Washington - A Life Part 5

John Adams enjoyed the curious distinction of being Washington's most important advocate at the Congress and one of his more severe detractors in later years. Rather small and paunchy, with a sharp mind and an argumentative personality, Adams was a farsighted prophet of independence, the curmudgeon who spoke uncomfortable truths. He later worried that when the history of the American Revolution was written, he would be consigned to the role of spear carrier, while George Washington and Ben Franklin would be glorified as the real protagonists of the drama. No less driven than Adams, Washington kept his ambition in check behind a modest, laconic personality, whereas Adams's ambition often seemed irrepressible.

In 1807 John Adams would write a scathingly funny letter in which he listed the "ten talents" that had propelled George Washington to fame in June 1775. The first four dealt with physical attributes-"a handsome face," "tall stature," "an elegant form," and "graceful att.i.tudes and movements"-traits that the short, rotund Adams decidedly lacked.12 Two others concerned Washington's extraordinary self-possession: "He possessed the gift of silence" and "He had great self-command." Two others concerned Washington's extraordinary self-possession: "He possessed the gift of silence" and "He had great self-command."13 Since Adams was neither guarded nor silent, he would have been especially sensitive to these traits. He also saw that Washington exerted more power by withholding opinions than by expressing them. Still another advantage was that Washington was a Virginian, and "Virginian geese are all swans." Since Adams was neither guarded nor silent, he would have been especially sensitive to these traits. He also saw that Washington exerted more power by withholding opinions than by expressing them. Still another advantage was that Washington was a Virginian, and "Virginian geese are all swans."14 It also helped that Washington was wealthy-almost everyone at the Congress was mesmerized by his willingness to hazard his money in the cause: "There is nothing . . . to which mankind bow down with more reverence than to great fortune." It also helped that Washington was wealthy-almost everyone at the Congress was mesmerized by his willingness to hazard his money in the cause: "There is nothing . . . to which mankind bow down with more reverence than to great fortune."15 The ideology of the day claimed that property rendered a man more independent, which presumably made Washington immune to British bribery. The ideology of the day claimed that property rendered a man more independent, which presumably made Washington immune to British bribery.

When comparing Washington with other rivals for the top position-especially Horatio Gates and Charles Lee-one sees that he had superior presence, infinitely better judgment, more political cunning, and unmatched gravitas. With nothing arrogant or bombastic in his nature, he had the perfect temperament for leadership. He was also born in North America, which was considered essential. Endowed with an enormous sense of responsibility, he inspired trust and confidence. A man of the happy medium, conciliatory by nature, he lent a rea.s.suring conservatism to the Revolution. Smoothly methodical and solidly reliable, he seemed not to make mistakes. "He is a complete gentleman," Thomas Cushing, a Ma.s.sachusetts delegate, wrote about Washington. "He is sensible, amiable, virtuous, modest, and brave."16 The delegates favored Washington as much for the absence of conspicuous weaknesses as for his manifest strengths. Eliphalet Dyer of Connecticut captured Washington's steady presence: "He seems discreet and virtuous, no harum-scarum, ranting, swearing fellow, but sober, steady, and calm." The delegates favored Washington as much for the absence of conspicuous weaknesses as for his manifest strengths. Eliphalet Dyer of Connecticut captured Washington's steady presence: "He seems discreet and virtuous, no harum-scarum, ranting, swearing fellow, but sober, steady, and calm."17 The hallmark of Washington's career was that he didn't seek power but let it come to him. "I did not solicit the command," he later said, "but accepted it after much entreaty." The hallmark of Washington's career was that he didn't seek power but let it come to him. "I did not solicit the command," he later said, "but accepted it after much entreaty."18 No less important for a man who would have to answer to the Congress, he was a veteran politician with sixteen years of experience as a burgess, ensuring that he would subordinate himself to civilian control. Things seldom happened accidentally to George Washington, but he managed them with such consummate skill that they often No less important for a man who would have to answer to the Congress, he was a veteran politician with sixteen years of experience as a burgess, ensuring that he would subordinate himself to civilian control. Things seldom happened accidentally to George Washington, but he managed them with such consummate skill that they often seemed seemed to happen accidentally. By 1775 he had a fine sense of power-how to gain it, how to keep it, how to wield it. to happen accidentally. By 1775 he had a fine sense of power-how to gain it, how to keep it, how to wield it.

ON JUNE 14 the Congress officially took charge of the troops in Boston, giving birth to the Continental Army and creating an urgent need for a commander in chief. By this point the delegates were so impressed by the self-effacing Washington that his appointment was virtually a fait accompli. As a Virginia delegate wrote that day: "Col. Washington Washington has been pressed to take the supreme command of the American troops encamped at Roxbury and I believe will accept the appointment, though with much reluctance, he being deeply impressed with the importance of that honorable trust and diffident of his own (superior) abilities." has been pressed to take the supreme command of the American troops encamped at Roxbury and I believe will accept the appointment, though with much reluctance, he being deeply impressed with the importance of that honorable trust and diffident of his own (superior) abilities."19 The only serious compet.i.tor was Hanc.o.c.k, who had little military experience and was hobbled by gout. When John Adams rose to speak and alluded to Washington, the latter jumped up from his seat near the door and with "his usual modesty darted into the library room," recalled Adams. The only serious compet.i.tor was Hanc.o.c.k, who had little military experience and was hobbled by gout. When John Adams rose to speak and alluded to Washington, the latter jumped up from his seat near the door and with "his usual modesty darted into the library room," recalled Adams.20 Expecting Adams to nominate Expecting Adams to nominate him, him, Hanc.o.c.k watched with smug satisfaction until Adams named Washington instead-at which point the smile fled from his face. "Mortification and resentment were expressed as forcibly as his face could exhibit them," Adams said. " . . . Mr. Hanc.o.c.k never loved me so well after this event as he had done before." Hanc.o.c.k watched with smug satisfaction until Adams named Washington instead-at which point the smile fled from his face. "Mortification and resentment were expressed as forcibly as his face could exhibit them," Adams said. " . . . Mr. Hanc.o.c.k never loved me so well after this event as he had done before."21 That Washington handled the moment with such tact, even as Hanc.o.c.k gave proof of patent egotism, only made his circ.u.mspect manner the more appealing. That Washington handled the moment with such tact, even as Hanc.o.c.k gave proof of patent egotism, only made his circ.u.mspect manner the more appealing.

