Washington - A Life Part 6

By this point it was self-evident that Martha Washington would spend extended periods with her husband and might be exposed to smallpox. Washington could not advocate inoculation if his own wife shrank from it. After the liberation of Boston, Martha had refrained from entering the city to celebrate with officers' wives who enjoyed immunity to the disease. She had vowed to be inoculated against smallpox, but Washington remembered how anxious she was when Jacky was inoculated in 1771; he doubted she would now make good on her pledge. Nevertheless, when they reached Philadelphia, Martha conquered her fears and submitted to the procedure. She came down with a fever and developed only a dozen pustules (none on her face), spending several weeks in quarantine. On June 10 Jacky Custis, in Maryland with his wife, wrote an appreciative note to Washington about his mother's successful recovery. He used the occasion to express grat.i.tude for everything his legal guardian had done, thanking him for the "parental care which on all occasions you have shown me. It pleased the Almighty to deprive me at a very early period of life of my father, but I cannot sufficiently adore His goodness in sending me so good a guardian as you Sir. Few have experienc[e]d such care and attention from real parents as I have done. He best deserves the name of father who acts the part of one."46 It was an eloquent, well-deserved tribute for the often-thankless care that Washington had given to his stepson. It was an eloquent, well-deserved tribute for the often-thankless care that Washington had given to his stepson.

WITH MANY LOYALISTS scattered across the city, a more pervasive fear of espionage existed in New York than in Boston, where the patriots and British had been widely separated. With thousands of troops cooped up in southern Manhattan in a tense atmosphere, a vigorous hunt was launched in early June for Tories who allegedly supplied British warships off Sandy Hook and spied on patriots. On June 17 the New York Provincial Congress received a shocking report from a Loyalist named Isaac Ketchum, who was arrested on counterfeiting charges. While held at City Hall, Ketchum fingered two members of Washington's personal guard, Thomas Hickey and Michael Lynch, also detained on counterfeiting charges, as being in league with the British to sabotage the Continental Army as it defended New York. In their wild boasting, the two men had contended that when British warships anch.o.r.ed in the harbor, William Tryon, the royal governor, would distribute royal pardons to defectors. Lynch and Hickey also referred darkly to "riflemen on Staten Island" and "Cape Cod men" who were supposed confederates in the plot.

As the probe widened, investigators learned that a gunsmith named Gilbert Forbes was a.s.signed to pay off turncoats to the British side and that Forbes was being supplied with money by David Mathews, New York's mayor. Once alerted to this allegation, Washington moved swiftly and had Mathews arrested at one o'clock in the morning at his Flatbush home. Under questioning, Mathews admitted that Governor Tryon had "put a bundle of paper money into his hands" and asked him to convey it to Forbes to purchase rifles and muskets. Only after the war did Mathews add the sensational disclosure that "he had formed a plan for the taking Mr. Washington and his guard prisoners."47 Mathews named Thomas Hickey, a swarthy, brazen fellow, as a henchman in the plot. Washington believed that the conspiracy originated with Tryon, who had employed Mathews as his cat's-paw. A dozen arrests occurred as rumors ran through town that the commander in chief had refused to eat a plate of poisoned peas that had subsequently killed some chickens. Mathews named Thomas Hickey, a swarthy, brazen fellow, as a henchman in the plot. Washington believed that the conspiracy originated with Tryon, who had employed Mathews as his cat's-paw. A dozen arrests occurred as rumors ran through town that the commander in chief had refused to eat a plate of poisoned peas that had subsequently killed some chickens.

News of the plot unleashed a wave of fierce reprisals against New York Tories; some of them were tarred and feathered, and others were subjected to the torture of "riding the rail." Once the angry atmosphere cooled down and Hickey's court-martial began, the plot took on more modest proportions. The conspirators had planned to spike patriot guns when the British fleet arrived, in return for pardons and bonuses. One witness testified that seven hundred patriots had promised to defect. In his testimony, he made a claim that must have unnerved Washington: no fewer than eight members of Washington's personal guard formed part of the plot. Hickey showed no remorse, was found guilty of sedition and mutiny, and was singled out for hanging. Not taking any chances, Washington deployed 140 men to guard him and other prisoners at City Hall.

The entire conspiracy had the unintended effect of rallying support for Washington, whose life had been in jeopardy. But he didn't want to exaggerate the plot, which might have been demoralizing. In reporting it to John Hanc.o.c.k, he said it had been concocted by the guilty parties "for aiding the King's troops upon their arrival. No regular plan seems to have been digested, but several persons have been enlisted and sworn to join them."48 He also believed that 200 to 250 Loyalist conspirators were hiding in the Long Island woods and swamps; he had boats patrol the Narrows at night to intercept anyone trying to flee to British-controlled Staten Island. He also believed that 200 to 250 Loyalist conspirators were hiding in the Long Island woods and swamps; he had boats patrol the Narrows at night to intercept anyone trying to flee to British-controlled Staten Island.

Mayor Mathews and several others were packed off to Connecticut to serve jail time-a lenient sentence for a treasonous plot-and either escaped or were let go without a trial. Washington decided to make an example of Hickey and ordered every brigade to witness his hanging at eleven A.M. on June 28, 1776. The gallows were erected in a field near the Bowery, and twenty thousand spectators-virtually the entire New York population-turned out to watch. Hickey waived his right to a chaplain, calling them "cutthroats," and managed to hold back tears until the hang-men actually looped the noose around his neck.49 In his general orders for the day, Washington drew a rather bizarre lesson from Hickey's fate. He hoped the punishment would "be a warning to every soldier in the army" to avoid sedition, mutiny, and other crimes "disgraceful to the character of a soldier and pernicious to his country, whose pay he receives and bread he eats."50 The next sentence gave a strange twist to the whole affair. "And in order to avoid those crimes, the most certain method is to keep out of the temptation of them and particularly to avoid lewd women who, by the dying confession of this poor criminal, first led him into practices which ended in an untimely and ignominious death." The next sentence gave a strange twist to the whole affair. "And in order to avoid those crimes, the most certain method is to keep out of the temptation of them and particularly to avoid lewd women who, by the dying confession of this poor criminal, first led him into practices which ended in an untimely and ignominious death."51 This coda, with its sternly puritanical lesson, shows that Washington may have been more worried about health hazards posed by the Holy Ground than by treasonous plots. This coda, with its sternly puritanical lesson, shows that Washington may have been more worried about health hazards posed by the Holy Ground than by treasonous plots.

CHAPTER TWENTY.

