The Life and Times of Ulric Zwingli Part 6

The time was ripe for his great work. Boldness only was needed, to give the first utterance to that of which the majority were more or less conscious: The deceit, the abuses that have poisoned our civil as well as our religious life must be put down. In such moments, the feeling of deliverance was awakened in every heart: n.o.bler powers, intellectual activities were stirred up; but mingled at the same time with hereditary weakness, seductive vices and pa.s.sions, whose charms he, who is born of earth, can not wholly resist; and the brave man, who called the movement into life, had soon to contend less with old enemies, already half conquered, than with the new ones rising up on all sides.

This was the prospect which unfolded itself to the Reformer, as early as the year 1523, soon after the first Religious Conference. William Rubli, the above-mentioned preacher at Wytikon, Simon Stumpf, pastor at Hngg, and even Zwingli's former scholar, friend and admirer, Conrad Grebel, are known as the first by whom the congregations were disturbed and seduced into dangerous measures. Among several points, based on the Gospel as they pretended, none was more readily seized on by the people than these--that the t.i.the, according to the Divine Word, should go exclusively to the benefit of the poor, and that the taking of interest for money loaned was forbidden. In fact, deputies from several congregations in the neighborhood of the city appeared before the Council, on June 22d, with the pet.i.tion, that, since the t.i.the was eleemosynary under the Gospel, and theirs was uselessly squandered by the canons of the Great Minster, they might be released from the burden. They were plainly rebuked by the Council in a scaled letter. It was not right in the government to support error. But the flame was not in the least smothered by this act; the bait was too tempting---to free themselves, under the shield of religion, from a tax, which often before had been resisted. Rude sermons, for and against the justice of the thing, were multiplied. A book, called "Chief Articles of Christian doctrine against unchristian Usury,"

written by a Doctor Strauss, and another, ent.i.tled "Balaam's Little a.s.s," were circulated. It was also a.s.serted that Zwingli rejected t.i.thes and interest. Grebel even ventured to write to his brother-in-law, Vadia.n.u.s, in St. Gall: "You wish for news about the t.i.the-business. I can say nothing in accordance with sincerity and the Gospel, if I do not say, that the people in our world of Zurich defraud in this matter like tyrants and Turks. 'People of this world' I style the tyrants of our fatherland, who go by the name of 'the a.s.sembled fathers,' Decimating fathers they ought to be called. Thou art not perhaps willing to believe me, and yet T see it with my own eyes. _Only ask Zwingli, who can tell thee everything better than I can._"

Such a.s.sertions as this, which were echoing already through the whole Confederacy, the prayers of his friends and the wishes of the government induced Zwingli to declare himself publicly on the subject.

This was done in a sermon, which was given to the press under the t.i.tle: "On Divine and Human Righteousness."

In earlier moments of enthusiasm over the rich fruits of his struggle, from a feeling of the wide difference between evangelical freedom and the pressure of the numerous burdens imposed by a degenerate church, a word may have escaped him, which, joyfully laid hold of, distorted and magnified, gave some color to the reproach, that he wished also to attack civil order and guaranteed rights. This sermon, prepared with mature deliberation and a.s.sured confidence, shows how safe his standpoint here was, and that his system did not rest on fragments of knowledge, dark feelings and a mere negative spirit of contradiction, but was based on a profound understanding of the Holy Scriptures, in their entire connection.

In seeking to bring the sense of human justice into harmony with the fulfillment of religious duty, the lower position was a.s.signed to the citizen, in his relations to the state, where, in order to escape just punishment, he is obliged to obey; and the higher to the Christian, in the spiritual kingdom of his Lord and Master, where he is bound to aspire after the n.o.blest things, in a spirit of faith, love and freedom. This will be plain from several pa.s.sages, taken out of this sermon.