The delegates deferred the final vote until the next day, when they pa.s.sed a resolution "that a general be appointed to command all the continental forces raised, or to be raised, for the defense of American liberty."22 In the ensuing debate, the only credible argument leveled against Washington was that the New England troops deserved one of their own. But with both John and Sam Adams placing his name in nomination, Washington was the tailor-made compromise candidate. "In the meantime," recollected John Adams, "pains were taken out of doors to obtain a unanimity and the voices were generally so clearly in favor of Washington that the dissenting members were persuaded to withdraw their opposition." In the ensuing debate, the only credible argument leveled against Washington was that the New England troops deserved one of their own. But with both John and Sam Adams placing his name in nomination, Washington was the tailor-made compromise candidate. "In the meantime," recollected John Adams, "pains were taken out of doors to obtain a unanimity and the voices were generally so clearly in favor of Washington that the dissenting members were persuaded to withdraw their opposition."23 Washington was nominated by Thomas Johnson of Maryland and elected unanimously, initiating a long string of unanimous victories in his career. Washington was nominated by Thomas Johnson of Maryland and elected unanimously, initiating a long string of unanimous victories in his career.

Washington didn't learn of his appointment until the Congress had adjourned for the day, and suddenly he encountered delegates who saluted him as "General." In a twinkling, his world had changed forever. He was feted by delegates at a midday dinner, with Thomas Jefferson, thirty-two, and Benjamin Franklin, sixty-nine, lifting gla.s.ses in a postprandial toast to "the Commander in Chief of the American armies." Washington, deeply moved, sat there abashed. As Benjamin Rush remembered, Washington "rose from his seat and with some confusion thanked the company for the honor they did him. The whole company instantly rose and drank the toast standing. This scene, so unexpected, was a solemn one. A silence followed it, as if every heart was penetrated with the awful but great events which were to follow the use of the sword of liberty which had just been put into General Washington's hands by the unanimous voice of his country."24 True to form, Washington devoted the evening to a committee impaneled to draw up army regulations. In his diary on that epochal day, Washington wrote simply: "Dined at Burns's in the field. Spent the even[in]g on a committee." True to form, Washington devoted the evening to a committee impaneled to draw up army regulations. In his diary on that epochal day, Washington wrote simply: "Dined at Burns's in the field. Spent the even[in]g on a committee."25 Even in the privacy of his diary, Washington feared any show of unseemly ambition. Even in the privacy of his diary, Washington feared any show of unseemly ambition.

On Friday morning, June 16, John Hanc.o.c.k officially announced that George Washington had been chosen "General and Commander in Chief of the army of the United Colonies."26 Washington stood humbly at his seat during his reply. There was to be no chest-thumping from the new commander; this wasn't the Man on Horseback that every good republican dreaded. "Mr President," he said, "tho[ugh] I am truly sensible of the high honor done me in this appointment, yet I feel great distress from a consciousness that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust. However, as the congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentous duty and exert every power I possess in their service and for the support of the glorious cause." Washington's speech was rife with disclaimers; he had long ago perfected the technique of lowering expectations. "But, lest some unlucky event should happen, unfavorable to my reputation," he went on, "I beg it may be remember[e]d by every Gent[lema]n in the room that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I [am] honoured with." Then he made the proudly aristocratic gesture he had already practiced during the Braddock campaign-he waived the proposed salary of five hundred dollars a month: "As to pay, sir, I beg leave to a.s.sure the Congress that as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to have accepted this arduous employment at the expense of my domestic ease and happi[ness], I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses; those I doubt not they will discharge and that is all I desire." Washington stood humbly at his seat during his reply. There was to be no chest-thumping from the new commander; this wasn't the Man on Horseback that every good republican dreaded. "Mr President," he said, "tho[ugh] I am truly sensible of the high honor done me in this appointment, yet I feel great distress from a consciousness that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust. However, as the congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentous duty and exert every power I possess in their service and for the support of the glorious cause." Washington's speech was rife with disclaimers; he had long ago perfected the technique of lowering expectations. "But, lest some unlucky event should happen, unfavorable to my reputation," he went on, "I beg it may be remember[e]d by every Gent[lema]n in the room that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I [am] honoured with." Then he made the proudly aristocratic gesture he had already practiced during the Braddock campaign-he waived the proposed salary of five hundred dollars a month: "As to pay, sir, I beg leave to a.s.sure the Congress that as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to have accepted this arduous employment at the expense of my domestic ease and happi[ness], I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses; those I doubt not they will discharge and that is all I desire."27 Washington wanted to show that his motives were spotless, that he was a true gentleman and could be trusted with great power, and the delegates applauded his generosity. As John Adams declared, "There is something charming to me in the conduct of Washington. A gentleman of one of the first fortunes upon the continent, leaving his delicious retirement, his family and friends, sacrificing his ease and hazarding all in the cause of his country."28 James T. Flexner dismisses the apparent generosity behind Washington's renunciation of a salary: "Financially, the distinction proved to be only a bookkeeping one, as he received in expenses what he would have received in salary." James T. Flexner dismisses the apparent generosity behind Washington's renunciation of a salary: "Financially, the distinction proved to be only a bookkeeping one, as he received in expenses what he would have received in salary."29 But Washington's gesture captured people's imaginations and confirmed that this revolution was something new under the sun. Even the London newspapers were thunderstruck, one writing that Washington "is to attend to the hazardous duty allotted him from principle only. A most n.o.ble example and worthy of imitation in Great Britain." But Washington's gesture captured people's imaginations and confirmed that this revolution was something new under the sun. Even the London newspapers were thunderstruck, one writing that Washington "is to attend to the hazardous duty allotted him from principle only. A most n.o.ble example and worthy of imitation in Great Britain."30 While some of Washington's humility can be traced to political calculation, it also reflected his frank admission that he lacked the requisite experience to take on the British Empire. It was both a gratifying and a terrifying moment for a man who was such a bundle of confidence and insecurity. Preoccupied, as always, with his sense of personal honor-his calling card as a gentleman-he feared disgrace as well as failure. When he ran into Patrick Henry after his appointment, an emotional Washington seemed full of foreboding. "Remember, Mr. Henry, what I now tell you: from the day I enter upon the command of the American armies, I date my fall, and the ruin of my reputation."31 Henry said that Washington's eyes were full of tears-one of many times when, under stress, he betrayed his underlying emotions. Henry said that Washington's eyes were full of tears-one of many times when, under stress, he betrayed his underlying emotions.

