The Mafulu Part 14

CHAPTER XV

Counting, Currency and Trade

Counting.

Mafulu counting is accomplished by the use of two numerals (one and two) and of the word "another" and of their hands and feet [95]; and with these materials they have phraseology for counting up to twenty as follows:--

1 = _Fida_ (one).

2 = _Gegedo_ (two).

3 = _Gegedo minda_ (two and another).

4 = _Gegedo ta gegedo_ (two and two).

5 = _Gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two and two and another) [or _Bodo fida_ (one hand)].

6 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two and two and two).

7 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two and two and two and another) [or _Bodo fida ta gegedo_ (one hand and two) ].

8 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two and two and two and two) [or _Bodo fida ta gegedo minda_ (one hand and two and another) ].

9 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two and two and two and two and another) [or _Bodo fida ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (one hand and two and two) ].

10 = _Bodo gegedo_ (two hands).

11 = _Bodo gegedov' u minda_ (two hands and another). [Note the "v"

at the end of gegedo. The full word is really _gegedove_; but it is shortened to _gegedo_, unless the next word is a vowel. Also note the "u." There are two words for "and," namely _ta_ and _une_. The "u"

here is the _une_ shortened, and put instead of _ta_ for euphony].

12 = _Bodo gegedo ta gegedo_ (two hands and two).

13 = _Bodo gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two hands and two and another).

14 = _Bodo gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two hands and two and two).

15 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida_ (two hands and one foot).

16 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fidari u minda_ (two hands and one foot and another). [Note the "n" at the end of _fida_. The full word is really _fidane_, and the "n" is introduced here for euphony.]

17 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo_ (two hands and one foot and two).

18 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo minda_ (two hands and one foot and two and another).

19 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two hands and one foot and two and two).

20 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari gegedo_ (two hands and two feet).

As regards these numerals it will be seen that in some cases alternatives are given, whilst in other cases, where corresponding alternatives would appear to be equally applicable, they are not given; the reason is that in these latter cases the alternatives do not in fact appear to be used.

There is no numerical phraseology to indicate any number above twenty; and in the ordinary affairs of life, although numeration can be carried in this c.u.mbrous way up to twenty, they rarely use the numerals beyond ten, and anything over that will be referred to as _tale, tale, tale, tale_ (which may be translated "plenty, plenty, plenty, plenty").

Important counting, such as that of pigs at a feast, is accomplished by the actual use of the hands and feet. The fingers stretched open mean nothing; Closing down the thumb of the right hand indicates one; closing down also the first finger of that hand indicates two; and so on with the other fingers of the right hand, till you reach the closing down of the thumb and all the fingers of the right hand, which indicates five. Then, keeping all the right hand closed, they begin with the left hand also. Closing down only the thumb indicates six; and so on as before, until the thumbs and all the fingers of both hands are closed, which indicates ten. [96]

Then they go to the feet. They keep both hands closed and together, and with the right fist they point to the toes, beginning with the big toe of the right foot, and so along the other toes of that foot, and then go to the big toe of the left foot, and so along the other toes of that foot, thus reaching the enumerative total of twenty. They do not, when wishing to indicate a number, simply place their fingers and hands and feet simultaneously in the requisite position for doing so. They always go through the whole process of finger and toe counting from the beginning. For example, to indicate eight, they turn in the thumb and all the fingers of the right hand, and afterwards the thumb and two fingers of the left hand, separately, and one alter another, until the right position is reached; and similarly as regards numbers over ten, they solemnly turn down all the fingers one after another, and then point to the toes one after another, until they get to the right one for indicating the desired number. When the fingers and toes of the person counting are exhausted, he has recourse to those of another person, if he wishes to count further, although he has then pa.s.sed the limit of numerical phraseology. For the purpose of counting big numbers they are always sitting, and as in counting they exhaust hands and feet, the latter are put together, If, for example, they reach eighty, there are four men sitting, with all their hands and feet crowded together; and if the number be eighty-three, there is also a fifth man with a thumb and two fingers of his right hand closed up. Sometimes a number above ten, but not over twenty, is indicated with the hands only by counting up to ten in the ordinary way, and then opening all the fingers and counting again, until they reach the requisite amount in excess of ten.

I do not think it can be said that these people have in their minds any real abstract idea of number, at all events beyond twenty. Each finger turned down and toe pointed to, in succession, seems to represent to their minds the article (_e.g._, a pig) which is counted, rather than a step in a process of mental addition. But this is a matter upon which I can only express myself in a very general way; and indeed the mental stage at which the mere physical idea of the objects counted has developed into the abstract idea of numbers would in any case be exceedingly difficult to ascertain, or even, perhaps, to define.

They never use pebbles or sticks or anything else of that kind, and have no method of recording numbers or anything else by notching sticks; and they have no weights or measures.

Currency and Trade.

The Mafulu people have no currency in the true sense, every transaction being one of exchange; but nevertheless some specific articles, especially some of the dearer ones, can only be acquired by the offering of certain other specific articles, and certain things have definite recognised relative values for the purpose of exchange.

As examples of the former of these statements, I may say that a pig used to be always paid for in dogs' teeth--though this practice is not now, I think, so strict--and that some of their finer head feather dancing ornaments and ornamental nose pieces can still only be paid for in dogs' teeth; also that there is a special kind of feather ornament, composed of many small feathers fixed in a line on a string, which can only be obtained in exchange for a particular sort of sh.e.l.l necklace.

