The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume XI Part 30

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, November 25th, 1781.

Sir,

I enclose to Congress the heads of the communication, which I had the honor to make to them on the 23d, as far as I could obtain permission from the Minister of France to reduce them to writing. There is but one omission, the reason of which was a.s.signed at the time I made the verbal communication. I also enclose an extract of a letter from the Count de Vergennes to the Minister of France, as translated and communicated to me by him, which I have thought it necessary to submit to the perusal of the Superintendent of Finance.

I am at a loss to judge whether Congress intended in their reference of General Duportail's letter, that I should report to them, or write to Dr Franklin on the subject myself; supposing the latter to have been the case, I have accordingly written; but lest I may have been mistaken, I submit my letter to their inspection, and if it is not conformable to their intentions, I beg to be honored with their further direction.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

GENERAL GREENE TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Camp Round O, South Carolina, } December 13th, 1781. }

Dear Sir,

Your favor of the 22d of October came to hand a day or two since.

I shall be happy to communicate anything from this quarter, that may be useful to you, or to our affairs abroad, and I have the pleasure to inform you, that we have complete possession of all the Southern States, Charleston and Savannah excepted.

Civil government is established in Georgia, and the a.s.sembly of South Carolina will set the 1st of next month, at Camden. We are making preparations for the siege of Charleston, and are not altogether without hopes of obliging the enemy to abandon the place, even if our good ally should not be able to co-operate with us. The tyrant of Syracuse was never more odious than the British army in this country.

Even the slaves rejoice, and feel a kind of freedom from oppression, in the return of their masters.

I beg leave to congratulate you upon our late glorious success in Virginia, and upon your own appointment of Minister of Foreign Affairs.

I have the honor to be, &c.

NATHANIEL GREENE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, January 18th, 1782.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to submit to the inspection of the United States, in Congress, an affidavit made by Mr Marshall on the subject of Mr Deane's letters, and have directed copies of the letters and affidavit to be made out for the Minister of his Most Christian Majesty, and the Superintendent of Finance. Measures have long since been taken to put our Ministers upon their guard against Mr Deane. I shall add to them, as opportunities offer, the new proofs which these letters furnish of his defection. Copies will also be sent to the Governor of Connecticut, unless the Representatives of that State, in Congress, who propose to make them the ground of judicial proceedings, should prefer taking copies to be examined and compared with the original, by a person who could prove such examination, or to authenticate them in any other way, which will ensure their being received as evidence conformably to the practice of their Courts.

I had proposed to mention them in my correspondence with the first Magistrates of the respective States, as affording proofs of the distant prospect of peace, and the necessity of relying only upon our own exertions to procure it, but am deterred from this measure, by the weight which it might possibly give to Mr Deane's ill founded a.s.sertions.

I shall endeavor to conform to the views of the United States, in any further direction with which they may please to honor me.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

TO GOVERNOR JONATHAN TRUMBULL OF CONNECTICUT.

Philadelphia, January 22d, 1782.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to enclose certified copies of two letters from Silas Deane, which serve in some measure to authenticate those that have been published in his name, and strongly mark such a change in his sentiments and principles as is worthy of the attention of the State of which he is a citizen. The originals are lodged in this office, to which your Excellency may at any time apply, if such copies should be required, as would amount to legal evidence; I have also enclosed a copy of an affidavit of Mr Marshall to prove the ident.i.ty of the letters, and his having received them from Silas Deane.

I some time since did myself the honor to write to you, relative to the damage done by the enemy in your State, to that letter I have not been as yet favored with an answer. Your Excellency will easily see the propriety of keeping up a correspondence with this office, since there are so many inferior objects, which escape the general attention of Congress, which it may be extremely useful to detail in our negotiations. Such, for instance, as an authentic account of the cruelties committed by the British at New Haven. Nor is it of less moment to be minutely informed by every State of the resources for carrying on the war, the means used to call out those resources, the temper and disposition of the people with respect to them. With a view of obtaining these from you at your leisure, I have taken the liberty to open this correspondence with your Excellency. I persuade myself you will not put the trouble it may give you in compet.i.tion with the slightest advantage, that our country may obtain from it. I shall in return give you from time to time, such European news as we may receive here, which I conceive will contribute either to your amus.e.m.e.nt or the advantage of your State.

And as I have nothing positive at present, let me inform you, what I would wish every State to know, that we have not as yet any intelligence, that leads to a speedy peace, so that we have every reason to expect another campaign, and a campaign too, that will call for our greatest exertions.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, January 25th, 1782.