In accepting this appointment, Washington was haunted by the uncertain fate of his wife, who would be left alone and might become the target of British raids. In the wake of Patsy's death and Jacky's wedding, Martha Washington was already in a lonely, vulnerable state of mind. To be deprived now of her husband might knock the emotional props from under her. For three days Washington couldn't bring himself to write to her. Then on June 18 he sat down with trepidation to inform her of his extraordinary appointment: My Dearest, I am now set down to write to you on a subject which fills me with inexpressible concern and this concern is greatly aggravated and increased when I reflect on the uneasiness I know it will give you . . . You may believe me . . . when I a.s.sure you in the most solemn manner that, so far from seeking this appointment, I have used every endeavor in my power to avoid it, not only from my unwillingness to part with you and the family, but from a consciousness of its being a trust too great for my capacity . . . it has been a kind of destiny that has thrown me upon this service . . . it was utterly out of my power to refuse this appointment without exposing my character to such censures as would have reflected dishonor upon myself and given pain to my friends.32 The editors of Washington's papers note that twenty years earlier Washington had marshaled almost identical arguments in writing to his mother, invoking force majeure in justifying his partic.i.p.ation in the French and Indian War. But in this letter, even as he told Martha to summon her fort.i.tude, his protective emotions surged to the fore. "I shall feel no pain from the toil or the danger of the campaign," he told her. "My unhappiness will flow from the uneasiness I know you will feel at being left alone."33 He wondered whether she might feel safer in Alexandria or staying with close friends. It must have been sobering to Martha, who had already lost one husband, to learn that Washington had asked Edmund Pendleton to draft a new will for him. He wondered whether she might feel safer in Alexandria or staying with close friends. It must have been sobering to Martha, who had already lost one husband, to learn that Washington had asked Edmund Pendleton to draft a new will for him.

For many years Martha's attachment to her son had been problematic for George Washington, but he now found solace in the thought that Jacky might care for her. On June 19 he informed Jacky of his appointment and told him that "my great concern upon this occasion is the thoughts of leaving your mother under the uneasiness which I know this affair will throw her into." He asked Jacky if he and his bride Nelly could stay full time at Mount Vernon, "when I think it absolutely necessary for the peace and satisfaction of your mother."34 That same day Washington wrote to his brother-in-law, Burwell Ba.s.sett, and inquired whether he and Martha's sister, Anna Maria, could visit Mount Vernon or take Martha into their home. Although he had a.s.sured Martha that he would "return safe to you in the fall," he now told Ba.s.sett, much more candidly, that "I have no expectations of returning till winter and feel great uneasiness at [Martha's] lonesome situation." That same day Washington wrote to his brother-in-law, Burwell Ba.s.sett, and inquired whether he and Martha's sister, Anna Maria, could visit Mount Vernon or take Martha into their home. Although he had a.s.sured Martha that he would "return safe to you in the fall," he now told Ba.s.sett, much more candidly, that "I have no expectations of returning till winter and feel great uneasiness at [Martha's] lonesome situation."35 Washington noted that he had exchanged his Mount Vernon coach for his riding horses as he traded peacetime paraphernalia for wartime materiel. Again he expressed his inadequacy for the job. "I can answer but for three things: a firm belief in the justice of our cause; close attention in the prosecution of it; and the strictest integrity. If these cannot supply the places of ability and experience, the cause will suffer." Washington noted that he had exchanged his Mount Vernon coach for his riding horses as he traded peacetime paraphernalia for wartime materiel. Again he expressed his inadequacy for the job. "I can answer but for three things: a firm belief in the justice of our cause; close attention in the prosecution of it; and the strictest integrity. If these cannot supply the places of ability and experience, the cause will suffer."36

BEFORE LEAVING FOR BOSTON, Washington gathered the stage props for his command performance as top general. He bought five horses and a handsome four-wheeled open carriage, called a phaeton, the first charges to his expense account. He collected five books on military strategy. To spruce up his military apparel, he covered his black leather pistol holders with rich fabric, enhancing their beauty. In all likelihood, he employed the same red and white colors for this upholstery as he used for the servants' livery at Mount Vernon. Washington also ordered a new uniform, having decided to retain for the Continental Army the colors of the Fairfax Independent Company. For his tailor, he outlined a uniform consisting of "a blue coat with yellow b.u.t.tons and gold epaulettes (each having three silver stars) . . . in winter, buff vest and breeches; in summer, a white vest and breeches of nankeen."37 When Washington was named commander in chief, he found himself in an anomalous situation: he was the only person officially on the rolls of the Continental Army; technically, he had been chosen to march at the head of a nonexistent army to fight an undeclared war. Nevertheless he began to a.s.semble the top-flight team of personal aides he would refer to as his military "family." During the war Washington would develop intimate attachments to several dashing young men of intelligence and sensibility. En route to Boston, he was escorted by Joseph Reed of Philadelphia, a Trenton native educated at Princeton and trained in law at the Middle Temple in London. Smart, courteous, and charming, Reed had a long face with blue eyes and a kindly expression. John Adams praised him as "very sensible," "amiable," and "tender."38 As a member of Washington's military escort to Boston, Reed fell under the general's spell and couldn't resist his insistence that he stay on as his secretary. As Reed remembered, Washington had "expressed himself to me in such terms that I thought myself bound by every tie of duty and honor to comply with his request to help him through the sea of difficulties." As a member of Washington's military escort to Boston, Reed fell under the general's spell and couldn't resist his insistence that he stay on as his secretary. As Reed remembered, Washington had "expressed himself to me in such terms that I thought myself bound by every tie of duty and honor to comply with his request to help him through the sea of difficulties."39 For his first aide-de-camp, Washington chose another young Philadelphian, Thomas Mifflin, a radical member of the Congress with a broad, handsome face, "a sprightly and spirited speaker" with a reputation for being temperamental. For his first aide-de-camp, Washington chose another young Philadelphian, Thomas Mifflin, a radical member of the Congress with a broad, handsome face, "a sprightly and spirited speaker" with a reputation for being temperamental.40 In opting for two young Philadelphians from prominent families, Washington showed partiality for members of his own cla.s.s and a willingness to surround himself with young men more highly educated than he was. In opting for two young Philadelphians from prominent families, Washington showed partiality for members of his own cla.s.s and a willingness to surround himself with young men more highly educated than he was.