"There are two laws, as well as two kinds of righteousness; a human and a divine. One part of the law regards the inner man alone, for we must love G.o.d and our neighbor. But no one can fulfill this command; hence no one is righteous, because G.o.d only and He by grace, the pledge of which is Christ, can make us righteous through faith. The other part of the law regards the external man alone, and hence we may be outwardly pious and righteous, and still none the less wicked within. For example: 'Thou shalt not steal,' is a command for external life and piety. 'Thou shalt not covet the property of thy neighbor,' is a command for inward, divine life and righteousness; yet both have respect to one thing, _taking_. So, if one only does not steal, he is pious in the eyes of men, but may at the same time be unjust before G.o.d; for he has a stronger desire and temptation perhaps to seize foreign property, than one who has stolen. He, who does not practise usury, is pious before men; for he may be restrained by force from doing it; but nevertheless he is not pious before G.o.d; for he must sell all his goods and give to the poor. Indeed, the rich man is bound to give to the poor, that is, to G.o.d. But, though no man can ever fully attain this divine righteousness, yet believers have special delight in conforming to it more and more, and the desire is greater in one than in another, according as G.o.d has kindled his fire in our hearts; for he works all things in us. Therefore, the divine righteousness ought to be made known and preached to all men without ceasing, else G.o.dliness will vanish, and all men content themselves with lame, human righteousness, and all righteousness be turned into an allegory; for then no one would respect G.o.d, but look out only as to how he might be shielded from punishment before men, as for some time back we have grieved to see happen in many cases.[8]

"We have now seen, as I hope, how widely the divine righteousness differs from what is merely human. Although this human righteousness is not worthy to be called a righteousness, yet we examine it in comparison with that which is divine; yet has G.o.d also commanded it, because he has seen in our fallen estate, that our temptations and desires could not follow or do his will. Christ tells us to be obedient to this human righteousness; for he says: Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's. He does not mean to say that the whole world should obey Caesar, but only that portion of mankind, which was subject to him.

Had he found the Jewish nation under the king of Babylon, he would have spoken: Render unto the king of Babylon what is due to the king of Babylon. We must understand this of every several government. If you live under the king of France, then render to him what is due to him; and so on, through the whole catalogue."

After this strict separation of the kingdom of G.o.d, revealing itself only in freedom and love; and national life, founded on law, order and obedience, he refers interest and t.i.thes to the province of severe human righteousness. Beyond dispute, it would aid the government in disposing of this matter; but just as resolutely did he warn against misuse in the application, against the encouragement of usury, and against the sanction of unfair contracts by sign and seal; for though written guarantees must be kept inviolate according to human order, yet durst you as little forget that the law of kindness and Christian love toward men is written by G.o.d himself in the soul. If wantonly violated, they are waked up in the end, and help themselves, in spite of records and parchments. Then you have the decree and your own folly to thank for it. "This brief opinion"--he adds--"I am ready to maintain by the Holy Scripture."

"In short"--he concludes--"the Divine Word ought to rule over all men, be set before them and truly made known; for we are bound to follow it.

But in this, the grace of G.o.d through our Lord Jesus Christ alone can aid our weakness. For the more we discover our guilt, the more we discover the beauty and the almightiness of G.o.d, and the love and a.s.surance of his grace, which makes us more pious than we can be in any other way. Besides, though some will be found, who do not release the unG.o.dly and unbelievers from the duty of living according to G.o.d's Word, yet G.o.d has given us also as the lowest command, not that, living only therein, we may be pious, but that human society may be upheld and protected, and guardians appointed, who may earnestly look to it, that the last vestige of human righteousness also be not swept away. Such guardians are the powers that be, who are no other than they that bear the sword, whom we call worldly authorities. These authorities must not indeed trample on the Word of G.o.d; for they punish outward transgressions only, but cannot make righteous or unrighteous inwardly; for that G.o.d alone does in the hearts of men."