All London Afloat BY THE SUMMER OF 1776 the British were convinced that they would make quick work of the rebel forces and took comfort in a superior, complacent tone. Braggadocio-always a poor subst.i.tute for a.n.a.lysis-grew fashionable in official circles in London. At the start of the year, Lord Rawdon a.s.sured the Earl of Huntingdon that "we shall soon have done with these scoundrels, for one only dirties one's fingers by meddling with them. I do not imagine they can possibly last out beyond this campaign."1 Lord Sandwich, First Lord of the Admiralty, reacted contemptuously to the notion that the sheer number of colonists could overpower royal forces. "Suppose the colonies do abound in men, what does that signify? They are raw, undisciplined, cowardly men." Lord Sandwich, First Lord of the Admiralty, reacted contemptuously to the notion that the sheer number of colonists could overpower royal forces. "Suppose the colonies do abound in men, what does that signify? They are raw, undisciplined, cowardly men."2 George Germain, secretary for the American colonies, cherished the hope that all that was needed was a "decisive blow." George Germain, secretary for the American colonies, cherished the hope that all that was needed was a "decisive blow."3 What was required was a show of force so huge and terrifying that the deluded colonists would tremble at the a.s.sembled might of the British Empire. What was required was a show of force so huge and terrifying that the deluded colonists would tremble at the a.s.sembled might of the British Empire.

While Great Britain did have a respectable army, it paled beside those of France, Austria, and Prussia. It was the Royal Navy that was peerless in Europe, and New York Harbor was a big enough basin to absorb this giant fleet. Awaiting these ships, Washington had his men strain every nerve to detect their arrival, even sleeping with their arms and "ready to turn out at a minute's notice."4 On June 29 patriotic sentries stationed on Staten Island signaled to Washington that forty British ships, the first installment of the fleet, had been spotted off Sandy Hook and would soon glide majestically through the Narrows. The news touched off hysterical activity in Manhattan. Writing in rapid, telegraphic style, Henry Knox informed his brother: "The city in an uproar, the alarm guns firing, the troops repairing to their posts, and everything in the height of bustle." On June 29 patriotic sentries stationed on Staten Island signaled to Washington that forty British ships, the first installment of the fleet, had been spotted off Sandy Hook and would soon glide majestically through the Narrows. The news touched off hysterical activity in Manhattan. Writing in rapid, telegraphic style, Henry Knox informed his brother: "The city in an uproar, the alarm guns firing, the troops repairing to their posts, and everything in the height of bustle."5 Washington had decided to make a costly (and in the end, mistaken) gamble of trying to hold New York. In fairness, it must be said that Congress had a.s.signed a high priority to retaining the city. A day earlier Washington had issued an urgent summons to Ma.s.sachusetts and Connecticut to dispatch militia posthaste to the city, and he now accelerated preparations for an imminent British attack, having his men pile up sandbags everywhere. Faced with incessant work, the tireless Washington noted that he was "employed from the hour of my rising till I retire to bed again."6 Prompted by fear, a tremendous exodus of women and children left New York, crossing paths with an influx of militia. "On the one hand," wrote the Reverend Ewald Shewkirk, "everyone that could was packing up and getting away; and on the other hand country soldiers from the neighboring places came in from all sides." Prompted by fear, a tremendous exodus of women and children left New York, crossing paths with an influx of militia. "On the one hand," wrote the Reverend Ewald Shewkirk, "everyone that could was packing up and getting away; and on the other hand country soldiers from the neighboring places came in from all sides."7 Reflecting the parlous state of things, Washington exiled Martha to the comparative safety of Philadelphia. To make their separation tolerable, she asked Charles Willson Peale to execute a miniature watercolor of her husband clad in his blue uniform and gold epaulettes. Reflecting the parlous state of things, Washington exiled Martha to the comparative safety of Philadelphia. To make their separation tolerable, she asked Charles Willson Peale to execute a miniature watercolor of her husband clad in his blue uniform and gold epaulettes.

Until reinforcements arrived, Washington was woefully shorthanded. He had fewer than 9,000 men, with 2,000 too sick to enter combat. Meanwhile, he steeled himself for the advent of 17,000 German mercenaries who would form part of a gigantic expeditionary force-the largest of the eighteenth century-that might total 30,000 soldiers. When this first wave of ships grew visible from Manhattan, an armada of 110 warships and transport boats, the sight was impressive, almost dreamlike, to behold. "I could not believe my eyes," Private Daniel McCurtin wrote after peering at the panoply of British power. "Keeping my eyes fixed at the very spot, judge you of my surprise when, in about ten minutes, the whole bay was full of shipping . . . I declare that I thought all London was afloat."8 These were the same ships that had evacuated Boston in March and marked time in Halifax before sailing south to New York. Fortunately for Washington, this advance guard under Major General William Howe, his former nemesis from the siege, decided not to force the issue. Some British ships dropped anchor off Gravesend, Long Island, and newly arrived British soldiers camped on Staten Island, but no offensive action materialized. General Howe was biding his time until the bulk of the fleet, sailing from England under the command of his brother Richard, Admiral Viscount Howe, joined him in New York.

In general orders for July 2, Washington tried to rouse his untried men with impa.s.sioned words. He had a genius for exalting the mission of his army and enabling the men to see themselves, not as lowly grunts, but as actors on the stage of history. "The time is now near at hand which must probably determine whether Americans are to be free men or slaves . . . The fate of unborn millions will now depend, under G.o.d, on the courage . . . of this army."9 That same morning an alarming incident occurred when five British men-of-war pa.s.sed through the Narrows and seemed on course to attack patriot forts. Confronting this threat, the Continental Army reacted with notable esprit de corps. Colonel Samuel Blachley Webb wrote in his diary that "never did I see men more cheerful. They seem to wish the enemies' approach." That same morning an alarming incident occurred when five British men-of-war pa.s.sed through the Narrows and seemed on course to attack patriot forts. Confronting this threat, the Continental Army reacted with notable esprit de corps. Colonel Samuel Blachley Webb wrote in his diary that "never did I see men more cheerful. They seem to wish the enemies' approach."10 Despite his uneasiness, Washington was encouraged by this spirited response, telling Hanc.o.c.k that "if the enemy make an attack, they will meet with a repulse as . . . an agreeable spirit and willingness for action seem to animate . . . the whole of our troops." Despite his uneasiness, Washington was encouraged by this spirited response, telling Hanc.o.c.k that "if the enemy make an attack, they will meet with a repulse as . . . an agreeable spirit and willingness for action seem to animate . . . the whole of our troops."11 In the end the British ships approached no closer, and Washington concluded that General Howe had deferred action until his brother's arrival. Thus far Washington had commanded the Continental Army for an entire year without engaging in a single battle, but he knew he would shortly experience his first decisive test. In the end the British ships approached no closer, and Washington concluded that General Howe had deferred action until his brother's arrival. Thus far Washington had commanded the Continental Army for an entire year without engaging in a single battle, but he knew he would shortly experience his first decisive test.