The generals that the Congress picked to support Washington reflected the same calculus of geographic diversity that had shaped Washington's own appointment. Bowing to political realities, it chose the burly Artemas Ward of Ma.s.sachusetts as the first major general; Ward would never warm to Washington and resented being upstaged by him. He was followed by Horatio Gates, named adjutant general with the rank of brigadier. Washington admired Gates, lauded his superior knowledge of military affairs, and personally recommended him for the high post, but he would shortly revise this opinion. "I discovered very early in the war symptoms of coldness and constraint in General Gates' behavior to me," he later observed. "These increased as he rose into greater consequence."41 The next major general picked by Congress was Charles Lee. He too had been recommended by Washington, who again would live to rue the choice. Washington credited Lee as "the first officer in military knowledge and experience we have in the whole army," but he also saw that he was "rather fickle and violent, I fear, in his temper." The next major general picked by Congress was Charles Lee. He too had been recommended by Washington, who again would live to rue the choice. Washington credited Lee as "the first officer in military knowledge and experience we have in the whole army," but he also saw that he was "rather fickle and violent, I fear, in his temper."42 Another major general was the patrician Philip Schuyler, a wealthy landlord with extensive holdings along the Hudson River. A member of the Anglo-Dutch aristocracy of New York, he had a bulbous red nose, a raspy voice, and a frosty att.i.tude toward his social inferiors. Finally there was the colorful, rough-hewn farmer from Connecticut, the deep-chested Israel Putnam, who had won the endearing nickname "Old Put." Scarred, weather-beaten, and poorly educated, he was popular among his soldiers. It was said of the suspicious Putnam that he always slept with one eye open. At Bunker Hill he had supposedly uttered the famous words, "Don't fire, boys, until you see the whites of their eyes." Another major general was the patrician Philip Schuyler, a wealthy landlord with extensive holdings along the Hudson River. A member of the Anglo-Dutch aristocracy of New York, he had a bulbous red nose, a raspy voice, and a frosty att.i.tude toward his social inferiors. Finally there was the colorful, rough-hewn farmer from Connecticut, the deep-chested Israel Putnam, who had won the endearing nickname "Old Put." Scarred, weather-beaten, and poorly educated, he was popular among his soldiers. It was said of the suspicious Putnam that he always slept with one eye open. At Bunker Hill he had supposedly uttered the famous words, "Don't fire, boys, until you see the whites of their eyes."43 Silas Deane said with admiration that Putnam was "totally unfit for everything" except fighting. Silas Deane said with admiration that Putnam was "totally unfit for everything" except fighting.44 Washington's final hours in Philadelphia were long and frantic ones. When, on June 20, he sent a farewell note to officers of the five Virginia militias he had commanded, he sounded as if he tottered a bit under the stress. "I have launched into a wide and extensive field too boundless for my abilities and far, very far beyond my experience," he wrote tensely.45 Before setting out for Boston on June 23, he dashed off a quick, rea.s.suring missive to Martha, reminding her that "I retain an unalterable affection for you, which neither time nor distance can change." Before setting out for Boston on June 23, he dashed off a quick, rea.s.suring missive to Martha, reminding her that "I retain an unalterable affection for you, which neither time nor distance can change."46 Washington received a festive send-off from the Philadelphia populace. Accompanied by Charles Lee and Philip Schuyler, he was ready to mount his horse when Thomas Mifflin sprinted out, bent down, and held out the stirrup for him-a small courtesy that drew a vast ovation from the crowd. John Adams recorded a genteel detail: many congressmen showed up with servants and carriages to bid farewell to the revolutionary warrior. Washington brought along his versatile manservant, Billy Lee, who would enter fully into the fervent emotions of the struggle; as a garrulous old veteran in later years, he would talk as if he had been a full-fledged member of the Continental Army, not a slave forcibly drafted into service. Nevertheless Lee and another slave named John wore not the blue and buff of the Continental Army but the red and white Washington livery. When John Trumbull later painted Lee, he depicted him as dark-skinned and round-cheeked in an exotic red turban. A skillful horseman, Lee remained at Washington's side throughout the war, a powerful symbol of the limitations of this fight for liberty. During the war, in a striking mark of their personal relationship, Washington would personally order clothing for Lee.

As he rode north, Washington ventured into terra incognita. With little talent for impromptu speeches, he was ill equipped for his sudden celebrity. Nonetheless, upon encountering large throngs in New York City, he displayed a touch of pure showmanship, wearing a plume in his hat and a bright purple sash. In a city violently torn between Loyalists and patriots, Washington's hosts worried that he might encounter the royal governor, William Tryon, who had returned from a trip to England that same day. To avoid this clash, Washington crossed the Hudson at Hoboken and arrived at four P.M. near present-day Ca.n.a.l Street, then well north of the town. Met by a military band, nine companies of militia, and a delegation from the New York Provincial Congress, Washington got a vivid glimpse of the cheering ma.s.ses who counted on him for deliverance. The entire town, it seemed, had emptied out to receive him, and a local newspaper said that "a greater number of the princ.i.p.al inhabitants" had appeared than on any previous occasion.47 Washington was whisked to the country estate of Leonard Lispenard. In a sign of the fluid political situation, some people who had welcomed Washington then met Governor Tryon when he landed at eight o'clock that evening, causing Loyalist Thomas Jones to bellow, "What a farce! What cursed hypocrisy!" Washington was whisked to the country estate of Leonard Lispenard. In a sign of the fluid political situation, some people who had welcomed Washington then met Governor Tryon when he landed at eight o'clock that evening, causing Loyalist Thomas Jones to bellow, "What a farce! What cursed hypocrisy!"48 In another strange sign of this transitional period, Washington drank in the huzzahs of the mult.i.tudes while the In another strange sign of this transitional period, Washington drank in the huzzahs of the mult.i.tudes while the Asia, Asia, a sixty-four-gun British warship, lay at anchor off the Battery, not far from where he was. a sixty-four-gun British warship, lay at anchor off the Battery, not far from where he was.

At the Lispenard mansion, Washington received an urgent dispatch from Boston. Although the sealed communique was addressed to John Hanc.o.c.k, Washington thought it prudent to open it in case it contained timely news. His instinct was correct: the dispatch reported that on June 17 more than two thousand British troops, led by General William Howe, had stormed fortified patriot positions on Breed's Hill, forcing an American retreat. (The battle was incorrectly labeled Bunker Hill.) Intent upon inflicting maximum terror on supposedly amateurish Americans, the British had incinerated the buildings of Charlestown, leaving the obliterated town a smoking ruin. Bunker Hill proved a Pyrrhic victory, for the British registered more than a thousand casualties. Americans had shown not only pluck and grit but excellent marksmanship as they picked off British officers; firing at officers was then considered a shocking breach of military etiquette. The Americans suffered 450 casualties, including the death of Major General Joseph Warren. Even while it dented British confidence, the Battle of Bunker Hill stirred patriotic spirits, exposing the first c.h.i.n.ks in the British fighting machine and suggesting, wrongly, that green American militia troops could outfight British professionals. As the British reeled, a stunned General Howe admitted, "The success is too dearly bought."49 Washington recognized that the British had been chastened-"a few more such victories woul[d] put an end to their army," he wryly told his brother Sam-but he insisted that the battle was a missed opportunity. Washington recognized that the British had been chastened-"a few more such victories woul[d] put an end to their army," he wryly told his brother Sam-but he insisted that the battle was a missed opportunity.50 If the men had "been properly conducted," he concluded, "the regulars would have met with a shameful defeat." If the men had "been properly conducted," he concluded, "the regulars would have met with a shameful defeat."51 At the same time, he would spend the first year or two of the war referring back to Bunker Hill and hoping to recapitulate the terrific beating inflicted on the startled British. At the same time, he would spend the first year or two of the war referring back to Bunker Hill and hoping to recapitulate the terrific beating inflicted on the startled British.