The weight of such language, uttered from the pulpit and spread abroad by the press, bore heavily on those, who derived advantage from the burdens, which prevailing abuses heaped upon the people. And the canons of the Great Minster were especially concerned in this. Indeed, some were found among them, who not only led a life of idleness, but of debauchery and wanton dissipation, and instead of attending to divine worship, wont out hunting with falcons, leaping over the hedges of the farmers, or dared even to hold carousals in the sacristy itself.[9] It is true, that, since Zwingli's arrival, they had been obliged to change, in so far as scarcely ever to venture on such things in public, and, that the number of those, who clearly perceived the need of a remedy, was increasing; and at last they induced Zwingli, as he had given advice, before it would be too late, to stretch out a powerful hand for their reformation.

The result was, a resolution of the monastery to bring the matter to the notice of the government. The latter met them with joy; and by a commission from both parties, a revised order was prepared, in conformity with the progress of religious knowledge and theological science, as it certainly agreed also with the original spirit of the foundation, and that of its most distinguished patron, Charlemagne.

In the introduction of a doc.u.ment relating to this subject, drawn up on the 29th of September, 1523, it runs thus: "The reverend Clergy, Provost and Chapter of the Monastery of St. Felix and Regula make known; since, from a good motive, encouraged thereto by the Divine Word, which lays open everything, they see and acknowledge the abuses, of which they are not the authors, having received them by tradition--with the help of G.o.d they will exchange them for the better rules of a good Christian life, and cause them to be practised in another and better fashion than heretofore. Besides, they find that the common people, rich and poor, who support them by their toilsome labor, be it by interest or t.i.thes, have had indeed no pleasure in their prevailing customs and misusages, but felt great discontent at the manifold burdens laid upon them." The improvement consisted in the remission of a considerable sum of dues, which were hitherto drawn for ecclesiastical purposes; in the establishment of professorships for the better education of the clergy; in the greater demands made on those, who wished to come forth as preachers; and in the anxiety manifested for suitable religious instruction among congregations under the care of the Canonical Chapter. Among the present canons and chaplains, whose number, exclusive of the people's priest and his a.s.sistants, amounted to 60, whoever was fitted for such purposes, him they would commission, but suffered the others, under pledge, of course, to lead a retired life and attend preaching regularly, to retain their benefices till death, when their revenues were to be transferred to the hospital and the poor of that congregation, which paid the t.i.the to the Chapter.

But affairs had already come to such a pa.s.s, that even well-meant and judicious changes, if not immediately carried out, no longer gave satisfaction. A wild zeal for innovation also found vent in frequent brutish expressions and disorderly scenes. If unpopular canons or chaplains appeared at ma.s.s in the church, they were publicly derided; their chronicles were stolen; leaves were torn from a guide-book for the celebration of festivals put up in the choir, and then scattered at the door of the provost's house; and one night the stocks and gallows, emblems of the temporal jurisdiction of the monastery were partly destroyed and partly erected in a different place. By others the lamps in the Church of the Virgin were broken, and the oil spilled, whilst they mutually sprinkled themselves with the holy water. Similar things happened in St. Peter's Church. In the country, a priest even ventured to read ma.s.s in slippers and red breeches. They began to call pictures idols, and the examples of the kings and prophets of the East, who contended against the idolatry of their age in every possible way, were arrayed as worthy of imitation before the imaginations of fanatics, who grew more excited, especially as they became acquainted with the Old Testament. A production, composed in this spirit by Lewis Haetzer, under the t.i.tle of "Decree of G.o.d, as to how we ought to deal with Images,"

was at that time widely circulated.

