittedly the foremost in the city at that time and had the greatest influence with all. By this very move, also, he would please the mult.i.tude, by giving proof that they were not striving for any unusual or unjust end, but for objects which those great men were willing both to scrutinize and to approve.

[-5-] Pompey, accordingly, very gladly addressed them as follows: "Not I alone, Quirites, sanction the proposition, but all the rest of the senate as well, seeing that it has voted for land to be given, aside from the partners of my campaign, to those who formerly followed Metellus. At that time, indeed, since the treasury had no great means, the granting of the land was naturally postponed; but at present, since it has become exceedingly rich through my efforts, it behooves the senators to redeem their promise and the rest to reap the fruit of the common toils." After these remarks he went over in detail every feature of the proposition and approved them all, so that the crowd was mightily pleased. Seeing this, Caesar asked him if he would willingly lend a.s.sistance against those who took the opposite side, and advised the mult.i.tude to ask his aid similarly for this end. When this was done Pompey was elated because both the consul and the mult.i.tude had pet.i.tioned his help, although he was holding no position of command. So, with an added opinion of his own value and a.s.suming much dignity he spoke at some length, finally declaring "if any one dares to raise a sword, I, too, will oppose to him my shield." These utterances of Pompey Cra.s.sus, too, approved. Consequently even if some of the rest were not pleased, most became very eager for the ratification of the law when these[31] men whose reputations were in general excellent and who were, according to common opinion, inimical to Caesar (their reconciliation was not yet manifest) joined in the approbation of his measure.

[-6-] Bibulus, notwithstanding, would not yield and with three tribunes to support him continued to hinder the enactment of the law. Finally, when no excuse for delay was any longer left him, he proclaimed a sacred period for all the remaining days of the year alike, during which people could not, in accordance with the laws, come together for a meeting.[32]

Caesar paid slight attention to him and announced an appointed day on which they should pa.s.s the law. When the mult.i.tude by night had already occupied the Forum, Bibulus appeared with the force at his disposal and made his way to the temple of the Dioscuri from which Caesar was delivering his harangue. The men fell back before him partly out of respect and partly because they thought he would not actually oppose them. But when he reached an elevated place and attempted to dispute with Caesar, he was thrust down the steps, his staves were broken to pieces, and the tribunes as well as the others received blows and wounds.

Thus the law was ratified. Bibulus was for the moment satisfied to save his life, but on the following day tried in the senate to annul the act; however, he effected nothing, for all, subservient to the will of the mult.i.tude, remained quiet. Accordingly he retired to his home and did not again so much as once appear in public until the last day of the year. Instead he remained in his house,--notifying Caesar through his a.s.sistants on the introduction of every new measure that it was a sacred period and by the laws he could rightfully take no action during it.

Publius Vatinius, a tribune, indeed undertook to place Bibulus in a cell for this, but was prevented from confining him by the opposition of his a.s.sociates in office. However, Bibulus in this way put himself out of politics and the tribunes belonging to his party likewise were never again entrusted with any public duty.

[-7-] It should be said that Metellus Celer and Cato and through him one Marcus Favonius, who imitated him in all points, for a while would not take the oath of obedience to the law. (This custom once[33], begun, as I have stated, became the regular practice in the case of other unusual measures also.) A number besides Metellus, who referred to his t.i.tle of Numidicus, flatly declared they would never join in approving it. When, however, the day came[34] on which they were to incur the stated penalties, they took the oath, either as a result of the human trait according to which many persons utter promises and threats more easily than they put anything into execution, or else because they were going to be fined to no purpose, without helping the commonwealth at all by their obstinacy. So the law was ratified, and furthermore the land of Campania was given to those having three or more children. For this reason Capua was then for the first time considered a Roman colony.

By this means Caesar attached to his cause the people, and he won the knights, as well, by allowing them a third part of the taxes which they had hired. All the collections were made through them and though they had often asked the senate to grant them some satisfactory schedule, they had not gained it, because Cato and the others worked against them.

When, then, he had conciliated this cla.s.s also without any protest, he first ratified all the acts of Pompey--and in this he met no opposition from Lucullus or any one else,--and next he put through many other measures while no one opposed him. There was no gainsaying even from Cato, although in the praetorship which he soon after held, he would never mention the t.i.tle of the other's laws, which were called the "Julian." While he followed their provisions in allotting the courts he most ridiculously concealed their names.