Sir,

In the first organization of a new Department, some things are frequently omitted, which experience will show ought to be inserted, and many inserted which might be omitted; it becomes the duty of those, who are placed at the head of such Departments, to mention the difficulties that may arise from these causes, and leave it to the wisdom of Congress to alter them, or to judge whether they can be changed without introducing greater inconveniences. Upon this principle, Sir, I am induced to offer the following observations.

The Secretary of Foreign Affairs is to correspond with the Ministers of the United States at foreign Courts, and with the Ministers of foreign powers. This correspondence must necessarily detail such sentiments as the sovereign wishes to have known, and lead to such inquiries as they choose to make. An intimate knowledge of their sentiments is, therefore, absolutely necessary to a discharge of this duty; and we accordingly find, that the Minister of Foreign Affairs is, in monarchical governments, considered as the most confidential servant of the Crown. In Republics, it is much more difficult to execute this task, as the sentiments of the sovereign sometimes change with the members, which compose the sovereignty. It is more frequently unknown, because no occasion offers, on which to call it forth. It is never perfectly expressed but by some public act. Waiting for this time, the advantages of embracing a favorable opportunity are frequency lost. There are numberless minutiae, upon which no act is formed, and about which, notwithstanding their sentiments should be known to their Ministers, there are even occasions, in which their Secretary should speak a sentiment, which it would be improper for them to declare by a public act.

Congress, sensible of the inconveniency, that the officer intrusted with the management of their foreign affairs must labor under in the execution of his duty, without a more perfect knowledge of their sentiments, than can be obtained from their public acts, have been pleased to admit him to attend Congress, that (as the ordinance expresses it,) he may be better informed of the affairs of the United States, and have an opportunity of explaining his reports respecting his Department; but here it stops short, and does not say in what manner he is to gain the sentiments of Congress, when he does himself the honor to attend upon them. It is true they may in part be collected from an attention to the debates, but it often so happens, that the debate does not take the turn that he would wish, in order to satisfy a doubt, and he goes away, after hearing a subject largely discussed, ignorant of the only point upon which he wishes to be informed, when perhaps by a single question, his doubt might be removed, or by a word of information, which he has the best means of acquiring, a debate might be shortened.

It is true the power of explaining his reports given by the ordinance, seems to imply a permission to offer his sentiments when they are under consideration, but as I do not wish to a.s.sume a liberty which is not expressly given, I must beg the sentiments of Congress on this subject. The ordinance is also deficient, in not affording a power to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to take order upon the application either of foreigners, or subjects, relative to matters not of sufficient moment to engage the attention of Congress; as for instance, applications for aid in procuring the release of an American, taken under particular circ.u.mstances in English ships, and confined in the French West Indies or elsewhere; claims upon prizes carried into the French Islands, &c., which cases occur every day, and are attended with long memorials, which would take up much of the time and attention of Congress.

As I have hitherto taken the liberty to transact business of this kind with the Minister of his Most Christian Majesty, and the Governors or Generals of the French Islands, I wish to be justified in so doing by the orders of Congress. As a check upon myself, I keep a book, though it is attended with much labor, in which all such applications, and the steps taken in consequence thereof, are inserted at length.

The organization of this office will, too, I presume, render some alteration necessary in matters of form and ceremony as heretofore settled by Congress in conformity to the practice of other nations, and to enable us to avail ourselves of the advantages they sometimes afford in creating useful delays, and concealing for political reasons the views of the sovereign.

Congress having vested me with the power of appointing clerks, I have appointed two gentlemen, in whose integrity and abilities I can confide. These are barely sufficient to do the running business of the office, which is much greater than I imagined it would be, five copies, besides the draft being necessary for every foreign letter or paper transmitted. To copy all the letters, which have hitherto been received, with the Secret Journals and other extracts from the books and files of Congress, though absolutely necessary, both for order and security, will be impossible, without further aid for at least one year. Congress have not, indeed, limited the number I may employ, nor have they fixed their salaries, upon both of which I could wish for their direction. An interpreter is so necessary, both for this Department and the Admiralty, that I cannot but recommend to Congress the appointment of one, from whom, if a man in whom I could confide, I might receive a.s.sistance as a Secretary when hurried with business.

It may possibly be expected, Sir, that I should close this long letter by a report on the matters it contains, but as it is a delicate subject to point out a mode for extending my own powers, I only beg leave to recommend the enclosed resolve.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.