From this disposition of mind proceeded an event, which attracted attention and aroused indignation throughout the Confederacy, and prepared trouble for the government in Zurich. Directly before the city, in Stadelhofen, there stood on a pedestal of stone, an immense image of the Savior on the Cross, carved out of wood. It was put up by one family, as a monument of devotion, and was now under the care of a miller dwelling in the neighborhood. Many pa.s.sers-by still did reverence to it. This was a source of great provocation to a number of enthusiasts, who afterwards went over to the Anabaptists, and especially to Nicholas Hottinger, a shoemaker by trade, a man not without culture, possessed of some property, versed in the Scriptures and of a decided character, which, in connection with his natural eloquence, gave him great influence over his a.s.sociates. It is told of him, that he offered a bucket of wine to the hospital, if he would be allowed to destroy the images and votive paintings in the Water Church; and that he intended to give a banquet in honor of Zwingli at Lindenhof, amid a large a.s.sembly of country-people. He had often rebuked the possessor of the crucifix for not casting away the object of idolatry; he had even done it in presence of members of the Council, so that the man at last declared he was tired of the business, and though he would never do such a thing himself, Hottinger had the privilege of doing it, as soon as he had made over to him his right to the image. This was effected, and on a clear day Hottinger came with his companions. They threw down the crucifix, and even digged out the pedestal. The wood, they declared should go to the poor.

Although the actors in this scene appealed to the express command of G.o.d; although many approved of the deed, and even a portion of the preachers spoke in their favor from the pulpit, it was still in the eyes of others, perhaps of the majority, especially beyond the canton, an act as rebellious as horrible, yea worthy of death; and they threatened, in case the perpetrators were not dealt with in this way, according to their will and confused ideas, such dangerous consequences, that the government was obliged to cast the so-called "Idol Stormers" into prison for a while. The result of an investigation, conducted in common with the three people's priests, convinced the Council, that the quieting of the people, and the introduction of rules of law for the abrogation of customs, which were no longer tenable, could only be looked for, in the way of a conference, as public and thorough as possible, on the doctrine of Scripture concerning images and the ma.s.s also, as connected with this subject.

Hence the collective clergy and laity of the canton were invited, in case they were ready to throw any light on the subject, to appear at the council-house on the 26th of October. Similar invitations were sent to the bishops of Constance, Chur and Basel, as well as to the University at the latter place, to the twelve Cantons of the Confederacy, and to the city and abbot of St. Gall.

The call of Zurich for the first religious conference, nine months before, had scarcely been heeded by her sisters of the Confederacy. But now this actual invitation was received in a different manner. With the exception of Schaffhausen, no canton, it is true, ventured to comply with it formally; but from the answers, yet to be quoted, it may be gathered that, having generally deliberated over the matter, they were decidedly averse to the proposal. Bern, and, by her advice, Solothurn also, declined the invitation, with the prayer, that it might not be taken ill on their part; but as injury as well benefit could grow out of events of this kind, not to a single canton merely, but to the whole Confederacy, the general interest ought to have induced them to confer beforehand in common about the topics to be treated of, as well as about those who were to be invited to the conference. The invitation made a disagreeable impression on Luzern. "You inform us"--so runs the letter from this city--"that quarrels and ill-will about spiritual things are rife among you. This we are sorry to hear, and still more sorry that you have not rooted them up long ago, for which neither right nor might were wanting; and even ha it been so, we as pious Christians would have willingly lent you aid. Now you invite us to a conference; but along with our clergy, whom we think pious, we have found in spiritual and temporal affairs, that such insignificant a.s.semblies are wholly unfit to deal with matters pertaining to faith.

We do not wish to attack images, far less the ma.s.s, upon which our whole faith is founded. We wish to tread in the footsteps of our fathers--to stand by that, which we have inherited from them and been taught by them; for we do not regard them as seducers, but sainted and pious people. We are willing also to have abuses put away; but by them to whom it belongs. Therefore we send no one, and beg you to accept our reasons in the best spirit."

Still more bitter was the refusal of Obwalden: "To serve you we are at all times ready. But now you invite our learned men to you. Hence we speak thus: We have no particularly learned people amongst us; only pious, reverend priests, who expound to us the Gospel and the other Holy Scriptures, as they were expounded to our forefathers; in which we will trust as long as we live, unless the Pope or a Council revoke the doctrine, and are ready to suffer death therefor. We also can not bring ourselves to believe that the Lord G.o.d has given more grace to Zwingli, than to the dear saints and teachers, who have suffered martyrdom and death for the faith. We can not see that he leads such a spiritual life, nay, that he is rather inclined to disturbance, than to peace and quiet. Therefore we desire to send no one to him, nor to any like him.

