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Lord Keith appears to have formed a very high opinion of the fascination of his conversation, and expressed it very emphatically to me, after he had seen him: speaking of his wish for an interview with the Prince Regent, "D----n the fellow," he said, "if he had obtained an interview with his Royal Highness, in half an hour they would have been the best friends in England."[11] He appeared to have great command of temper; for, though no man could have had greater trials than fell to his lot during the time he remained on board the Bellerophon, he never, in my presence, or as far as I know, allowed a fretful or captious expression to escape him: even the day he received the notification from Sir Henry Bunbury, that it was determined to send him to St Helena, he chatted and conversed with the same cheerfulness as usual. It has been a.s.serted that he was acting a part all the time he was on board the ship; but still, even allowing that to be the case, nothing but great command of temper could have enabled him to have sustained such a part for so many days, in his situation.

[Footnote 11: [I do entreat and conjure that the natural and sailor-like speech of Lord Keith be not tampered with. It is really a sin to knock the spirit out of a work by such over-delicacy.--SCOTT.]]

I shall here relate a circ.u.mstance that occurred during the pa.s.sage to England, which will show in a strong point of view the freedom that subsisted between him and those of his attendants in whom he had confidence. A conversation took place respecting the relative state of cultivation in France and in England. My opinion being asked, I said, that though the climate of France was much superior to that of England, I believed that agriculture had arrived at a greater state of perfection with us than in France. Most of the Frenchmen treated the idea with ridicule; upon which I said, let us refer to Monsieur Las Cases, who has lived several years in England. "You are right," said he; "there can be no doubt, that agriculture has arrived to much greater perfection in England than in France; but what I admire most in England, are the country-seats of your n.o.blemen and gentlemen; there you surpa.s.s France very much." General Bertrand then took up the conversation, and said, that he was a.s.sured, that thirty thousand pounds sterling was annually expended on the park and grounds of Blenheim. Buonaparte immediately reduced that sum into livres; and observed, "The thing is impossible: the English people are not fools; they know the value of money, and no individual either could or would expend such a sum for such a purpose." He then spoke of the expense of keeping up Malmaison, one of the country palaces in France; stating the sum it cost annually, which did not exceed five thousand pounds.

Bertrand still persisted in his statement, and made a reference to me.

I, however, could give no information further than saying, that from what I had heard of the Duke of Marlborough's finances, he could not possibly lay out any such sum on Blenheim. Monsieur Bertrand would not give up the point, but repeated his a.s.sertion. On which Buonaparte said, with quickness, "Bah! c'est impossible." "Oh!" said Bertrand, much offended, "if you are to reply in that manner, there is an end of all argument;" and for some time would not converse with him.

Buonaparte, so far from taking umbrage, did all he could to soothe him and restore him to good-humour, which was not very difficult to effect.

One morning he began to talk of his wife and child, and desired Marchand to bring two or three miniature pictures to show me: he spoke of them with much feeling and affection. "I feel," said he, "the conduct of the allied sovereigns to be more cruel and unjustifiable towards me in that respect than in any other. Why should they deprive me of the comforts of domestic society, and take from me what must be the dearest objects of affection to every man--my child, and the mother of that child?" On his expressing himself as above, I looked him steadily in the face, to observe whether he showed any emotion: the tears were standing in his eyes, and the whole of his countenance appeared evidently under the influence of a strong feeling of grief.

There were two pictures of young Napoleon: one in the dress of a Polish lancer, and the other with long curly flowing ringlets: they both represented a fair, strong, chubby boy, with features very much resembling those of his father. That of his mother, a very fair woman, with good features, but by no means handsome.

From the observations I was enabled to make, I very much doubt Monsieur Savary's statement, that the pa.s.sion of ambition was so completely overcome in his bosom, "that had it been proposed to him again to ascend the throne of France, he would have declined it"; and I do think, that if he had succeeded in eluding the British cruisers and arrived in America, he would always have looked forward to returning to France. In all his conversations, he spoke of ambition as a quality absolutely necessary to form the character of a soldier. On one occasion, Savary spoke of Kleber, (who was left by Napoleon in command of the army when he quitted Egypt,) in terms of high encomium; this brought on a discussion upon the respective merits of that officer and Dessaix, whose aid-de-camp Savary had been during the negotiation of the convention of El Arish. Buonaparte, speaking of Kleber, bestowed upon him great praise as an officer; but he added, "He was deficient in one of the most necessary qualifications of a soldier,--ambition. He was indolent, and required constant spurring.