Though Washington yearned to be off to Boston, members of the New York Provincial Congress wanted to address him, and political decorum dictated that he linger. It was the start of the interminable ceremonies that would be the bane of his public life. Already tired from formalities and sacrificing precious time, he instructed his a.s.sistants to be ready to leave the instant the meeting ended. Washington sounded a conciliatory theme to the provincial congress, promising to apply his efforts to the restoration "of peace and harmony between the mother [country and the] colonies."52 He minted a beautiful phrase that must have resonated deeply among his listeners: "When we a.s.sumed the soldier, we did not lay aside the citizen." He minted a beautiful phrase that must have resonated deeply among his listeners: "When we a.s.sumed the soldier, we did not lay aside the citizen."53 The citizen-soldier pa.s.sed this first test of his political skills with flying colors. Gifted with perfect pitch, he knew how to talk the language of peace even as he girded for war. The citizen-soldier pa.s.sed this first test of his political skills with flying colors. Gifted with perfect pitch, he knew how to talk the language of peace even as he girded for war.

As Washington and his party pushed northward, his mind was occupied with the situation awaiting him in Boston. A decade later he admitted that he wasn't sufficiently "at ease" to observe closely the countryside through which he pa.s.sed.54 He felt beleaguered by the social duties thrust upon him as he pa.s.sed through an unending succession of towns and endured ritual greetings from their leading citizens. He was already swamped with letters from provincial legislators, who began to address him as "His Excellency"-a rather regal locution for a revolutionary leader. George Washington was already becoming more than a mere man: he was the face and form of an amorphous cause. As Garry Wills has noted, "Before there was a nation-before there was any symbol of that nation (a flag, a Const.i.tution, a national seal)-there was Washington." He felt beleaguered by the social duties thrust upon him as he pa.s.sed through an unending succession of towns and endured ritual greetings from their leading citizens. He was already swamped with letters from provincial legislators, who began to address him as "His Excellency"-a rather regal locution for a revolutionary leader. George Washington was already becoming more than a mere man: he was the face and form of an amorphous cause. As Garry Wills has noted, "Before there was a nation-before there was any symbol of that nation (a flag, a Const.i.tution, a national seal)-there was Washington."55 Knowing that people wished to see him astride a horse, Washington would step down from his carriage and mount a horse before entering a town, turning it into a theatrical performance. Knowing that people wished to see him astride a horse, Washington would step down from his carriage and mount a horse before entering a town, turning it into a theatrical performance.56 On Sunday, July 2, Washington arrived at Cambridge, Ma.s.sachusetts, to a.s.sume control of the Continental Army, which had laid siege to Boston and the many redcoats bottled up inside the town. People in New England took the Sabbath seriously, and Washington respected religious observance, so on this historic day the stately Virginian made a quiet, un.o.btrusive entrance into the camp. The fledgling troops that had lined up on the parade ground to be inspected were dismissed when a steady daylong rain spoiled the reception, but Washington and Lee did meet with the officers' corps that evening. The rain screened any clear view of the British troops in the distance. Nevertheless, in taking up his duties, George Washington had crossed the threshold into a new life.

CHAPTER SEVENTEEN.

Magnificent Bluff ALTHOUGH GEORGE WASHINGTON had never attended college and regretted his lack of education, he moved into the Harvard Square home of college president Samuel Langdon, who retreated to a single room. Politicians and officers soon descended on Washington en ma.s.se, including the two New England generals Artemas Ward and Israel Putnam. By mid-July Washington had transferred to grander quarters on Brattle Street, occupying the three-story Georgian mansion of John Va.s.sall, a rich Tory who had fled behind British lines in besieged Boston. The Va.s.salls had owned a slave family that remained in the house, and when Washington toured his new headquarters, he found a slave boy, Darby Va.s.sall, swinging on the front gate. In a friendly manner, Washington expressed interest in taking him into his service, but Darby, imbued with the spirit of liberty, asked what his pay would be. At that interjection, Washington evidently lost interest. "General Washington was no gentleman," Darby later said, "to expect a boy to work without wages."1 By the time Washington and Charles Lee reviewed troops on the parade ground on July 3, the overcast skies had cleared and an effervescent mood filled the air. Twenty-one drummers and as many fife players treated the new generals to a full musical accompaniment as they inspected the New England soldiers. While some had muskets, many others toted primitive weapons, including tomahawks and knives lashed to poles. Despite these handicaps, Washington hoped the patriots could muster eighteen thousand men-at least, if one included the sick and absent-and enjoy a numerical superiority over British forces of no more than twelve thousand.

As Washington and Lee toured lengthy defensive fortifications being thrown up pell-mell to deter a British attack, they viewed the eerie reality of two armies, separated by scarcely more than a mile, enjoying panoramic, un.o.bstructed views of each other. It was easy to make out British sentinels pacing on Bunker Hill. With some amazement, Washington told Richard Henry Lee that the British and Americans were "almost near enough to converse."2 To Washington, it seemed that both sides had settled into an uneasy standoff. To Washington, it seemed that both sides had settled into an uneasy standoff.