AN UNWAVERING ADVOCATE of independence, Washington thought his compatriots would eventually come to share his belief. "My countrymen, I know, from their form of government and steady attachment heretofore to royalty, will come reluctantly into the idea of independency," he wrote that spring. "But time and persecution brings many wonderful things to pa.s.s."12 In May, to his delight, the Virginia Convention in Williamsburg favored independence, and his neighbor at Gunston Hall, George Mason, drew up an eloquent Declaration of Rights that featured the lines "That all men are born equally free and independent, and have certain inherent natural rights . . . among which are the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety." In May, to his delight, the Virginia Convention in Williamsburg favored independence, and his neighbor at Gunston Hall, George Mason, drew up an eloquent Declaration of Rights that featured the lines "That all men are born equally free and independent, and have certain inherent natural rights . . . among which are the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety."13 Thomas Jefferson would prune and shape these words to famous effect. Still another Virginian, Richard Henry Lee, introduced a congressional resolution on June 7 declaring "that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states." Thomas Jefferson would prune and shape these words to famous effect. Still another Virginian, Richard Henry Lee, introduced a congressional resolution on June 7 declaring "that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states."14 On July 2 Congress approved Lee's resolution, then spent the next two days haggling over the precise wording of the Declaration of Independence. The final text was approved on July 4. Congress had two hundred broadsides printed up and disseminated throughout the colonies. On July 2 Congress approved Lee's resolution, then spent the next two days haggling over the precise wording of the Declaration of Independence. The final text was approved on July 4. Congress had two hundred broadsides printed up and disseminated throughout the colonies.

On July 6 Hanc.o.c.k sent Washington a copy and asked him to have it read aloud to his army. The Declaration made the rebels' treason official and reminded them of the unspeakable punishments the British government meted out for this offense. Only recently a British judge had handed down this grisly sentence to Irish revolutionaries: "You are to be drawn on hurdles to the place of execution, where you are to be hanged by the neck, but not until you are dead, for while you are still living your bodies are to be taken down, your bowels torn out and burned before your faces, your heads then cut off, and your bodies divided each into four quarters. "15 The British proved more lenient to captured American officers, but Washington knew that treason was a capital crime and that he had pa.s.sed the point of no return. Employing a vivid metaphor, he later said that he and his colleagues had fought "with halters about their necks." The British proved more lenient to captured American officers, but Washington knew that treason was a capital crime and that he had pa.s.sed the point of no return. Employing a vivid metaphor, he later said that he and his colleagues had fought "with halters about their necks."16 In the event of defeat, Washington knew, he would be hanged as the chief culprit; he decided that he would "neither ask for nor expect any favor from his most gracious Majesty." In the event of defeat, Washington knew, he would be hanged as the chief culprit; he decided that he would "neither ask for nor expect any favor from his most gracious Majesty."17 He contrived a plan to flee, if necessary, to lands he owned in the Ohio Country, telling Burwell Ba.s.sett that "in the worst event, they will serve for an asylum." He contrived a plan to flee, if necessary, to lands he owned in the Ohio Country, telling Burwell Ba.s.sett that "in the worst event, they will serve for an asylum."18 On July 8 Washington held in his hands a broadside of the Declaration of Independence for the first time and ordered his troops to gather on the common at six P.M. the next evening to hear it read aloud. In general orders for July 9, he previewed its contents by noting that Congress had declared "the United Colonies of North America" to be "free and independent states."19 Lest this sound abstract, he underscored the practical significance for the average soldier, pointing out that each was "now in the service of a state possessed of sufficient power to reward his merit and advance him to the highest honors of a free country." Lest this sound abstract, he underscored the practical significance for the average soldier, pointing out that each was "now in the service of a state possessed of sufficient power to reward his merit and advance him to the highest honors of a free country."20 Among other things, Congress could now coin money and devise other lucrative incentives. Among other things, Congress could now coin money and devise other lucrative incentives.

The troops rejoiced upon hearing the doc.u.ment. "The Declaration was read at the head of each brigade," wrote Samuel Blachley Webb, "and was received with three huzzas by the troops."21 Washington was gratified by the "hearty a.s.sent" of his men and their "warmest approbation" of independence. Washington was gratified by the "hearty a.s.sent" of his men and their "warmest approbation" of independence.22 News of the Declaration elicited snide rebukes from the British side, one officer saying that it served to highlight "the villainy and the madness of these deluded people." News of the Declaration elicited snide rebukes from the British side, one officer saying that it served to highlight "the villainy and the madness of these deluded people."23 Reading of the doc.u.ment led to such uproarious enthusiasm that soldiers sprinted down Broadway afterward and committed an act of vandalism: they toppled the equestrian statue of George III at Bowling Green, decapitating it, then parading the head around town to the lilting beat of fifes and drums. The patriots made excellent use of the four thousand pounds of gilded lead in the statue, which were melted down to make 42,088 musket bullets. Washington was appalled by the disorder. Ever the strict parent, he told his men that while he understood their high spirits, their behavior had "so much the appearance of riot and want of order in the army" that he disapproved their actions and urged that in future they should be left to the "proper authority."24 His reproach might have sounded priggish, but Washington wanted this revolution to be an orderly one, with due respect for property, and he refused to abide even the desecration of the king's statue. He sounded rejuvenated by the Declaration, writing defiantly to Hanc.o.c.k on July 10 that should the British mount an attack, "they will have to wade through much blood and slaughter before they can carry any part of our works." His reproach might have sounded priggish, but Washington wanted this revolution to be an orderly one, with due respect for property, and he refused to abide even the desecration of the king's statue. He sounded rejuvenated by the Declaration, writing defiantly to Hanc.o.c.k on July 10 that should the British mount an attack, "they will have to wade through much blood and slaughter before they can carry any part of our works."25 Such bravado proved premature. On the afternoon of July 12, propelled by a stiff breeze and a powerful tide, five British ships-the forty-gun Phoenix Phoenix and the twenty-gun and the twenty-gun Rose, Rose, along with a schooner and two tenders-sailed toward the Battery. In their first test, American defenses failed miserably. Only half the artillerists manned their guns, and hundreds of gaping soldiers stood onsh.o.r.e transfixed by the enemy ships, as if attending a sporting regatta. It was an ominous sign for the still-amateurish Continental Army. Six patriots were killed in an artillery company under Captain Alexander Hamilton when their cannon exploded, possibly from defective training or from mishandling by intoxicated gunners. along with a schooner and two tenders-sailed toward the Battery. In their first test, American defenses failed miserably. Only half the artillerists manned their guns, and hundreds of gaping soldiers stood onsh.o.r.e transfixed by the enemy ships, as if attending a sporting regatta. It was an ominous sign for the still-amateurish Continental Army. Six patriots were killed in an artillery company under Captain Alexander Hamilton when their cannon exploded, possibly from defective training or from mishandling by intoxicated gunners.