Dessaix, on the contrary, had all his abilities, which were kept in constant activity by a mind whose ambition there was no satisfying; and, had they both lived to the present period, he would have been much the greater man of the two."

It does not appear from the statement of Buonaparte's attendants, that he had made any very considerable provision for the future, in the event of a reverse of fortune. They often regretted his poverty; and Madame Bertrand a.s.sured me that he was not possessed of more than a million of francs--forty-two thousand pounds of our money[12]; which, if correct, is certainly not a very large sum for a man who had had so many millions at his disposal. "The Emperor has always declared," she said, "that he would rise or fall with the country, and never would enrich himself out of the public property." He also upon one occasion, when there was some intention of leaving Madame Bertrand with her children in England, after stating Bertrand's poverty as an objection to that arrangement, said to me, "My finances are not such as to enable me to give him much a.s.sistance."

[Footnote 12: Since this narrative was written in the year 1815, it has been proved by Buonaparte's will, that either his attendants were misinformed, or that they, as well as himself, misrepresented the state of his finances, as he left in the hands of Lafitte, the banker, in Paris, a sum of money amounting to nearly four hundred thousand pounds sterling, besides a very considerable sum said to be vested in the American funds.]

Buonaparte's carriage, which was taken at the battle of Waterloo by the Prussian cavalry, contained many articles of great value. In it was a necessaire, in which all the instruments, bason, &c. were composed of gold; a sword set with diamonds, and a diamond necklace, estimated at a very large sum of money, which one of his sisters (I think, the Princess of Borghese) put round his neck the night he took leave of her at Paris, on his setting out to join the army previous to the battle of Waterloo, and which he had taken off and deposited in a secret place in the carriage; Marchand, his valet de chambre, being so nearly taken by the Prussian hussars, that he quitted the carriage without having time to secure it. But I have since learned from Las Cases's Memoirs, that the necklace alluded to was saved, and that Las Cases had it concealed about his person all the time he was on board the Bellerophon.

It has been stated in many of the public prints, that had not the Marquis of Anglesea received a wound when he was leading on a charge, Buonaparte must have fallen into his hands. In consequence of observing this a.s.sertion, I asked Generals Bertrand and Gourgaud whether they knew if any such occurrence had taken place: both of whom replied, "Certainly not; the Emperor was frequently in the midst of the British troops (pele-mele avec les troupes Angloises); but at no time during the battle was he in danger of being captured by a charge of cavalry."

The midshipmen of the Bellerophon were in the habit of occasionally performing plays, to amuse themselves and the officers during the tedious operations of a blockade. Buonaparte being told of it by Savary, requested that they would oblige him by acting one for his amus.e.m.e.nt. During the performance, Madame Bertrand sat next to him, and interpreted. He appeared much amused, and laughed very heartily at our ladies, who were personated by great strapping fellows dressed in women's clothes, and not in the most tidy fashion. He had the patience to remain to the end of the third act, though, when attending the Opera at Paris, he had always retired at the end of the first.

I heard several of the French officers discussing the merits of the British troops. One of them said, "The cavalry is superb." I observed, "In England we have a higher opinion of our infantry." "You are right," said he; "there is none such in the world: there is no making an impression on them: you may as well attempt to charge through a wall: and their fire is tremendous." Another of them observed: "A great fault in your cavalry is their not having their horses sufficiently under command: there must be something wrong in the bit, as on one or two occasions in a charge, they could not stop their horses: our troops opened to the right and left, let them pa.s.s through, and then closed their ranks again, when they were either killed or taken prisoners."

I never heard Buonaparte speak of the battle of Waterloo, or give an opinion of the Duke of Wellington; but I asked General Bertrand what Napoleon thought of him. "Why," replied he, "I will give you his opinion nearly in the words he delivered it to me. 'The Duke of Wellington, in the management of an army, is fully equal to myself, with the advantage of possessing more prudence.'"