On July 4 the Congress formally incorporated the state militias into the Continental Army, enabling Washington to issue general orders that would sound the signature themes of his tenure. This George Washington differed from the callow, sometimes grasping young colonel who had governed the Virginia Regiment and was narrowly absorbed in his career. From the outset, his official voice pulsated with high ideals. He tried to dissolve state differences into a new national ident.i.ty, telling his men that the troops being raised from various colonies were "now the troops of the United Provinces of North America and it is hoped that all distinctions of colonies will be laid aside."3 Always buffed and polished, with an elegant sword strapped to his side and silver spurs on his boots, Washington roamed all over the camp. "His Excellency was on horseback, in company with several other military gentlemen," Dr. James Thacher wrote. "It was not difficult to distinguish him from the others; his personal appearance is truly n.o.ble and majestic."4 A local diarist, Ezekiel Price, picked up reports on July 5 that "General Washington had visited the camps, and the soldiers were much pleased with him." A local diarist, Ezekiel Price, picked up reports on July 5 that "General Washington had visited the camps, and the soldiers were much pleased with him."5 As at Mount Vernon, Washington rose at sunup to ride about the camp, lifting sagging spirits with his presence. Suddenly rejuvenated troops were happily digging trenches at four in the morning. "There is great overturning in the camp as to order and regularity," said an impressed chaplain. "New lords, new laws." As at Mount Vernon, Washington rose at sunup to ride about the camp, lifting sagging spirits with his presence. Suddenly rejuvenated troops were happily digging trenches at four in the morning. "There is great overturning in the camp as to order and regularity," said an impressed chaplain. "New lords, new laws."6 A beefy former bookseller from Boston named Henry Knox stood in awe of Washington's panache: "General Washington fills his place with vast ease and dignity and dispenses happiness around him." A beefy former bookseller from Boston named Henry Knox stood in awe of Washington's panache: "General Washington fills his place with vast ease and dignity and dispenses happiness around him."7 An enthusiastic friend reported to John Adams that Washington "has in a manner inspired officers and soldiers with a taste for discipline and they go into it readily, as they all venerate and love the general." An enthusiastic friend reported to John Adams that Washington "has in a manner inspired officers and soldiers with a taste for discipline and they go into it readily, as they all venerate and love the general."8 His Excellency also left the ladies agog. "You had prepared me to entertain a favorable opinion of George Washington," Abigail Adams chided her husband, "but I thought the half was not told me. Dignity with ease and complacency, the gentleman and soldier, look agreeably blended in him." His Excellency also left the ladies agog. "You had prepared me to entertain a favorable opinion of George Washington," Abigail Adams chided her husband, "but I thought the half was not told me. Dignity with ease and complacency, the gentleman and soldier, look agreeably blended in him."9 For all the favorable a.s.sessments, Washington, as a newcomer from Virginia, confronted pervasive Yankee suspicions, and he, in turn, was inwardly revolted by the alien world he surveyed daily in Cambridge. With little tolerance for error and scant patience for disorder, he was surrounded by an unruly, vociferous ma.s.s of men who didn't take well to orders. At this point, he never dreamed that these shabby men would someday show prodigious courage or that he would grow to love them. Soon he squawked to his brother Sam that he had "found a numerous army of provincials under very little command, discipline, or order."10 Two months later, a shrill note entering his letter, he protested to John Hanc.o.c.k that "licentious-ness and every kind of disorder triumphantly reign." Two months later, a shrill note entering his letter, he protested to John Hanc.o.c.k that "licentious-ness and every kind of disorder triumphantly reign."11 Two people seemed to coexist inside George Washington's breast. One was the political militant who mouthed republican slogans; this Washington thought his troops would fight better if motivated by patriotic ideals. The other, schooled in the British military system, believed devoutly in top-down discipline and rank as necessary to a well-run army. This Washington was also the Virginia planter who felt little in common with the scruffy plebeians around him. Two people seemed to coexist inside George Washington's breast. One was the political militant who mouthed republican slogans; this Washington thought his troops would fight better if motivated by patriotic ideals. The other, schooled in the British military system, believed devoutly in top-down discipline and rank as necessary to a well-run army. This Washington was also the Virginia planter who felt little in common with the scruffy plebeians around him.

Washington expressed dismay that many New England militias elected their own officers, choosing farmers, artisans, or storekeepers. It bothered him that egalitarian officers fraternized with their men, joined them in line for food, and even gave them shaves. In disbelief, he wrote to one Virginian that the Ma.s.sachusetts officers "are nearly nearly of the same kidney with the privates." of the same kidney with the privates."12 To Patrick Henry, Washington worried aloud about "the soldier and officer being too nearly on a level. Discipline and subordination add life and vigor to military movements." To Patrick Henry, Washington worried aloud about "the soldier and officer being too nearly on a level. Discipline and subordination add life and vigor to military movements."13 In part, Washington had an old-fashioned faith in military hierarchy as likely to produce the most efficient army. He often evinced a partiality for wellborn officers, as if he wanted to transfer the hierarchy of civilian life intact into the army. As he once observed about choosing officers, "The first rule . . . is to determine whether the candidate is truly a gentleman, whether he has a genuine sense of honor and a reputation to risk." In part, Washington had an old-fashioned faith in military hierarchy as likely to produce the most efficient army. He often evinced a partiality for wellborn officers, as if he wanted to transfer the hierarchy of civilian life intact into the army. As he once observed about choosing officers, "The first rule . . . is to determine whether the candidate is truly a gentleman, whether he has a genuine sense of honor and a reputation to risk."14 At one point, while arguing for better pay for officers, Washington warned John Hanc.o.c.k that only such a move would "induce gentlemen and men of character to engage and till the bulk of your officers are composed of such persons . . . you have little to expect of them." At one point, while arguing for better pay for officers, Washington warned John Hanc.o.c.k that only such a move would "induce gentlemen and men of character to engage and till the bulk of your officers are composed of such persons . . . you have little to expect of them."15 However much Washington theoretically preferred having his social peers as fellow officers, however, he would compile an outstanding record of advancing officers who lacked such pedigrees. However much Washington theoretically preferred having his social peers as fellow officers, however, he would compile an outstanding record of advancing officers who lacked such pedigrees.

