The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume XI Part 29

Congress proceeded to the election of a Secretary of Foreign Affairs; and, the ballots being counted, Robert R. Livingston was elected, having been previously nominated by Mr Floyd.

TO MAJOR GENERAL NATHANIEL GREENE.

Philadelphia, October 20th, 1781.[20]

Dear Sir,

Congress having done me the honor to appoint me their Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and made it my duty to collect and transmit such intelligence as may be useful to our Ministers, I take the liberty to open a correspondence with you. From the past, I have reason to hope, that your future operations will furnish the most agreeable and useful information at foreign Courts; for nothing is more incontrovertibly true, than that splendid victories and a wise Administration at home, are the best negotiators abroad.

Give me leave, Sir, to congratulate you upon your success. We have reason to hope, that it will be attended with the most important consequences, more especially, if as we may expect, the Commander in Chief should be enabled to make a considerable addition to the brave corps you command.

The enemy have sailed from New York with twentysix ships of the line, including three of fifty guns, having on board their ships of war five thousand land forces, in order to attempt the relief of Cornwallis.

For that, happily, they are too late; but as sympathising friends afford consolation to the distressed, he may possibly derive some comfort from their sharing, at least in part, his fate.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

FOOTNOTES:

[20] Although Mr Livingston was appointed Secretary of Foreign Affairs on the 10th of August, he did not enter on the duties of the office till this day. See his letter to John Adams, in Mr Adams's _Correspondence_, Vol. VI. p. 178.

TO GOVERNOR GEORGE CLINTON OF NEW YORK.

Philadelphia, October 22d, 1781.

Dear Sir,

Give me leave to congratulate your Excellency, and through you the Legislature of our State, on the success of our arms at the southward.

Cornwallis surrendered his army on the 17th of October. Count de Gra.s.se was employed on the 18th in taking his marines on board, which I hope, by the blessing of Heaven, will be the prelude to a second victory.

My removal being far from having in any manner lessened my attachment to New York, I shall be anxious to hear that the present attempt of the enemy upon our frontiers, has only added to their disgrace, and enabled my countrymen to increase the reputation they have so justly acquired. Your Excellency will do me the honor to give me the earliest intelligence of the movements of the enemy.

I am, Sir, with the greatest respect and esteem, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, October 29th, 1781.

Sir,

The business of the department in which Congress have been pleased to place me, rendering it necessary to have recourse to the Secret Journals, and other books and papers in the possession of their Secretary, I take the liberty to request them by their order, to enable Mr Thomson to admit me to examine, and copy from such books of a secret nature in his possession, as may in anywise relate to the department of Foreign Affairs.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.

Philadelphia, November 12th, 1781.

Sir,

Congress some time since, called upon the different States to make returns of the damage done by the enemy within each of them, by the wanton destruction of property, and no measures, that I can learn, have as yet been taken to ascertain such damage, though as your Excellency will easily conceive, it may become an important object of inquiry, whenever a treaty shall be set on foot for a general pacification, or be made to answer valuable purposes during the war, by showing our enemies in their true light to the nations of Europe.

In this view, I think it my duty to endeavor to collect them, and you will, Sir, I am persuaded, take the necessary measures to send as soon as possible, returns from the State over which you preside. I could wish to have the damages, (particularly that to real property,) ascertained by the affidavits of people of known characters, and duplicate copies of such affidavits transmitted to my officers, under the great seal of your State, and, if possible, accompanied with a short recital of each transaction, so that it may at once appear, whether the injuries were such as the laws of war justified, or whether they originated only in the malice and cruelty of the enemy.

Your Excellency will oblige me, and serve the public, by transmitting to me accounts of every occurrence, in which the United States are materially interested, which may arise within your government, or which you may derive from your correspondents abroad.

I have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, November 18th, 1781.

Sir,

The subject mentioned in the letters of Mr Adams, and their enclosures, requiring their express direction, I humbly submit to the consideration of Congress.

In Dr Franklin's letter of the 6th of August to Mr Adams, he informs him, "that he cannot depend on receiving any more money in France applicable to the support of the Ministers of Congress, and that what aids are thereafter granted, will probably be transmitted by the government directly to America." Congress need no arguments to convince them of the disgrace and danger of permitting their most confidential servants to be necessitous in a foreign country.

I will with their approbation, concert with the Superintendent of Finance, the means of supplying our Ministers, Agents, and Secretaries. But to facilitate these means, and convince the powers to whom we are indebted for money, that we know the value of their aids, I would humbly submit to Congress the propriety of practising the strictest economy, as far as it may be consistent with their honor, and the justice due to those they employ. That Congress may determine the more readily whether their establishment will admit of any reduction, or devise the most effectual means of defraying the expense of it, I take the liberty to lay before them the annual amount of the salaries of their servants now abroad.

If I am well informed, it is usual to distinguish the allowances to Ministers by the expenses of the country in which they live, and the character they are obliged to support. Such a rule would be productive of great saving to us, whose policy it is to have agents without any acknowledged public characters, at Courts which refuse to receive our Ministers. How far so important a station as that of Secretary to an Emba.s.sy might be supplied by private secretaries with moderate salaries, at least till the existence of the Emba.s.sy was acknowledged, must be submitted to the wisdom of Congress. Certain it is, that foreigners who may not be acquainted with the dignified characters of those we employ abroad as secretaries, will be surprised to find their emoluments equal, if not exceeding those allowed by the richest potentates in Europe, and that too, when the great object of the mission is to represent our wants, and solicit supplies for civil and military establishments at home.

Perhaps, too, from the ground on which the successful issue of this campaign has placed us, Congress may see it improper to solicit Courts, who are so little disposed to serve us as those of Petersburg and Lisbon, or to expend additional sums of money on agencies to Russia or Portugal.

Another part of the despatches referred to me, are those that relate to John Temple, to which Congress alone are competent to give directions. The reports currently circulated in England relative to his first mission, his coming by way of New York, his return to England, his abode there, his present visit to America, render him an object of attention, not only to the people of this country, but to those of Europe, and give weight to those suspicions of attachment to England, which, as it is her policy to keep up, it should be ours on every occasion to discourage. Congress will judge how far it is proper to suggest any measures to the State of Ma.s.sachusetts. I take the liberty to submit to them, whether at least it would not be expedient to adopt such resolutions as would leave the Executive of that State uninfluenced in their conduct towards him, by his being the bearer of public despatches. Congress will observe, that I have no personal acquaintance with Mr Temple, nor any knowledge of facts, which would lead me to suspect his principles, other than the matters, which are above stated and publicly known.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.