During the time that Buonaparte was on board the Bellerophon, we always lived expressly for his accommodation--entirely in the French manner; that is to say, a hot meal was served at ten o'clock in the morning, and another at six in the evening; and so nearly did they resemble each other in all respects, that a stranger might have found difficulty, in coming into the cabin, to distinguish breakfast from dinner. His maitre d'hotel took the joints off the table, cut them up in portions, and then handed them round. Buonaparte ate a great deal, and generally of strong solid food: in drinking he was extremely abstemious, confining himself almost entirely to claret, and seldom taking more than half-a-pint at a meal. Immediately after dinner, strong coffee was handed round, and then some cordial; after which he rose from table, the whole meal seldom lasting more than twenty or twenty-five minutes: and I was told, that during the time he was at the head of the French Government, he never allowed more than fifteen minutes for that purpose.

After he had quitted the ship, being desirous to know the feeling of the ship's company towards him, I asked my servant what the people said of him. "Why, Sir," he answered, "I heard several of them conversing together about him this morning; when one of them observed, 'Well, they may abuse that man as much as they please; but if the people of England knew him as well as we do, they would not hurt a hair of his head;' in which the others agreed." This was the more extraordinary, as he never went through the ship's company but once, immediately after his coming on board, when I attended him, and he did not speak to any of the men; merely returning their salute by pulling off his hat; and in consequence of his presence, they suffered many privations, such as not being allowed to see their wives and friends, or to go on sh.o.r.e, having to keep watch in port, &c.; and when he left the ship, the only money he distributed was twenty Napoleons to my steward, fifteen to one of the under-servants, and ten to the cook.

It may, perhaps, be interesting to give a slight sketch of the princ.i.p.al persons who accompanied Buonaparte to the Bellerophon; premising, that I do not pretend to be minutely correct in the view I took of them: the trying circ.u.mstances in which these unfortunate men were placed, being such as required more than common temper; and I think it very doubtful, whether, in the same situation, Englishmen would have maintained equal forbearance.

Count Bertrand was a man of about forty-four years of age, five feet ten inches in height, of a slight make and prepossessing appearance: his manners extremely placid and gentle, though evidently of a warm temper; and showed himself rather hasty in his conduct to Sir George c.o.c.kburn, about searching the baggage; as Sir George was not acting upon his own authority, but by the directions of his superiors, and was inclined to conduct himself with as much consideration as his orders would admit. He was an affectionate attentive husband, and much attached to his children.

The Countess Bertrand was then of a tall, slight figure. Her maiden name was Dillon; her father was an Irishman in the French service, who lost his life during the revolution, and was related to Lord Dillon.

Though, perhaps, a little warm, she has undoubtedly many excellent qualities: she showed herself to be a kind mother and affectionate wife; and if she easily took offence, she as easily forgot it; and any little dispute that occurred between her and me, was amply atoned for by the frank and affectionate manner in which she took leave when we were about to part, perhaps for ever.[13] They had, at the time I speak of, three fine children,--two boys and a girl; the eldest boy about five years of age, who seemed to have a natural turn for the profession of his father: his constant amus.e.m.e.nt, in which the young lady and little Montholon joined, was forming lines and squares, and other military evolutions, on the quarter-deck.

[Footnote 13: [I think the handsome and gentlemanlike account of Madame Bertrand is a complete _amende honorable_ for anything said of her in the course of the journal, and forms a complete refutation to the objections made in the sense of delicacy towards that lady for mentioning some part of the conversation when in warmer moments. If you were to mention your having afterwards met her in France, I think it would be interesting.--SCOTT.]]

General Savary, Duc de Rovigo, was a tall handsome man, then about forty-six years of age, of a cheerful disposition; and notwithstanding the alarm he was in lest he should be given up to the French Government, he never forgot himself so far as to make use of a rude expression in my presence. He was Minister of Police after Fouche. As a great deal had been said about Captain Wright's death, I spoke to him one day upon the subject, and told him it was generally believed in England that he had been murdered: he said, "I took much pains in investigating that matter, and in ascertaining the cause of his death; and I have not a doubt that he cut his own throat in a fit of delirium." Neither Savary nor Lallemand were allowed to accompany Buonaparte to St Helena; but on the Bellerophon's return to Plymouth, after transferring Napoleon to the Northumberland, both of them, together with Planat and the other officers with the exception of three, were, by an order from the Admiralty, sent on board the Eurotas frigate, which conveyed them to Malta, from whence, after remaining some time as prisoners in Fort St Angelo, they were allowed to proceed to Smyrna.