[-8-] These, then, because they are very many in number and offer no contribution to this history, I will leave aside.--Quintus Fufius Calenus, finding that the [B.C. 59 (_a.u._ 695)] votes of all in party contests were promiscuously mingled,--each of the cla.s.ses attributing the superior measures to itself and referring the less sensible to the others--pa.s.sed when praetor a law that each should cast its votes separately: his purpose was that even if their individual opinions could not be revealed, by reason of doing this secretly, yet the views of the cla.s.ses at least might be made known.

As for the rest, Caesar himself proposed, advised and arranged everything in the city once for all as if he were its sole ruler. Hence some facetious persons hid the name of Bibulus in silence altogether and named Caesar twice, and in writing would mention Gaius Caesar and Julius Caesar as being the consuls. But in matters that concerned himself he managed through others, for he guarded most strenuously against the contingency of presenting anything to himself. By this means he more easily effected everything that he desired. He himself declared that he needed nothing more and strongly protested that he was satisfied with his present possessions. Others, believing him a necessary and useful factor in affairs proposed whatever he wished and had it ratified, not only before the populace but in the senate itself. For whereas the mult.i.tude granted him the government of Illyric.u.m and of Gaul this side of the Alps with three legions for five years, the senate entrusted him in addition with Gaul beyond the mountains and another legion.

[-9-] Even so, in fear that Pompey in his absence (during which Aulus Gabinius was to be consul) might lead some revolt, he attached to his cause both Pompey and the other consul, Lucius Piso, by the bond of kinship: upon the former he bestowed his daughter, in spite of having betrothed her to another man, and he himself married Piso's daughter.

Thus he fortified himself on all sides. But Cicero and Lucullus, little pleased at this, undertook to kill both Caesar and Pompey through the medium of one Lucius Vettius; they failed of their attempt, however, and all but perished themselves as well. For Vettius, being informed against and arrested before he had acted, denounced them; and had he not charged Bibulus also with being in the plot against the two, they would have certainly met some evil fate. As it was, inasmuch as in his defence he accused the man who had revealed the project to Pompey, he was suspected of not speaking the truth on other points either, but created the impression that the matter had been somehow purposely contrived with a view to calumniating the opposite party. About these details some spread one report and others another, but nothing was definitely proven.

Vettius was brought before the populace and after naming only those whom I have mentioned was thrown into prison, where not much later he was treacherously murdered.

[-10-] In consequence of this Cicero became an object of suspicion on the part of Caesar and Pompey, and he strengthened their conjecture in his defence of Antonius. The latter, in his governorship of Macedonia, had committed many outrages upon the subject territory as well as the section that was under truce, and had been well chastised in return. He ravaged the possessions of the Dardani and their neighbors and then did not dare to withstand their attack, but pretending to retire with his cavalry for some other purpose took to flight; in this way the enemy surrounded his infantry and drove them out of the country with violence, taking away their plunder from them besides. When he tried the same tactics on the allies in Moesia he was defeated near the city of the Istrianians by the Bastarnian Scythians who came to their aid; and thereupon he decamped. It was not for this conduct, however, that he was accused, but he was indicted for conspiracy with Catiline; yet he was convicted on the former charge, so that it was his fate to be found not guilty of the crime for which he was being tried, but to be punished for something of which he was not accused. That was the way he finally came off; but at the time Cicero in the character of his advocate, because Antonius was his colleague, made a most bitter a.s.sault upon Caesar as responsible for the suit against the man, and heaped some abuse upon him in addition.

[-11-] Caesar was naturally indignant at it, but, although consul, refused to be the author of any insolent speech or act against him. He said that the rabble purposely cast out[35] many idle slurs upon their superiors, trying to entice them into strife, so that the commoners might seem to be equal and of like importance, in case they should get anything similar said of themselves. Hence he did not see fit to put any person on an equal footing with himself. It had been his custom, therefore, to conduct himself thus toward others who insulted him at all, and now seeing that Cicero was not so anxious about abusing him as about obtaining similar abuse in return and was merely desirous of being put on an equality with him, he paid little heed to his traducer, acting as if nothing had been said; indeed, he allowed him to employ vilifications unstintedly, as if they were praises showered upon him.

Still, he did not disregard him entirely. Caesar possessed in reality a rather decent nature, and was not easily moved to anger. Accordingly, though punishing many, since his interests were of such magnitude, yet his action was not due to anger nor was it altogether immediate. He did not indulge wrath at all, but watched his opportunity and his vengeance dogged the steps of the majority of culprits without their knowing it.