Unscathed by steady fire from the Manhattan and New Jersey sh.o.r.es, the Phoenix Phoenix and the and the Rose Rose streamed up the Hudson River and pounded the urban population of New York with a terrifying two-hour cannonade that shrouded the city in smoke and panicked its occupants. The episode demonstrated the vulnerability to British warships of a town encircled by water. Attuned to the psychology of war, Washington saw with dismay that his soldiers were unnerved by the plight of overwrought civilians. Since his own early combat experience had been in frontier locations, this urban chaos was something altogether new for him. "When the men-of-war pa.s.sed up the river," Washington observed, "the shrieks and cries" of the women and children were "truly distressing and I fear will have an unhappy effect on the ears and minds of our young and inexperienced soldiery." streamed up the Hudson River and pounded the urban population of New York with a terrifying two-hour cannonade that shrouded the city in smoke and panicked its occupants. The episode demonstrated the vulnerability to British warships of a town encircled by water. Attuned to the psychology of war, Washington saw with dismay that his soldiers were unnerved by the plight of overwrought civilians. Since his own early combat experience had been in frontier locations, this urban chaos was something altogether new for him. "When the men-of-war pa.s.sed up the river," Washington observed, "the shrieks and cries" of the women and children were "truly distressing and I fear will have an unhappy effect on the ears and minds of our young and inexperienced soldiery."26 Afterward Washington tried to clear the city of remaining civilians to avoid a repet.i.tion of the episode. He was especially indignant at soldiers who had stood hypnotized by British ships bombarding the town. The next day Washington chastised them unsparingly: "Such unsoldierly conduct must grieve every good officer and give the enemy a mean opinion of the army . . . a weak curiosity at such a time makes a man look mean and contemptible." Afterward Washington tried to clear the city of remaining civilians to avoid a repet.i.tion of the episode. He was especially indignant at soldiers who had stood hypnotized by British ships bombarding the town. The next day Washington chastised them unsparingly: "Such unsoldierly conduct must grieve every good officer and give the enemy a mean opinion of the army . . . a weak curiosity at such a time makes a man look mean and contemptible."27 Just as Washington feared, the British ships' foray in the Hudson severed communications between New York and Albany and the strategically located upstate lakes. Just as Washington feared, the British ships' foray in the Hudson severed communications between New York and Albany and the strategically located upstate lakes.

Washington had gotten his first unforgettable taste of British sea power. Because of their speed and mobility, enemy ships could disappear, then surface anywhere, and they would keep him in suspense for the next seven years. As he would complain, "The amazing advantage the enemy derive from their ships and the command of the water keeps us in a state of constant perplexity."28 On the evening of the On the evening of the Phoenix Phoenix and and Rose Rose episode, Washington and his officers noticed that the appearance of a new ship, the episode, Washington and his officers noticed that the appearance of a new ship, the Eagle, Eagle, triggered delirious cheers from British soldiers aboard ships and encamped on Staten Island, and they deduced correctly that Admiral Richard Howe had arrived. triggered delirious cheers from British soldiers aboard ships and encamped on Staten Island, and they deduced correctly that Admiral Richard Howe had arrived.

The Howe brothers, whose grandfather had been elevated to the peerage by King William III, boasted a blue-blooded pedigree that the young George Washington might have envied. Educated at Eton, befriended by King George III, they had become moderate Whig members of Parliament. Tall, well built, and graceful, the pleasure-loving General William Howe, forty-seven, had bold eyebrows, full lips, and a dusky complexion. He had fought bravely at Quebec in the French and Indian War and exposed himself to danger at Bunker Hill. He indulged the vices common to his cla.s.s, especially gambling and whoring, and saw no reason why the American war should dampen his escapades. He took as his North American mistress the fetching Boston-born Elizabeth Lloyd Loring and made her husband, Joshua Loring, Jr., a commissary of prisoners. This opportunistic husband, content to be cuckolded, played the bawd for his wife, who became notorious as "the Sultana of the British army."29 As one Loyalist writer said cynically, "Joshua had no objections. He fingered the cash, the general enjoyed madam." As one Loyalist writer said cynically, "Joshua had no objections. He fingered the cash, the general enjoyed madam."30 Admiral Richard Howe, fifty, less of a bon vivant than his younger brother, had earned the nickname "Black d.i.c.k," which referred to both his complexion and to his downcast nature. He was a somber man, thin-faced and tight-lipped, with a cool, somewhat forbidding gaze. So marked was his reticence that Horace Walpole described him as "silent as a rock." Admiral Richard Howe, fifty, less of a bon vivant than his younger brother, had earned the nickname "Black d.i.c.k," which referred to both his complexion and to his downcast nature. He was a somber man, thin-faced and tight-lipped, with a cool, somewhat forbidding gaze. So marked was his reticence that Horace Walpole described him as "silent as a rock."31 For all that, he was a superb seaman, renowned for his courage, fighting spirit, and ethical standards. For all that, he was a superb seaman, renowned for his courage, fighting spirit, and ethical standards.

As convinced believers in the British Empire and sympathetic to colonial grievances, the Howe brothers didn't want to crush the patriots in a total war of annihilation. Still hopeful that their misguided American cousins could be restored to their senses, they came to North America bearing both peace and a sword. In the coming campaign, they would plot strategy with political as well as military considerations in mind.

On July 14, in their capacity as peace commissioners, the Howe brothers sent Lieutenant Philip Brown with a message for Washington. Backed by the intimidating presence of the British fleet, Richard Howe requested, in polite terms, a parley: "The situation in which you are placed and the acknowledged liberality of your sentiments, induce me very much to wish for an opportunity to converse with you on the subject of the commission with which I have the honor to be charged."32 Washington tended to be skeptical of peace overtures as ruses used to "distract, divide, and create as much confusion as possible," as he characterized them in the spring when he first heard that Britain might send commissioners. Washington tended to be skeptical of peace overtures as ruses used to "distract, divide, and create as much confusion as possible," as he characterized them in the spring when he first heard that Britain might send commissioners.33 Lieutenant Brown's boat was intercepted between Governors Island and Staten Island by three American boats, whose crews demanded to know his business. When Brown said that he had a letter for Washington, the Americans instructed him to stay put while they sought instructions onsh.o.r.e. The three American officers who came out to handle the situation-Henry Knox, Joseph Reed, and Samuel Blachley Webb-had been well coached by Washington. They told Brown that they refused to touch the letter until he told them to whom it was addressed. When Brown retorted that it was addressed to "George Washington Esq., etc. etc.," they said no such person existed and they couldn't receive it. Somewhat mystified, Brown asked to whom it should be addressed, and his interlocutors replied that "all the world knew who Gen[era]l Washington was since the transactions of last summer."34 Brown tried to strike a conciliatory tone. "I am sure Lord Howe will lament exceedingly this affair, as the letter is quite of a civil nature and not a military one." Brown tried to strike a conciliatory tone. "I am sure Lord Howe will lament exceedingly this affair, as the letter is quite of a civil nature and not a military one."35 Thus ended the initial standoff. Thus ended the initial standoff.