Indeed, if we had him, and would find that true, which is told us about him, we would give him such a reward, that he would never do it again."

Basel, where Zwingli's intimate friendcolampadius (Hausschein) was now a preacher, and in the year following became a professor, returned no answer. The University looked with disdain on popular theological conferences, where unlearned men even usurped the seat of judgment, and the Council found itself embarra.s.sed between the friends of the old order and the new. Zurich complained of its silence.

The Bishop of Constance, in two successive letters, asked, according to his former practice, for the reference of such an important point to a Church Council; he would be pledged, so to speak, "for both his superiors (the Emperor and the Pope), from the answers and commands received from them in similar cases." In the same strain wrote the truly venerable and aged Bishop of Basel, with the addition: "although we are otherwise inclined with our whole heart to favor you in all possible things (G.o.d knows), because we are not unmindful of the many deeds of kindness shown to ourselves and our monastery," From the Diocesan at Chur no reply was received. The Abbot of St. Gall excused himself on account of the shortness of the time, which did permit him to obtain instructions. From the city on the contrary, appeared, along with Vadia.n.u.s the friend of Zwingli's youth, who three years after rose to the dignity of burgomaster there, the pastor Benedict Burgauer and Doctor Schapeler. Doctor Sebastian Hofmeister, the people's priest Martin Steinlin and Conrad Irmensee, trustee of the monastery of All Saints, arrived from Schaffhausen.

Of the course, the nature and the results of the theological investigations, during the three days devoted to this conference, enough can be learned from church-history.[10] Our task is to describe the carriage and behavior of the persons engaged in it. They seem to divide themselves into two main cla.s.ses of a better stamp, and one of a worse; the most prominent speakers were Zwingli, Conrad Schmied, commander of the Knights of St John at Kuessnacht, and Conrad Grebel. A reckless treatment, an absolute rejection of all, that could not be proven before the tribunal of Scripture-interpretation conducted by the natural understanding, marked the character of one cla.s.s; a sparing of the weak, cautious progress and a horror of tearing down anything, before it could be built up again, marked that of the second. Bolder, springing more from the immediate wants of the age, more politic were the views of the first; milder, more accordant with nature, better agreeing with the spirit of Christianity, were those of the second.

Still Zwingli was not lacking in feeling, nor Schmied in understanding Hence they, and their friends likewise, mutually comprehended each other and united in their opposition to the third cla.s.s, in which, under Grebel's guidance, only the impure elements of stormy pa.s.sions mingled.

Because there were now only two, though very important, points of discussion, this conference was more lively and animated than the one preceding. The decisive action to be taken in regard to images, held in suspense the mult.i.tude of those, whose devotions were made up of genuflections, faith in miracles, and the observance of external rites, whilst on the other hand, the thoughtful and sensible turned their attention rather to the examinations on the ma.s.s, which was without doubt the basis of the prevailing worship. This a.s.sembly drew together a far greater number than the first, held in the beginning of the year, and in order that digression to irrelevant subjects might not be possible, and that the management might not be attributed to a faction of Zurichers, Vadia.n.u.s and Schapeler of St. Gall, along with Doctor Hofmeister of Schaffhausen, were chosen as presidents.

Rigidly did they adhere to the rule of order laid down for them by the burgomaster, to suffer no replies to pa.s.s which were not sustained by the very language of the Bible, and Hofmeister particularly ordered silence and the disuse of certain expressions, which few in our times would not admit as substantially true, although according to the nature of things they could not be proven by the bare letter of Holy Scripture.

At first, the debate concerning the adoration of images proceeded without much strife. The unscriptural character of the practice was universally acknowledged. Only in appearance, or in order to pave the way for discussion, Gregory Luethy, pastor in Winterthur, raised some objections, but was supported by no one. The word "idolater," which they were so ready to use, carried terror on all sides.