General Lallemand[14] was about forty-two years of age, of a thick strong make; his manners not pleasing, and his appearance by no means prepossessing. During the whole time he was in the Bellerophon, he was morose and abstracted, and seemed much alarmed lest he should be given up to the French Government; and there can be little doubt, had he fallen into its power, he would have shared the fate of Ney, as he had, with the troops under his command, joined Napoleon on his return from Elba. He had formerly been, for several years, one of Buonaparte's aide-de-camps, and during the time he was in the Bellerophon always did that duty in rotation with Montholon and Gourgaud; one of them sleeping in his clothes on a mattress every night outside of the door of the cabin he slept in. The other two aide-de-camps, Generals Montholon and Gourgaud, were young men about thirty-two years of age, the former an officer in the cavalry, and the other in the artillery: they were both of good families; but their attachment to Buonaparte induced them to give up their country and property to follow him.

[Footnote 14: [Lallemand, if I recollect right, had begun the counter-revolution in Bonaparte's favour in the north-east of France, and antic.i.p.ated the moment of success, so that his scheme had failed. I have some reason to think (being at Paris at the time and much with those who knew something of what was going on) that he would have been condemned to death along with Ney had he fallen into the hands of the restored Government. His person should be described.--SCOTT.]]

Madame Montholon was a quiet una.s.suming woman, gave no trouble, and seemed perfectly satisfied, provided she were allowed to accompany her husband. She had with her one fine little boy, about four years old, and I believe left another child at nurse in France.

Count Las Cases, though he bore the t.i.tle of Counsellor of State, held no official situation with Buonaparte; nor did I perfectly understand how he came to accompany him on his departure from France, as he was not with him in Elba: but the intimacy appeared to have been formed since his return from that island. Napoleon was fond of his conversation. He was of small stature, being little more than five feet high, and slightly made. He always spoke of his master in terms of enthusiasm, and resisted every application from his wife and family to remain behind, being determined to follow wherever Buonaparte might be sent. He took with him his eldest son, a quick intelligent boy of thirteen.

Monsieur Maingaut, the surgeon, with all the domestics beyond the twelve who went to St Helena, were conveyed in the Bellerophon to Portsmouth, and from thence sent to Cherbourg, and landed there.

Monsieur Saint Catharine, a lad about sixteen, nephew to the Empress Josephine, and a native of Martinique, was provided with a pa.s.sage to that island in one of our sloops of war.

Captain p.r.o.ntowski, a Pole, was allowed to proceed to St Helena, some time after the Northumberland sailed. Why this indulgence was granted to him, I never clearly understood; but it was said to be in consequence of the representations he made to the British Government, of the very strong attachment he entertained to his fallen master,--a feeling, as far as I could judge, which prevailed with equal force in the b.r.e.a.s.t.s of all those who accompanied him from France, without excepting Madame Bertrand, who, when not influenced by the horror she entertained of being banished to St Helena, always spoke of him not only with affection, but in the language of respect and enthusiasm.

[Sir Walter Scott adds at the end of his notes:--

I declare against abridgement. You are publishing a great and interesting national doc.u.ment, in which accuracy is everything, and abridgement takes greatly from its authenticity. Anything that can be pointed out as what might be personally injurious to these individuals whose attachment to a fallen master renders them objects of interest ought of course to be retrenched. But on no other account would I in Capt. M.'s place consent to alter a word of a narrative written down at the time; and this you may depend upon, that the more minute the narrative is the more it will be interesting to the public. Minuteness is in itself the voucher for authenticity. I presume to press this general remark.

The whole narrative is as fine, manly, and explicit an account as ever was given of so interesting a transaction. It is one in which Captain Maitland not only vindicates his own character, but guarantees that of the British nation. I really, since an opportunity is given me by Capt. Maitland's confidence, protest against its being snipped and clipped like the feet of the ladies who wished to qualify themselves for the gla.s.s slipper.

The corrections in point of mere style are generally for the better, and, I think, ought to be adopted. But let an idea get abroad that your narrative has been altered and modified to suit existing times, and the public suspicion will greatly outrun the fact and suppose that material cancels or alterations have been made.]

APPENDIX.

So many erroneous statements have gone abroad, as to the terms of Buonaparte's reception on board the Bellerophon, that I conceive it right to give the following correspondence, although at the expense of some repet.i.tion; in order to its being distinctly seen, that the good faith of the British nation was not compromised on that occasion, but that His Majesty's Government were at perfect liberty, as far as those terms were concerned, to act as they thought best.