Washington knew that this exchange involved much more than the fine points of decorum. He was now the de facto head of state of a newly minted country, and his treatment reflected the perceived legitimacy of his authority. "I would not upon any occasion sacrifice essentials to punctilio," Washington explained to Hanc.o.c.k, "but in this instance . . . I deemed it a duty to my country . . . to insist upon that respect which in any other than a public view I would willingly have waived."36 Lord Howe's secretary, Ambrose Serle, grew hopping mad at Washington's rebuff. "So high is the vanity and the insolence of these men! . . . There now seems no alternative but war and bloodshed, which must lay at the door of these unhappy people." Lord Howe's secretary, Ambrose Serle, grew hopping mad at Washington's rebuff. "So high is the vanity and the insolence of these men! . . . There now seems no alternative but war and bloodshed, which must lay at the door of these unhappy people."37 Washington suspected that the British would renew their entreaty, and on July 16 he spurned another letter addressed to "George Washington, Esq." Serle again gnashed his teeth, remarking that the letter "was refused for the same idle and insolent reasons as were given before."38 His remark shows the condescending att.i.tude of at least some British commanders toward Washington. Referring to him as if he were still a youthful subaltern in the French and Indian War, Serle sneered that "it seems to be beneath a little paltry colonel of militia at the head of banditti or rebels to treat with the representative of his lawful sovereign because 'tis impossible for him to give all the t.i.tles which the poor creature requires." His remark shows the condescending att.i.tude of at least some British commanders toward Washington. Referring to him as if he were still a youthful subaltern in the French and Indian War, Serle sneered that "it seems to be beneath a little paltry colonel of militia at the head of banditti or rebels to treat with the representative of his lawful sovereign because 'tis impossible for him to give all the t.i.tles which the poor creature requires."39 Washington planned to teach the British a lesson. They finally sent him a letter on July 17, addressed to "His Excellency, General Washington," with a request that he meet with Lieutenant Colonel James Paterson, the smooth-talking adjutant general of General William Howe. Believing that protocol had been satisfied, Washington agreed to meet with the British officer on July 20. He chose as his venue Henry Knox's headquarters at 1 Broadway, near the water; if a spot deeper inside the city had been chosen, he would have needed to blindfold Paterson, and he didn't care to demean him in that manner. Washington planned to teach the British a lesson. They finally sent him a letter on July 17, addressed to "His Excellency, General Washington," with a request that he meet with Lieutenant Colonel James Paterson, the smooth-talking adjutant general of General William Howe. Believing that protocol had been satisfied, Washington agreed to meet with the British officer on July 20. He chose as his venue Henry Knox's headquarters at 1 Broadway, near the water; if a spot deeper inside the city had been chosen, he would have needed to blindfold Paterson, and he didn't care to demean him in that manner.

At noon on July 20 a barge arrived at the Battery with Colonel Paterson. Washington wanted to impress upon the British emissary that, as commander in chief of a sovereign nation, he should be treated with all due dignity. His personal guard lined up in crisp formation at the entrance, and Washington appeared in full battlefield regalia, leading Knox to tell his wife that the general was "very handsomely dressed and made a most elegant appearance."40 The stagecraft had the desired effect upon Paterson, who "appeared awestruck, as if he was before something supernatural," wrote Knox. "Indeed, I don't wonder at it. He was before a great man indeed." The stagecraft had the desired effect upon Paterson, who "appeared awestruck, as if he was before something supernatural," wrote Knox. "Indeed, I don't wonder at it. He was before a great man indeed."41 Paterson groveled considerably and prefaced every sentence with "May it please your Excellency" or "If your Excellency so pleases." Paterson groveled considerably and prefaced every sentence with "May it please your Excellency" or "If your Excellency so pleases."42 Washington exacted revenge for previous indignities. When Paterson laid on the table the original letter from Richard Howe, addressed to "George Washington Esq. etc. etc.," Washington wouldn't pick it up and balked at the et ceteras. Paterson explained that the et ceteras implied everything that might follow. To which Washington retorted, "It does so-and anything! " Washington exacted revenge for previous indignities. When Paterson laid on the table the original letter from Richard Howe, addressed to "George Washington Esq. etc. etc.," Washington wouldn't pick it up and balked at the et ceteras. Paterson explained that the et ceteras implied everything that might follow. To which Washington retorted, "It does so-and anything! "43 He was suavely implacable before Paterson's studied servility. He was suavely implacable before Paterson's studied servility.

At this point Paterson launched into a prepared speech about how the goodness and benevolence of the king had induced him to send the Howe brothers to reach an accommodation with the unhappy colonists, this meeting being the first step. Washington denied that he was vested with powers to negotiate a settlement. Then he showed what a deft diplomat he could be. According to Joseph Reed's memo, he argued that the Howe brothers had only the power "to grant pardons; that those who had committed no fault wanted no pardon; that we were only defending what we deemed our indisputable rights."44 Paterson acknowledged that this opened a wide field for discussion. Washington remained polite, treating him with impeccable courtesy and even inviting him "to partake of a small collation" before he returned to his ship. Paterson acknowledged that this opened a wide field for discussion. Washington remained polite, treating him with impeccable courtesy and even inviting him "to partake of a small collation" before he returned to his ship.45 He was always careful to separate the personal from the political, the man from the mission. If the British had hoped to mollify Washington, their diplomatic overture failed. The same day that he received Colonel Paterson, Washington wrote to Colonel Adam Stephen and decried "the vile machinations of still viler ministerial agents." He was always careful to separate the personal from the political, the man from the mission. If the British had hoped to mollify Washington, their diplomatic overture failed. The same day that he received Colonel Paterson, Washington wrote to Colonel Adam Stephen and decried "the vile machinations of still viler ministerial agents."46 Two days later he dismissed the peace efforts of the Howe brothers as a mere propaganda exercise calculated expressly "to deceive and unguard, not only the good people of our own country, but those of the English nation that were averse to the proceedings of the king and ministry." Two days later he dismissed the peace efforts of the Howe brothers as a mere propaganda exercise calculated expressly "to deceive and unguard, not only the good people of our own country, but those of the English nation that were averse to the proceedings of the king and ministry."47 Once Washington had set his sights on independence, his vision was unblinking, and his consistency proved one of his most compelling qualities. Once Washington had set his sights on independence, his vision was unblinking, and his consistency proved one of his most compelling qualities.