The canon Edlebach, whilst granting all such veneration to be superst.i.tious, was still anxious to preserve at least figurative representations of n.o.ble deeds, because "he thought they charm us to imitation."--"This is a use"--answered Zwingli--"which is no use to _me_; bring the Divine Scripture for it. G.o.d has forbidden us to be charmed by any one save Him alone and His Word. Besides, when we have them, they will be honored and esteemed as helpers. And that is at all points against Christ and His Word."

The severity of this answer the canon attributed perhaps to the circ.u.mstance, that he was known as a secret adversary of the Reformer, when one of his friends and admirers also rose up, not indeed for the defence of images, but to put in a plea for their merciful treatment and impartial estimation.

This was Commander Schmied. Let us dwell a while upon a character so full of interest. Son of a countryman from the village of Kuessnacht, set apart for study on account of his natural gifts, he came to Basel, where he remained till the ripe age of manhood, and found himself clothed with academical honors. Then he was chosen people's priest at Seengen, and unanimously by the Knights of St. John at Kuessnacht for their commander, in 1519. We know that he here won universal respect, sought to promote religion and science, and in the spirit, which animated the founders of this Order of Knighthood, joined a sincere and active benevolence with courage, honor and morality. Even his external appearance was dignified and engaging.

As the truth of the Gospel was sacred to him, so the spirit of love lived in him, that spirit of the Holy Scriptures, which is eternal, whilst the letter bears the stamp of the age from which it came--the character of the men, by whom it was written; that spirit makes alive, whilst the letter kills.

A shrewd observer, having the confidence of the country-people living under him, he had heard many peculiar expressions about the much-talked-of image-question, and looked as deep into weak as into stronger hearts. Why should the n.o.bler end be done away also with the abuse? How had an elevation to the reign of pure ideas suddenly become possible for thousands, whose feelings heretofore could only be wrought upon through the medium of the senses? Was then the zeal so pure, which glowed in the bosoms of the stormy fanatics, who with axe and hatchet overthrew without discrimination the ornaments of churches and the grotesque creations of superst.i.tion,[11] and before whose gloomy looks the most delicate works of art, from which the grandeur of innocence and the blessedness of love beamed down upon them, found no mercy?

Hence Schmied said: "Let us first put away the idols in our hearts, through the preaching of the Divine Word, before we begin to rattle on the outside. Pictures are the staves of the weak, which we dare not take away, until we have given them strength to walk without. Paul too did not a.s.sail the G.o.ds and statues of the Athenians, but strove to erect in their hearts a temple to the invisible G.o.d, convinced that then idolatry would fall away of itself. In general, we ought not to provoke anger without necessity; and not everything that happens amongst us springs from a pure love of the truth. Such things work injuriously in the Confederacy. We are told the Confederates should not be our G.o.d. But yet they are Christian people, and for that reason we ought to spare them."

Who, in our times, will not approve of this mild speech? And to what do the Protestants of this 19th century owe it, that they can hold these views peacefully? that no faith of the letter drives them to a renunciation of innocent feelings, to unrighteous, repulsive severity, and to a stiff and wanton tyranny of creeds, such as meets us in the 17th century? To the progress of science alone--science, which teaches how to distinguish between the letter and the spirit--science, which the coward only fears, which he, who knows her not, only can calumniate.

But how very far in the rear was such science in Zwingli's age!

Philology, history, an enlarged knowledge of nature and geography--what light have they not since furnished for the explanation of the Holy Scriptures! With what wonderful rapidity the results of scientific investigation, universally intelligible, are poured out by an unfettered press among the mult.i.tude! Questions must now be started, _can not be kept back_, on which n.o.body then, or at least a very few, ever thought; and if three centuries ago a knowledge of grammar only was needed for the interpretation of Scripture, there is now need of philosophy also.

Still, in a book designed for general information, we cannot enter deeply into what is scientific. It is enough to shew plainly, that Zwingli must not be judged by the ideas of our age, if in the discussion about images he opposed his friend Schmied.