As examples of recognised relative values, I may state that the proper payment in dogs' teeth for a pig is a chain of dogs' teeth equal in length to the body of the pig, the latter being measured from the tip of its nose to the base of its tail; and that the payment for the special feather ornament is its own length of the corresponding sh.e.l.l necklace.

Exchange and barter is generally only engaged in between members of different communities, and not between those of the same community. An apparent exception to this arises in the purchase of pigs at certain ceremonies above referred to; but in this case it is really a matter of ceremony, and not one of ordinary barter. There are no regular markets, such as exist in some other parts of the country, the exchange of goods being effected by one or more individuals going with their articles of exchange to some other community, where they hope to get what they require. The nearest approach to a market arises intermittently when there is to be a big feast. Then the communities giving, and invited to, the feast require a large supply of ornaments, especially for those who are going to dance, and probably do not possess a sufficient quant.i.ty. They therefore have to procure these ornaments elsewhere; and the natural place to go to is some other community, possibly a long way off, which has recently been in the same want of extensive ornaments for a feast, and has procured and used them, and now has them, so to speak, in stock, and will be glad to dispose of them again. Thus ornaments used for feasts are sold and resold and travel about the country very extensively.

CHAPTER XVI

Language

I have been fortunate in having had some interesting and valuable linguistic material placed at my disposal for publication by Father Egedi and in having had further material added to it by Dr. Seligmann and Mr. Sidney H. Ray. I have thought it better to deal with it in five appendices, and I am greatly indebted to Mr. Ray for having undertaken the laborious task of their compilation. I give the following explanation concerning these appendices.

(1) Is a grammar of the Fuyuge language. The original ma.n.u.script is the work of Father Egedi, the, materials from which it was prepared by him having been collected in the Mafulu villages. The appendix is Father Egedi's Grammar, translated and edited by Mr. Ray.

(2) Is a short note on the Afoa language prepared by Dr. W. M. Strong, when he was Government Agent in Mekeo, and handed by him to Dr. Seligmann for publication. To this note Mr. Ray has added a footnote.

(3) Is a note on the Kovio language prepared by Dr. Strong, and handed by him to Dr. Seligmann. This note refers to the languages spoken in the neighbourhoods of Inavarene and the Inava valley and of the Upper Lakekamu river, all of which were found by Dr. Strong to be somewhat similar. The footnote is by Mr. Ray.

(4) Is a comparative vocabulary, prepared by Mr. Ray, of the languages of some of the different Papuan-speaking people of the mountain districts of Central British New Guinea. The words in the "Mafulu" column are taken from a very lengthy MS. vocabulary compiled by Father Egedi in Mafulu. Those in the "Kambisa" column were all collected by the Rev. P. J. Money in the Kambisa villages of the Upper Chirima valley during Mr. Monckton's expedition, referred to in my introductory chapter. Most of these words are taken from the New Guinea _Annual Report_ for 1905-6; but to them have been added other words, which had been collected by Mr. Money. The words in the "Korona" column are taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared by Dr. Strong at Korona, also mentioned in my introductory chapter, and handed by him to Dr. Seligmann. Those in the "Afoa" column are taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared by Dr. Strong in connection with his Afoa notes, to which are added in square brackets some other words taken from Father Egedi's vocabulary in _Anthropos_ II., 1907, pp. 1016-1021, this vocabulary being there called by him Tauata. The words in the "Kovio" column are taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared by Dr. Strong in connection with his Kovio notes, to which are added in square brackets some "Oru-Lopiku" words collected by Father Egedi, and published in _Anthropos_ II., 1907, pp. 1016-1021. As regards this column I must explain that Dr. Strong's words were all collected within the districts to which his notes refer, but that Father Egedi's words, though in part collected there, were, I believe, in part collected further to the east.

(5) Is a series of notes by Mr. Ray upon the matter contained in the previous appendices.

I am perhaps open to criticism for introducing into a book of my own notes on the Mafulu people such extensive material written by others, and relating to other mountain districts as well as to that of the Mafulu; but my belief as to the probable similarity in many respects between the Papuan-speaking natives of these central mountain districts, and the obvious value and importance of the matter which has been so kindly placed at my disposal, justify me, I think, in introducing it; and indeed I should be doing but ill service to New Guinea ethnology if I did not take advantage of these opportunities which have been offered to me.

Though I am not qualified to discuss these materials from the grammatical and scientific linguistic point of view, there are a few matters to which I should like to draw attention, as affecting statements appearing in this book, and which were written by me before I received this linguistic material.

Regarding the question raised in my introductory chapter as to the extension of the Fuyuge linguistic area so far south as Korona, it will be noticed that a large number of the words in the Mafulu and Korona columns are the same, or very similar. Dr. Strong, in some unpublished MS. notes in Dr. Seligmann's possession, to which I have had access, says as regards the Mafulu and Korona languages that "there is nothing to show that the two languages may not be for all practical purposes identical," and Mr. Ray in his concluding notes cla.s.ses Mafulu and Korona together as dialects of Fuyuge. The village of Sikube, mentioned by Mr. Ray, is, I believe, on the Upper Vanapa river and north of Mt. Lilley, and so is well within the Fuyuge-speaking area as defined by the Fathers.