During his first month in Cambridge, to differentiate the army's upper echelons, Washington ordered field officers to sport red or pink c.o.c.kades in their hats, captains yellow or buff, and subordinate officers green. It upset Washington when sentinels stopped generals because they didn't recognize them. He decreed a light blue sash for himself, a pink one for major and brigadier generals, and a green one for his aides-de-camp. It says much about Washington's evolution during the war that he emphasized these distinctions much less as the war progressed. "His uniform is exactly like that of his soldiers," a French officer noted four years later. "Formerly, on solemn occasions, that is to say on days of battle, he wore a large blue sash, but he has given up that unrepublican distinction."16 Even as he introduced distinctions between officers and their men, he struggled to obliterate differences among the states to forge a national army. When he arrived in Cambridge, there was no army as such, only a mosaic of New England militias, wearing a medley of homemade hats, shoes, and other clothing. A fervent nationalist, Washington wanted to eliminate regiments based on geography at a time when militias were identified with states-a visionary suggestion that was promptly rejected. As he later wrote, "In the early stages of this war, I used every means in my power to destroy all kind of state distinctions and labored to have every part and parcel of the army considered as continental."17 Because of a shortage of wool, once imported from Great Britain, Washington planned to issue ten thousand linen hunting shirts, such as those used in the French and Indian War, creating a makeshift national uniform. But there wasn't enough tow cloth, and he had to settle for the motley array of costumes worn by state militias. Washington also argued futilely that the Congress should appoint officers instead of provisional governments. This proposal was vetoed since it clashed with republican ideology, which romanticized militias as superior to standing armies, a dilemma that was to bedevil him throughout the war. Because of a shortage of wool, once imported from Great Britain, Washington planned to issue ten thousand linen hunting shirts, such as those used in the French and Indian War, creating a makeshift national uniform. But there wasn't enough tow cloth, and he had to settle for the motley array of costumes worn by state militias. Washington also argued futilely that the Congress should appoint officers instead of provisional governments. This proposal was vetoed since it clashed with republican ideology, which romanticized militias as superior to standing armies, a dilemma that was to bedevil him throughout the war.

n.o.body would have found the camp's vile sanitary conditions more repellent than did the fastidious Washington. The open latrines emitted a potent stench, and it was a challenge to coax soldiers into using them. One orderly book complained that they left "excrement about the fields perniciously."18 Having experienced firsthand the epidemics that can decimate armies, Washington urged officers to keep their men clean, tend their latrines, and forbid fishing in freshwater ponds, "as there may be danger of introducing the smallpox into the army." Having experienced firsthand the epidemics that can decimate armies, Washington urged officers to keep their men clean, tend their latrines, and forbid fishing in freshwater ponds, "as there may be danger of introducing the smallpox into the army."19 Washington must also have recoiled at the queer collection of improvised tents. Of these outlandish dwellings, the Reverend William Emerson said, "Some are made of boards, some of sail-cloth, and some partly of one and partly of the other. Others are made of stone and turf and others again of birch and other brush . . . others are curiously wrought with doors and windows done with wreaths . . . in the manner of a basket." Washington must also have recoiled at the queer collection of improvised tents. Of these outlandish dwellings, the Reverend William Emerson said, "Some are made of boards, some of sail-cloth, and some partly of one and partly of the other. Others are made of stone and turf and others again of birch and other brush . . . others are curiously wrought with doors and windows done with wreaths . . . in the manner of a basket."20 The troops lacked running water, and their filthy, tattered appearance excited disgust among onlookers, causing Loyalist Benjamin Thompson to say that Washington's army was "the most wretchedly clothed, and as dirty a set of mortals as ever disgraced the name of a soldier." The troops lacked running water, and their filthy, tattered appearance excited disgust among onlookers, causing Loyalist Benjamin Thompson to say that Washington's army was "the most wretchedly clothed, and as dirty a set of mortals as ever disgraced the name of a soldier."21 Some men were half naked, their clothing having been slashed at Bunker Hill. Small wonder that Washington groaned that his life was "one continued round of Some men were half naked, their clothing having been slashed at Bunker Hill. Small wonder that Washington groaned that his life was "one continued round of annoyance annoyance and and fatigue fatigue."22 Maintaining unity among the men proved a perpetual struggle. In late July the New England troops were startled by the arrival of a rustic contingent of Virginia riflemen, led by Captain Daniel Morgan, who had trudged six hundred miles to join the fray. The rifles they carried were longer than muskets and could be fired with far more accuracy, but they took longer to load in combat. Army cook Israel Trask remembered how soldiers from Marblehead, Ma.s.sachusetts, outfitted in round jackets and fishermen's trousers, derided the Virginians with their fringed linen shirts, leggings, and tomahawks. Months later, on a snowy day, as the Virginians toured Harvard College, the Marblehead soldiers began to taunt and toss s...o...b..a.l.l.s at them. Before too long, said Trask, a fierce struggle commenced with biting and gouging on the one part, and knockdown on the other part with as much apparent fury as the most deadly enemy could create. Reinforced by their friends, in less than five minutes, more than a thousand combatants were on the field, struggling for the mastery. At this juncture General Washington made his appearance, whether by accident or design I never knew. I only saw him and his colored servant [Billy Lee], both mounted. With the spring of a deer, he leaped from his saddle, threw the reins of his bridle into the hands of his servant, and rushed into the thickest of the melee, with an iron grip seized two tall, brawny, athletic, savage-looking riflemen by the throat, keeping them at arm's length, alternately shaking and talking to them. In this position the eye of the belligerents caught sight of the general. Its effect on them was instantaneous flight at the top of their speed in all directions from the scene of the conflict. Less than fifteen minutes time had elapsed from the commencement of the row before the general and his two criminals were the only occupants of the field of action. Here bloodshed, imprisonment, trials by court-martial were happily prevented and hostile feelings between the different corps of the army extinguished by the physical and mental energies timely exerted by one individual.23 One notes how swiftly the fearless Washington displayed derring-do. In dealing with troublemakers, he meted out harsh punishments, including having them ride the wooden horse, an ordeal in which the offender sat on the sharp wooden rail of a sawhorse, his hands bound behind his back and heavy weights anch.o.r.ed to his feet to heighten the pain. One also notes in the anecdote the conspicuous presence of Billy Lee, who remained steadfastly at Washington's side throughout the Revolution.