BY LATE JULY Washington's men were laboring in a parched city under a blazing sky. "From breakfast to dinner I am boiling in a sun hot enough to roast an egg," Knox groused to his wife. "Indeed, my dear Lucy, I never suffered so much from fatigue in my life."48 It was precisely the atmosphere in which disease festered, and dysentery, typhoid fever, malaria, and smallpox infected the troops, disabling up to a third of them. "The vile water here sickens us all," wrote Philip Fithian, a Presbyterian chaplain attached to the New Jersey militia. "I am very sick." It was precisely the atmosphere in which disease festered, and dysentery, typhoid fever, malaria, and smallpox infected the troops, disabling up to a third of them. "The vile water here sickens us all," wrote Philip Fithian, a Presbyterian chaplain attached to the New Jersey militia. "I am very sick."49 Illness was so prevalent that some regiments couldn't field a single healthy officer. The men often relieved themselves in open ditches, until Nathanael Greene warned that "the stench arising from such places will soon breed a pestilence in the camp." Illness was so prevalent that some regiments couldn't field a single healthy officer. The men often relieved themselves in open ditches, until Nathanael Greene warned that "the stench arising from such places will soon breed a pestilence in the camp."50 Responding to Greene's request, Washington allowed the regiments to switch more of their diet from meat to fresh vegetables to combat scurvy. The troops also lacked uniforms, and Washington advised them to wear hunting shirts so the British would think they faced an army of skilled backwoods marksmen. To remedy the weapons shortage, Greene handed out three hundred spears. All in all, the Continental Army was a bizarre, mongrel corps that flouted the rules of conventional warfare. It was a far more peculiar army than the British troops had ever faced, leading Ambrose Serle to belittle them: "Their army is the strangest that was ever collected: old men of 60, boys of 14, and blacks of all ages, and ragged for the most part, compose the motley crew." Responding to Greene's request, Washington allowed the regiments to switch more of their diet from meat to fresh vegetables to combat scurvy. The troops also lacked uniforms, and Washington advised them to wear hunting shirts so the British would think they faced an army of skilled backwoods marksmen. To remedy the weapons shortage, Greene handed out three hundred spears. All in all, the Continental Army was a bizarre, mongrel corps that flouted the rules of conventional warfare. It was a far more peculiar army than the British troops had ever faced, leading Ambrose Serle to belittle them: "Their army is the strangest that was ever collected: old men of 60, boys of 14, and blacks of all ages, and ragged for the most part, compose the motley crew."51 Chronically short of generals, Washington counted the bluff Israel Putnam as his only major general in New York. In response to Washington's pleas, Congress added William Heath, Joseph Spencer, John Sullivan, and Nathanael Greene as major generals. Of this group, Washington banked his highest hopes on Greene, appointing him commander of American forces on Long Island-a striking affirmation of trust in a man with only one year of army experience. Plagued by ill health, Greene had succ.u.mbed to jaundice earlier in the year. "I am as yellow as saffron, my appet.i.te all gone, and my flesh too," he told his brother Jacob. "I am so weak that I can scarcely walk across the room." Now, in mid-August, as the Continental Army braced for battle, Greene reported to Washington that he was struggling with a "raging fever" and could scarcely sit up in bed.52 It was a catastrophic development for Washington, who evacuated Greene to a house north of the city and replaced him with John Sullivan. A fiery, egotistical lawyer from New Hampshire, the son of Irish indentured servants, Sullivan had wild, unruly hair and a confrontational personality. Washington took a balanced view of Sullivan, crediting him with being "spirited and zealously attached to the Cause" but suffering from a "tincture of vanity" and an unhealthy "desire of being popular." It was a catastrophic development for Washington, who evacuated Greene to a house north of the city and replaced him with John Sullivan. A fiery, egotistical lawyer from New Hampshire, the son of Irish indentured servants, Sullivan had wild, unruly hair and a confrontational personality. Washington took a balanced view of Sullivan, crediting him with being "spirited and zealously attached to the Cause" but suffering from a "tincture of vanity" and an unhealthy "desire of being popular."53 William Alexander, better known as Lord Stirling, who had been in charge of New York's fortifications, was appointed to take over Sullivan's division. Before the war Washington had tried to help the rich, free-spending Stirling with his crippling debts. A convivial man, excessively fond of drink, Stirling would distinguish himself as a brave soldier and a steadfast supporter of Washington. William Alexander, better known as Lord Stirling, who had been in charge of New York's fortifications, was appointed to take over Sullivan's division. Before the war Washington had tried to help the rich, free-spending Stirling with his crippling debts. A convivial man, excessively fond of drink, Stirling would distinguish himself as a brave soldier and a steadfast supporter of Washington.

With the patriots feeling beleaguered as never before, the question of military strategy preoccupied Washington and his officers. The armchair generals of the Continental Army, averaging only two years of military experience, had suddenly become real generals. Pessimism was rampant. With a sinking feeling, Henry Knox told his brother that the Continental Army was "not sufficiently numerous to resist the formidable attacks which will probably be made."54 Joseph Reed espoused a cautious strategy, "a war of posts," which he defined thus: "prolong, procrastinate, avoid any general action, or indeed any action, unless we have great advantages." Joseph Reed espoused a cautious strategy, "a war of posts," which he defined thus: "prolong, procrastinate, avoid any general action, or indeed any action, unless we have great advantages."55 Under this strategy, the patriots would fortify a few strong, impregnable positions and invite the British to attack at their peril. Charles Lee wanted to fragment the army into nimble mobile units that could swoop down and hara.s.s the enemy as opportunities arose. Washington was slowly being forced to adopt a cautious strategy of trying to survive as best he could and attacking only when unusual chances emerged. The aim was to keep the Continental Army intact and wear down Britain through a prolonged war of attrition, hoping all the while to attract European allies who might deal a devastating blow to the enemy. Under this strategy, the patriots would fortify a few strong, impregnable positions and invite the British to attack at their peril. Charles Lee wanted to fragment the army into nimble mobile units that could swoop down and hara.s.s the enemy as opportunities arose. Washington was slowly being forced to adopt a cautious strategy of trying to survive as best he could and attacking only when unusual chances emerged. The aim was to keep the Continental Army intact and wear down Britain through a prolonged war of attrition, hoping all the while to attract European allies who might deal a devastating blow to the enemy.