In the n.o.ble feelings of the latter he shared, but surpa.s.sed Lim, in a just appreciation of the age and its immediate wants, and in the logical carrying out of a well-weighed system. Only by holding firmly to the very language of Holy Scripture could he keep his ground against his numerous opponents, for only thus far were his hearers able to follow him. We will see hereafter what difficulties he prepared for himself, when, instead of clinging to the letter in explaining the words of the eucharist, he yielded to a freer spirit.

"Well has my lord and brother said"--so Zwingli answered Schmied's objections--"that we ought to put away the false images in our hearts by the preaching of G.o.d's Word. I hope too that Leo and I have not been negligent in this; but he has spoken ill, when he calls images 'the staves of the weak.' Where is there any pa.s.sage of this sort in the Holy Scripture? But we are to follow its plain language. And it is clear as day, that it permits no images, least of all those of gold and silver, of whose value poverty is deprived."

Hofmeister also thought, that, according to the commission he had received, he must admonish the commander to contend only with Scripture. The latter, from respect to the order of the government, did not prolong the colloquy.

So decided was Zwingli's victory, so general the aversion to meet him, that a whole troop of those, who were enemies, carpers and boasters behind his back, now became silent in his presence, when called by name. The manner in which some tried to get out of the affair was quite characteristic. This one played the part of an injured man, and growled out, that no body had a right to ask him as long as he kept his peace; that one naively declared, that he had believed the old, but now he must believe the new; a third, that he would teach nothing bad, that he could understand neither Greek nor Hebrew, and it were well if these languages had never come into the country; a fourth, that he could not fight, his sword having been broken off at the hilt; the prior of the Augustinians said, that he could give answer any moment from the Papal Decrees, and if he was not able to do it, then he would stand there like any other "cowled pate;" and the rest in a similar strain.

Thus the fate of images was decided by an easy battle. "This has been child's play,"--said Zwingli--"but now we come to a more important matter."

Here again we must be reminded, that it belongs to the province of theology, not history, to show in what nearer or more remote connection the doctrine of the ma.s.s, as then laid down and practised by the Church, stands with the declarations of Holy Scripture. It is enough to remark, that it rests upon the idea, so deeply rooted in the human spirit, of the duty of sacrifice. But what is true sacrifice? At bottom, nothing else than offering up to Him, from whom we have everything and by whom we are. In such offering--in offering at the same time from the purest love for man, Christ has gone before us all.

That the perpetual presence of his sacrifice, therefore, must strengthen us in faith and love, we all agree. But then there is a difference between the sensuous and the spiritual apprehension of the fact. Zwingli taught that Christ offering himself must not be looked for in a host made of meal, but in his living image, the helper of the needy. "He who receives one of these, receives me"--so he himself once said. This was the plain, practical view, which Zwingli maintained not only in this Conference, but in his whole system of doctrine also.

This practical view has for centuries now exerted its influence amongst us, and with whatever reason we may be censured for other things--that there is a sense of active benevolence amongst us can never be denied.

Here, Zurich, hold firm! Here is thy rock! May thy Church lean on it with wisdom, in youthful strength! Then need she dread neither time, nor science, nor Jacobins, nor Jesuists. Religion, that flower of life, has its root neither in the vague dreams of the rustic, nor in the naked formulas of the philosopher, but in n.o.ble, unpretending acts.

Here the real and the ideal, the beautiful and the time meet for their eternally necessary mutual strengthening and purification.[12]

Owing to the nature of the subject, the Conference a.s.sumed a more peaceful and scientific cast, and at times became quite familiar. Even Zwingli, especially after the commander Schmied had again spoken in his mild, conciliatory manner, confessed to his most persevering opponent, Steinlin, people's priest at Schaffhausen, that he had learned much from him, and desired, that, if severe expressions sometimes fell from his lips, they should not be laid too much to heart. "Many"--said he--"there are, who catch up only the bitter things said by me, and so too it happens with that learned gentleman, Martin Luther, whom they are willing to imitate in naught, save the sharpness of his language, which nevertheless he often utters out of true, ardent love; but the pious, faithful heart and its struggles after truth, remain unnoticed."