"Tonnant, at anchor under Berryhead, 7th August, 1815.

"SIR,

"Count Las Cases having this morning stated to me that he understood from you, when he was on board the Bellerophon in Basque Roads, on a mission from General Buonaparte, that you were authorized to receive the General and his suite on board the ship you command, for conveyance to England; and that you a.s.sured him, at the same time, that both the General and his suite would be well received there; you are to report for my information, such observations as you may consider it necessary to make upon these a.s.sertions.

"I am, Sir, Your most obedient, humble servant, KEITH, Admiral."

"Captain Maitland, Bellerophon."

"H.M.S. Bellerophon, Plymouth Sound, 8th August, 1815.

"MY LORD,

"I have to acknowledge the receipt of your Lordship's letter of yesterday's date, informing me that Count Las Cases had stated to you, that he had understood from me when he was on board the Bellerophon in Basque Roads, on a mission from General Buonaparte, that I was authorized to receive the General and his suite on board the ship I command, for a conveyance to England, and that I a.s.sured him at the same time, that both the General and his suite would be well received there; and directing me to report for your Lordship's information such observations as I may consider it necessary to make upon these a.s.sertions. I shall, in consequence, state, to the best of my recollection, the whole of the transaction that took place between Count Las Cases and me, on the 14th of July, respecting the embarkation of Napoleon Buonaparte, for the veracity of which I beg to refer your Lordship to Captain Sartorius as to what was said in the morning, and to that officer and Captain Gambier (the Myrmidon having joined me in the afternoon) as to what pa.s.sed in the evening.

"Your Lordship being informed already of the flag of truce that came out to me on the 10th of July, as well as of every thing that occurred on that occasion, I shall confine myself to the transactions of the 14th of the same month.

"Early in the morning of that day, the officer of the watch informed me, a schooner, bearing a flag of truce, was approaching: on her joining the ship, about seven A.M. the Count Las Cases and General Lallemand came on board, when, on being shown into the cabin, Las Cases asked me if any answer had been returned to the letter sent by me to Sir Henry Hotham respecting Napoleon Buonaparte being allowed to pa.s.s for America, either in the frigates or in a neutral vessel. I informed him no answer had been returned, though I hourly expected, in consequence of those despatches, Sir Henry Hotham would arrive; and, as I had told Monsieur Las Cases, when last on board, that I should send my boat in when the answer came, it was quite unnecessary to have sent out a flag of truce on that account:--there, for the time, the conversation terminated. On their coming on board, I had made the signal for the Captain of the Slaney, being desirous of having a witness to all that might pa.s.s.

"After breakfast (during which Captain Sartorius came on board) we retired to the after-cabin, when Monsieur Las Cases began on the same subject, and said, 'The Emperor was so anxious to stop the further effusion of blood, that he would go to America in any way the English Government would sanction, either in a neutral, a disarmed frigate, or an English ship of war.' To which I replied, 'I have no authority to permit any of those measures; but if he chooses to come on board the ship I command, I think, under the orders I am acting with, I may venture to receive him and carry him to England; but, if I do so, I can in no way be answerable for the reception he may meet with (this I repeated several times); when Las Cases said, 'I have little doubt, under those circ.u.mstances, that you will see the Emperor on board the Bellerophon.' After some more general conversation, and the above being frequently repeated, Monsieur Las Cases and General Lallemand took their leave: and I a.s.sure your Lordship that I never, in any way, entered into conditions with respect to the reception General Buonaparte was to meet with; nor was it, at that time, finally arranged that he was to come on board the Bellerophon. In the course of conversation, Las Cases asked me whether I thought Buonaparte would be well received in England; to which I gave the only answer I could do in my situation--'That I did not at all know what was the intention of the British Government; but I had no reason to suppose he would not be well received.' It is here worthy of remark, that when Las Cases came on board, he a.s.sured me that Buonaparte was then at Rochefort, and that it would be necessary for him to go there to report the conversation that had pa.s.sed between us (this I can prove by the testimony of Captain Sartorius, and the first Lieutenant of this ship, to whom I spoke of it at the time), which statement was not fact; Buonaparte never having quitted Isle d'Aix, or the frigates, after the 3rd.

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The Surrender of Napoleon Part 12 summary

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