As Washington examined his army with care, he was dismayed to find no more than 14,500 men fit for service-far fewer than the 20,000 fighting Yankees he had expected to find. This, the first of many unpleasant surprises, meant that he had to be an expert bluffer, pretending to a military strength he didn't possess. In confidence, he told James Warren, president of the Ma.s.sachusetts Provincial Congress, "Your own prudence will suggest the necessity of secrecy on this subject, as we have the utmost reason to think the enemy suppose our numbers much greater than they are-an error which is not [in] our interest to remove."24 If Washington had taken away one lesson from the French and Indian War, it was the need for a compact defense. It therefore irked him that he had to maintain a vast defensive perimeter of breastworks and trenches stretching for eight or nine miles. On the other hand, he feared the psychological blow if he retreated from fortifications so laboriously constructed. He also had to contend with a grave gunpowder shortage. At first he was told that he had 308 barrels of powder, only to learn from Brigadier General John Sullivan that the actual number was 36, a risible nine rounds per man. When he conveyed this stunning news to Washington, Sullivan recalled, the general "did not utter a word for half an hour."25 Washington realized how easily his army could be wiped out and was slightly mystified why the British didn't attack. He looked increasingly frazzled and careworn. "I pity our good general," wrote one observer, "who has a greater burden on his shoulders and more difficulties to struggle with than I think should fall to the share of so good a man." Washington realized how easily his army could be wiped out and was slightly mystified why the British didn't attack. He looked increasingly frazzled and careworn. "I pity our good general," wrote one observer, "who has a greater burden on his shoulders and more difficulties to struggle with than I think should fall to the share of so good a man."26 Washington was thrust into a terrible dilemma: he couldn't defend his own performance without citing the deficiencies of men, munitions, and supplies, but that would alert the enemy to his weaknesses. He had to swallow his doubts and appear the picture of confidence, making him more tight-lipped in his public p.r.o.nouncements, if more vehement in private. An accomplished actor, he learned to exploit liberally the "gift of silence" that John Adams cited as one of his cardinal strengths. For the rest of his life, Washington remained the prisoner of roles that forced him into secrecy and evasion, accentuating an already reticent personality. His reserve was further reinforced by a view of military leadership that frowned on camaraderie. Abigail Adams made the insightful comment that Washington "has a dignity which forbids familiarity, mixed with an easy affability which creates love and reverence."27 Washington's officers admired him, but with the slightest touch of fear. "The dignity of his presence," wrote Timothy Pickering, "large and manly, increased by steady, firm, and grave countenance and an unusual share of reserve, forbidding all familiarity, excited no little reverence in his presence." Washington's officers admired him, but with the slightest touch of fear. "The dignity of his presence," wrote Timothy Pickering, "large and manly, increased by steady, firm, and grave countenance and an unusual share of reserve, forbidding all familiarity, excited no little reverence in his presence."28 Washington's public role threw up an invisible barrier that prevented true intimacy with all but a select handful of friends and family members. Washington's public role threw up an invisible barrier that prevented true intimacy with all but a select handful of friends and family members.

HAVING HAD FIRSTHAND EXPERIENCE with smallpox, Washington was farsighted in his efforts to stem its spread among the troops through inoculation. By the time he arrived in Cambridge, General Ward had established a smallpox hospital in a secluded spot west of town and ordered daily inspections of his men for symptoms. "We shall continue the utmost vigilance against this most dangerous enemy," Washington vowed to Hanc.o.c.k, and he diligently quarantined soldiers who exhibited the first signs of the disease.29 In the fall of 1775, when smallpox surfaced in British-occupied Boston, Washington grew alarmed that it might be spread to his own men. "The smallpox is in every part of Boston," he informed Joseph Reed in mid-December. "The soldiers there who have never had it are, we are told, under inoculation . . . If we escape the smallpox in this camp and the country round about, it will be miraculous."30 When General Howe herded 300 dest.i.tute Bostonians, riddled with disease, onto boats and dumped them near American lines, Washington feared that they carried smallpox; he sent them humanitarian provisions while carefully insulating them from his troops. After a second wave of 150 sickly Bostonians was expelled, Washington grew convinced that Howe had stooped to using smallpox as a "weapon of defense" against his army. When General Howe herded 300 dest.i.tute Bostonians, riddled with disease, onto boats and dumped them near American lines, Washington feared that they carried smallpox; he sent them humanitarian provisions while carefully insulating them from his troops. After a second wave of 150 sickly Bostonians was expelled, Washington grew convinced that Howe had stooped to using smallpox as a "weapon of defense" against his army.31 By January 1777 he ordered Dr. William Shippen to inoculate every soldier who had never had the disease. "Necessity not only authorizes but seems to require the measure," he wrote, "for should the disorder infect the army in the natural way and rage with its usual virulence, we should have more to dread from it than the sword of the enemy." By January 1777 he ordered Dr. William Shippen to inoculate every soldier who had never had the disease. "Necessity not only authorizes but seems to require the measure," he wrote, "for should the disorder infect the army in the natural way and rage with its usual virulence, we should have more to dread from it than the sword of the enemy."32 This enlightened decision was as important as any military measure Washington adopted during the war. This enlightened decision was as important as any military measure Washington adopted during the war.

Meanwhile, in early August 1775, Washington grappled with the grave problem of a gunpowder shortage. To protect his troops, he circulated the fiction that he possessed eighteen hundred barrels of powder-an early American case of a successful disinformation campaign. In giving the go-ahead to a Rhode Island plan to send ships to the Caribbean in order to seize powder stored in Bermuda, he noted that "enterprises which appear chimerical" often succeed because they are unexpected.33 This statement offers a key insight into Washington's military thinking-his belief that wildly audacious moves sometimes work because they seem too preposterous for the enemy to credit. As it turned out, General Gage had already removed the Bermuda gunpowder as a precaution. This statement offers a key insight into Washington's military thinking-his belief that wildly audacious moves sometimes work because they seem too preposterous for the enemy to credit. As it turned out, General Gage had already removed the Bermuda gunpowder as a precaution.

Washington considered his army's lack of gunpowder such a "profound secret" that, in early August, he would divulge it in person only to the speaker of the Ma.s.sachusetts House of Representatives, not trusting the entire legislature with the news.34 Secrecy and deception were fast becoming essential aspects of his repertoire. Contributing to the depletion of gunpowder was the antic behavior of the trigger-happy Virginia riflemen, who loved to fire their weapons at random, exhausting the whole camp with the commotion. Without disclosing the real reason for his concern, Washington issued this general order: "It is with indignation and shame the general observes that, notwithstanding the repeated orders which have been given to prevent the firing of guns in and about camp . . . it is daily and hourly practiced." Secrecy and deception were fast becoming essential aspects of his repertoire. Contributing to the depletion of gunpowder was the antic behavior of the trigger-happy Virginia riflemen, who loved to fire their weapons at random, exhausting the whole camp with the commotion. Without disclosing the real reason for his concern, Washington issued this general order: "It is with indignation and shame the general observes that, notwithstanding the repeated orders which have been given to prevent the firing of guns in and about camp . . . it is daily and hourly practiced." 35 35 It was a magnificent bluff: Washington made it sound as if he were irate only at insubordination, not at the waste of precious ammunition. It was a magnificent bluff: Washington made it sound as if he were irate only at insubordination, not at the waste of precious ammunition.

That August George Washington conducted a revealing exchange of letters with General Gage. Upon hearing that the British had taken American officers captured at Bunker Hill and clapped them into jails with common criminals, Washington flew into a rage. He was furious that American prisoners were being mistreated and that officers were being mingled