The earliest traces of a fire, which afterwards broke out destructively, began to appear first on the evening of the second day.

Mention has already been made of Conrad Grebel, Zwingli's previous friend and admirer, and also of his father, the councilor Jacob Grebel.

The history of this family, truly told, would be a warning for all, who expect from the chances of fortune that happiness, which is only to be found in contentment and a pure conscience. A skillful man of business, frequently employed in the affairs of Zurich and the Confederacy, the father had formed extensive connections. His house in Zurich was always open to the amba.s.sadors of foreign princes and distinguished allies; in consequence of which his expenses gradually became greater than his income. His sons and daughters grew up. Their welfare and that of the family was sought in splendid living. The elder daughter became prioress of the convent ofdenbach; the younger, at a later period, the wife of Vadia.n.u.s; she was the most fortunate of the children, the only one happy till a ripe old age. One of the sons entered the service of the Archduke Ferdinand as a gentleman of the bed-chamber; the other, Conrad, lived at Vienna and Paris on sums of money, which the father knew how to obtain from the Emperor, the King of France, and Duke Sforza of Milan. His extravagance aided not a little in the ruin of the family. More and more the father put himself under dangerous obligations to strangers. He did it too, after the penalty of death had been affixed to the taking of foreign pensions. Already had one son been dismissed from the service of the Archduke, and Conrad returned home in shattered health and burdened with debt. The convent at ]denbach was broken up; the mother tormented by sickness, domestic calamities and her own pa.s.sionate disposition, increased the general misery. Then the bribery of the father came to light, and an old man, with snow-white hair, he ended his days on the scaffold, in 1526. His dignified behavior, when led to the block, excited universal pity. Some months before he had begged the authorities to pardon his ruined son, the chief cause of his misfortunes.[13] For himself, he would not do it. What value would a longer life have had in view of such a downfall!

We have antic.i.p.ated, in order to show the fate of the family in its connection; the thread of our story now leads us back to Conrad. To no common abilities he had joined industry and a thirst for learning in his earlier youth, and knew how to gain the good-will of Zwingli and Vadia.n.u.s. Many letters bear witness of the friendly relations in which he stood toward both; but his character gradually became worse, and he could not escape the never-failing consequences of debauchery. Not the body only, but the spirit also, sinks under them. Peace vanishes from the soul; insight into the sphere of duty and the relations of life grows dim. Still, at times a n.o.bler feeling awoke within him; he acknowledged the justice of his sufferings, bewailed his folly and strove to break loose from his fetters; but then again he would accuse others, especially his father. How severe and dreadful is the language which he uses in a letter to Vadia.n.u.s: "My father would discover my crime, if the beam in his own eye did not hinder him from seeing the mote in mine. He does not know what I have had to suffer on his account, since he first caused me to be fed by the Emperor and then by the King of France. Had he taught me to get along with a small patrimony according to the national custom; had he not wished me to soar higher, as my wings grew, in the track of his other son, then would I not be troubled, when the betrayers of the fatherland are cursed, lest my father should be included among them; then would I not, when such are spoken of, grow now red with shame and now pale with fear, lest they should say my father was a French hireling; then would I not be irritated; then would I not be compelled to tremble for a speedy discovery; then would I not have to think of rest.i.tution; then perhaps had I never bartered my freedom for gold and my honor for sordid metal. The King flays his people and s.n.a.t.c.hes the food from their mouths like a wolf, that he may adorn his person and fare sumptuously, and would have once been able to bring me to G.o.d knows what, if my native city had raised me to honor and dignity. O that it were granted me, to plunge from this misery into another, or to escape both, and reach the sh.o.r.e from the wreck in a happier hour! Is this denied me? then do I set myself against fate and the G.o.ds and will brave the torture, till their wrath is satiated in my grave. Glad am 1 that the plague, which still spared many, during the past autumn, has broken out here again in the course of this month!"