The British, for their part, did did have to win a military victory; a stalemate would be an expensive and humiliating defeat. They rejected a blockade of American ports as too daunting even for the Royal Navy. One faction favored the blatant application of terror to scare the colonists into submission-but that strategy, tried in Falmouth and Norfolk, had backfired and unified the Americans. The Howe brothers opted for a more subtle, complex agenda than their ma.s.sive military presence implied, including a concerted attempt to regain the allegiance of the rebels and to mobilize Loyalists. They wanted to establish a British citadel in New York that would serve as a base of operations to sustain hit-and-run raids against Atlantic seaports, enabling their army to move more swiftly than the land-bound Continental Army. Most of all, they wanted to dominate the Hudson River and shut off New England from the other states. have to win a military victory; a stalemate would be an expensive and humiliating defeat. They rejected a blockade of American ports as too daunting even for the Royal Navy. One faction favored the blatant application of terror to scare the colonists into submission-but that strategy, tried in Falmouth and Norfolk, had backfired and unified the Americans. The Howe brothers opted for a more subtle, complex agenda than their ma.s.sive military presence implied, including a concerted attempt to regain the allegiance of the rebels and to mobilize Loyalists. They wanted to establish a British citadel in New York that would serve as a base of operations to sustain hit-and-run raids against Atlantic seaports, enabling their army to move more swiftly than the land-bound Continental Army. Most of all, they wanted to dominate the Hudson River and shut off New England from the other states.

Even as Washington awaited the British onslaught, his overburdened mind turned where it always did for comfort: to Mount Vernon, his mental sanctuary. That August, in his spare moments, he fantasized about the groves of trees that would brighten up each end of his mansion. Only recently he had heard from Jacky Custis that British men-of-war had sailed up the Potomac and burned houses to the ground, but Washington's mind preferred to dwell on sylvan visions of home. He could see the grounds clearly in his mind, down to the last bush. "There is no doubt but that the honey locust, if you could procure seed enough and that seed would come up, will make . . . a very good hedge," he wrote to Lund Washington. "So will the haw or thorn . . . but cedar or any kind of evergreen would look better. However, if one thing will not do, we must try another, as no time ought to be lost in rearing of hedges, not only for ornament but use."56 A few days later this escapist vision would be blotted out by the bloodshed in Brooklyn. A few days later this escapist vision would be blotted out by the bloodshed in Brooklyn.

CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE.

Disaster BY MID-AUGUST fresh contingents of British ships had converged on New York, rounding out an expeditionary force of 32,000 troops, including 8,000 Hessian mercenaries, and revealing the magnitude of the threat to the Continental Army. Making a major statement about the peril of the American revolt, the Crown had enlisted seventy warships, a full half of the Royal Navy, to deliver an overwhelming blow against the Americans. It decided to gamble all on a military solution to a conflict that was, at bottom, one of principle and that depended ultimately on recovering the lost trust of the former colonists.

A subdued Washington knew the stage was set for a major confrontation. "An attack is now therefore to be expected," he wrote, "which will probably decide the fate of America."1 His army of only 10,500 men, 3,000 of them ailing, was sadly outnumbered and outgunned. Even though he tried to put on a brave face, he approached the impending confrontation with dread. "When I compare" the British Army "with that which we have to oppose them, I cannot help feeling very anxious apprehensions," he confided to Brigadier General William Livingston. His army of only 10,500 men, 3,000 of them ailing, was sadly outnumbered and outgunned. Even though he tried to put on a brave face, he approached the impending confrontation with dread. "When I compare" the British Army "with that which we have to oppose them, I cannot help feeling very anxious apprehensions," he confided to Brigadier General William Livingston.2 As more militiamen streamed into New York, Washington's army expanded to 23,000 soldiers, but many were callow youths grabbed from shops and farms who would soon confront a highly professional military force. Washington's p.r.o.nouncements acquired a darker tinge, as if he intuited the many deaths that lay ahead. "We must resolve to conquer or die," he intoned in general orders. "With this resolution and the blessing of heaven, victory and success certainly will attend us." As more militiamen streamed into New York, Washington's army expanded to 23,000 soldiers, but many were callow youths grabbed from shops and farms who would soon confront a highly professional military force. Washington's p.r.o.nouncements acquired a darker tinge, as if he intuited the many deaths that lay ahead. "We must resolve to conquer or die," he intoned in general orders. "With this resolution and the blessing of heaven, victory and success certainly will attend us."3 The night of August 21, almost the eve of battle, witnessed an electrical storm of such portentous grandeur that it might have been conjured up by Shakespeare. Major Abner Benedict, posted on the elevated portion of Long Island known as Brooklyn Heights, which towered over the East River and housed the main American fortification, left this graphic description of the celestial pyrotechnics whizzing through the sky: "In a few minutes the entire heavens became black as ink, and from horizon to horizon the whole empyrean was ablaze with lightning . . . The lightning fell in ma.s.ses and sheets of fire to earth, and seemed to strike incessantly and on every side."4 The Howe brothers postponed an invasion to give the Hessian troops a week to recuperate from their transatlantic journey and to see if their feeble peace overtures bore fruit. Baffled by the delay, Washington found "something exceedingly mysterious in the conduct" of these brothers, who spouted catchphrases of peace amid a huge military buildup.5 The paramount question was whether the enemy would land on Manhattan or on Long Island, prompting Washington to hedge his bets by dividing his forces. This strategy, if seemingly prudent, ran the grave risk of having British ships storm up the East River, snapping links between the army's two wings. To avert this possibility, Washington sank wrecks in the channels of Upper New York Bay-one could see masts of submerged ships poking up from the water-and seeded the East River with spiked obstacles to thwart vessels. The paramount question was whether the enemy would land on Manhattan or on Long Island, prompting Washington to hedge his bets by dividing his forces. This strategy, if seemingly prudent, ran the grave risk of having British ships storm up the East River, snapping links between the army's two wings. To avert this possibility, Washington sank wrecks in the channels of Upper New York Bay-one could see masts of submerged ships poking up from the water-and seeded the East River with spiked obstacles to thwart vessels.