He did not take measures so as to seem to defend himself against anybody, but so as to arrange everything to his own advantage while creating the least odium. Therefore he visited retribution secretly and in places where one would least have expected it,--both for the sake of his reputation, to avoid seeming to be of a wrathful disposition, and to the end that no one through premonition should be on his guard in advance, or try to inflict some dangerous injury upon his persecutor before being injured. For he was not more concerned about what had already occurred than that[36] (future attacks) should be hindered. As a result he would pardon many of those, even, who had harmed him greatly, or pursue them only a little way, because he believed they would do no further injury; whereas upon many others, even more than was right, he took vengeance looking to his safety, and said that[37] what was done he could never make undone,[38] but because of the extreme punishment he would[39] for the future at least suffer[40] no calamity.

[-12-] These calculations induced him to remain quiet on this occasion, too; but when he ascertained that Clodius was willing to do him a favor in return, because he had not accused him of adultery, he set the man secretly against Cicero. In the first place, in order that he might be lawfully excluded from the patricians, he transferred him with Pompey's cooperation again to the plebian rank, and then immediately had him appointed tribune. This Clodius, then, muzzled Bibulus, who had entered the Forum at the expiration of his office and intended in the course of taking the oath to deliver a speech about present conditions, and after that attacked Cicero also.

[B.C. 58 (_a.u._ 696)]

He soon decided that it was not easy to overthrow a man who, on account of his skill in speaking, had very great influence in politics, and so proceeded to conciliate not only the populace, but also the knights and the senate with whom Cicero most held in regard. His hope was that if he could make these men his own, he might easily cause the downfall of the orator, whose great strength lay rather in the fear than in the good-will which he inspired. Cicero annoyed great numbers by his words, and those who were won to him by benefits conferred were not so numerous as those alienated by injuries done them. Not only did it hold true in his case that the majority of mankind are more ready to feel irritation at what displeases them than to feel grateful to any one for good treatment, and think that they have paid their advocates in full with wages, whereas they are determined to give those who oppose them at law a perceptible setback: but furthermore he invited very bitter enemies by always striving to get the better of even the strongest men and by always employing an unbridled and excessive frankness of speech to all alike; he was in desperate pursuit of a reputation for being able to comprehend and speak as no one else could, and before all wanted to be thought a valuable citizen. As a result of this and because he was the greatest boaster alive and thought no one equal to himself, but in his words and life alike looked down on all and would not live as any one else did, he was wearisome and burdensome, and was consequently both envied and hated even by those very persons whom he pleased.

[-13-] Clodius therefore hoped that for these reasons, if he should prepare the minds of the senate and the knights and the populace in advance, he could quickly make way with him. So he straightway[41]

distributed free corn gratis (he had already in the consulship of Gabinius and Piso introduced a motion that it be measured out to those who lacked), and revived the a.s.sociations called _collegia_ in the native language, which had existed anciently but had been abolished for some time. The tribunes he forbade to depose a person from any office or disfranchise him, save if a man should be tried and convicted in presence of them both. After enticing the citizens by these means he proposed another law, concerning which it is necessary to speak at some length, so that it may become clearer to most persons.

Public divination was obtained from the sky and from some other sources, as I said, but that of the sky carried the greatest weight,--so much so that whereas the other auguries held were many in number and for each action, this one was held but once and for the whole day. Besides this most peculiar feature it was noticeable that whereas in reference to all other matters sky-divination either allowed things to be done and they were carried out without consulting any individual augury further, or else it would prevent and hinder something, it restrained the balloting of the populace altogether and was always a portent to check them, whether it was of a favorable or ill-boding nature. Now the cause of this custom I am unable to state, but I set down the common report.

Accordingly, many persons who wished to obstruct either the proposal of laws or official appointments that came before the popular a.s.sembly were in the habit of announcing that they would use the divination from the sky for that day, so that the people could ratify nothing during the period. Clodius was afraid that if he indicted Cicero some person by such means might interpose a postponement or delay the trial, and so introduced measure that no one of the officials should, on the days when it was necessary for the people to vote on anything, observe the signs from heaven.

[-14-]Such was the nature of the indictment which he then drew up against Cicero. The latter understood what was going on and induced Lucius Ninnius Quadratus, a tribune, to oppose it all: then Clodius, in fear lest a tumult and delay of some kind should arise as a result, outwitted him by deceit. He made arrangements with Cicero beforehand to bring no indictment against him, if he, in turn, would not interfere with any of the measures under consideration; whereupon, while the latter and Ninnius were quiet, he secured the pa.s.sage of the laws, and next proceeded against the orator. Thus was the latter, who thought himself extremely wise, deceived on that occasion by Clodius,--if we ought to say Clodius and not Caesar and his party. For the law that Clodius proposed after this trick was not on its face enacted against Cicero (i.e. it did not contain his name), but against all those simply who put to death or had put to death any citizen without the condemnation of the populace; yet in fact it was drawn up as strongly as possible against that one man.