As storm clouds dispersed the next morning, British light infantry and grenadiers began trickling ash.o.r.e at Gravesend Bay, at the southwestern corner of Long Island. By day's end, 15,000 redcoats had established a solid beachhead in the kind of well-drilled maneuver at which European armies excelled. This main invading force would soon number 22,000 soldiers, but Washington, deceived by faulty intelligence, estimated it in the neighborhood of 8,000 or 9,000 men. The miscalculation led him to misconstrue the landing as a diversion from the main event in Manhattan-"a feint upon Long island to draw our forces into that quarter."6 He was further led astray when British forces came to a dead halt at Flatbush, three miles from American lines. Retaining the majority of his men in Manhattan, Washington transferred ten battalions to Brooklyn, bringing total troop strength there to a paltry 6,000 men. In retrospect, it is hard to see how Washington's strategic vision could have been so clouded as ninety British ships conducted a grand-scale movement in the Narrows. He was further led astray when British forces came to a dead halt at Flatbush, three miles from American lines. Retaining the majority of his men in Manhattan, Washington transferred ten battalions to Brooklyn, bringing total troop strength there to a paltry 6,000 men. In retrospect, it is hard to see how Washington's strategic vision could have been so clouded as ninety British ships conducted a grand-scale movement in the Narrows.

On August 23, after touring his Long Island defenses with General Sullivan, Washington decided to deploy 3,000 men farther south in a wooded, hilly area called the Heights of Guana (or Gowa.n.u.s Heights), which ran roughly east-west and could cut off any northward thrusts by the enemy. With his men about to clash with superior forces, Washington suggested that courage could outweigh sheer numbers and implored them to show "what a few brave men, contending in their own land and in the best of causes, can do against base hirelings and mercenaries."7 Just in case n.o.ble principles didn't work, Washington reiterated that any cowards who fled would be shot. His own jitters became palpable when he promoted Israel Putnam over Sullivan, a panicky rotation of generals that exposed the flimsy command structure of the Continental Army. So murky was the situation that n.o.body quite knew how many American soldiers were based on Long Island. George Washington, age forty-four, was betraying his inexperience in guiding such a large army. Just in case n.o.ble principles didn't work, Washington reiterated that any cowards who fled would be shot. His own jitters became palpable when he promoted Israel Putnam over Sullivan, a panicky rotation of generals that exposed the flimsy command structure of the Continental Army. So murky was the situation that n.o.body quite knew how many American soldiers were based on Long Island. George Washington, age forty-four, was betraying his inexperience in guiding such a large army.

When a favorable wind arose, Washington imagined that the British would squeeze the Americans with a pincerlike movement, with British soldiers on Long Island swarming up toward Brooklyn Heights while British ships moved en ma.s.se toward southern Manhattan. On August 25 he again scrutinized the Long Island troops and was enraged by what he saw-something more like a crazy carnival atmosphere than a tidy military camp. Men roamed around higgledy-piggledy and fired muskets at random. Frustrated, he gave a tongue-lashing to Israel Putnam: "The distinction between a well regulated army and a mob is the good order and discipline of the first, and the licentious and disorderly behavior of the latter."8 In his writings, Old Put seemed scarcely literate, once telling "his Excelancy ginrol Washenton" that he had asked "each ginrol ofesor [each general officer]" to transmit to him his "opinon in riteng [opinion in writing]." In his writings, Old Put seemed scarcely literate, once telling "his Excelancy ginrol Washenton" that he had asked "each ginrol ofesor [each general officer]" to transmit to him his "opinon in riteng [opinion in writing]." 9 9 Putnam's shaky command of English highlighted the difficulties Washington encountered in forming a competent officer corps. Putnam's shaky command of English highlighted the difficulties Washington encountered in forming a competent officer corps.

On August 26, after visiting the Heights of Guana, Washington still didn't grasp the full scope of the threat. Though he surveyed the British troops through his spygla.s.s and observed a sea of white tents stretching nearly five miles down to Gravesend Bay, he still kept more than half his men in Manhattan. Only when British ships retreated back down the Narrows did the uncomfortable truth dawn on him. As he informed Hanc.o.c.k, the enemy "mean to land the main body of their army on Long Island and to make their grand push there."10 Incredibly, with the vast British expeditionary force set to pounce, Washington took time out to write to Lund Washington about selling a flour shipment in Hispaniola. He rambled on about chimney repairs and additions to the northern wing of the Mount Vernon mansion. Such incongruous thoughts confirm that Washington found a release from overwhelming pressure by daydreaming about his estate, his battlefield sedative. He confessed to Lund that being the top general was a joyless existence: "If I did not think our struggle just . . . sure I am that no pecuniary satisfaction upon earth can compensate the loss of all my domestic happiness and requite me for the load of business which constantly presses upon and deprives me of every enjoyment." Incredibly, with the vast British expeditionary force set to pounce, Washington took time out to write to Lund Washington about selling a flour shipment in Hispaniola. He rambled on about chimney repairs and additions to the northern wing of the Mount Vernon mansion. Such incongruous thoughts confirm that Washington found a release from overwhelming pressure by daydreaming about his estate, his battlefield sedative. He confessed to Lund that being the top general was a joyless existence: "If I did not think our struggle just . . . sure I am that no pecuniary satisfaction upon earth can compensate the loss of all my domestic happiness and requite me for the load of business which constantly presses upon and deprives me of every enjoyment."11 The British had devised an ingenious battle plan that envisioned a fantastic triple a.s.sault against American forces on Long Island. In the first p.r.o.ng, Scottish major general James Grant would lead his Highlanders up the Gowa.n.u.s Road in a diversionary maneuver along the west coast of Brooklyn. In the second p.r.o.ng, Lieutenant General Leopold Philipp, Freiherr von Heister, would march his Hessians through Flatbush, then swerve northward through central Brooklyn to the Heights of Guana. The piece de resistance, however, would be the third movement farther east. Generals Howe, Henry Clinton, and Charles Cornwallis would sweep around to the right and make a huge looping movement up through Flatlands. Once past Sullivan's and Stirling's men, they intended to make a bold sweep west along the Jamaica Pa.s.s, punching through a flagrant gap in the American defenses-a shocking oversight by Washington and his generals. With these defenses breached, the wide flanking movement would carry them straight to Brooklyn Heights and bring them behind Sullivan's men, catching them in a lethal trap.

During the night of August 26 Washington was shaken from his sleep in Manhattan by news of General Grant's move up the Gowa.n.u.s Road. This clever British stratagem seemed to confirm Washington's preconception that the enemy would favor this sh.o.r.e road, enabling the Royal Navy to provide cover. When Washington awoke again at sunrise, the British further fed his delusion by sending five warships, a.s.sisted by opportune winds and tides, toward the East River. Had the ships reached their destination, it might have been catastrophic for the American army, cutting it in half and threatening Brooklyn Heights from the rear. Luckily, the wind shifted direction, forcing the ships back down the harbor. At that point Washington and Joseph Reed took a small launch across the East River, joining Israel Putnam and four thousand Americans hunkered down inside the fort atop the Brooklyn bluff. Washington ordered more regiments to cros