The Closing Of The Western Mind Part 4

The archetype of the desert ascetic was Anthony. Anthony was an Egyptian Christian and spoke Coptic rather than Greek. It is said that he did not bother to learn to read or write, the point being made by his biographer that academic achievement was not important for a "man of G.o.d" and could even be despised. After both his parents had died, Anthony became inspired by the Gospel text that those who would be perfect should give away all that they owned and commit themselves to G.o.d. His qualms that his unmarried sister would miss his support were soothed by a revelation that he should not care about the morrow, and he sent her off to a nunnery. He then, in about 269, embarked on a long retreat (he may have lived until he was over a hundred, dying in 356) in which he settled first on the fringes of the Egyptian desert, then moved to an abandoned fort across the Nile and eventually even further, into places where only nomadic Arab tribes wandered. Thus was established the idea in which an ever-deeper journey into physical remoteness corresponded to a pilgrimage to the innermost depths of being. Anthony's life was written up either by Athanasius or someone close to him, in about 357, and this "vibrant ascetic odyssey," as Peter Brown has described it, caught the imagination of Christians throughout the empire. Anthony, wrote its author, "possessed in a very high degree apatheia- apatheia-perfect self-control, freedom from pa.s.sion-the ideal of every monk and ascetic striving for perfection. Christ, who was free from every emotional weakness and fault, is his model."12 Augustine gives an account in his Confessions Confessions of two of his friends coming across the text and being inspired to give up their careers in the imperial service to follow in Anthony's footsteps instead. So began a new genre of literature in which the ascetic acquired the status of a celebrity. Famous collections of holy lives blended historical facts with amazing tales of miracles, and manuals allowed the reader to plot an ascetic path for her- or himself. Other works, more philosophical in tone, explored the language of asceticism, such as the state beyond all pa.s.sion, the moment of absolute quietude when the end of the ascetic path has been reached, of two of his friends coming across the text and being inspired to give up their careers in the imperial service to follow in Anthony's footsteps instead. So began a new genre of literature in which the ascetic acquired the status of a celebrity. Famous collections of holy lives blended historical facts with amazing tales of miracles, and manuals allowed the reader to plot an ascetic path for her- or himself. Other works, more philosophical in tone, explored the language of asceticism, such as the state beyond all pa.s.sion, the moment of absolute quietude when the end of the ascetic path has been reached, apatheia. apatheia. Popular lives spread quickly. A life of one Paul of Thebes by Jerome is known to have been translated into Latin, Greek, Syriac, Coptic and Ethiopian almost immediately. With this substantial body of manuals available to those able to acquire copies, many ordinary Christians took up asceticism in their homes. Women refused to marry; some married couples stayed together but gave up s.e.x. Others renounced their property and built monasteries for others or even ran their own. Some parents vowed to consecrate their baby daughters to perpetual virginity. Jerome grudgingly acknowledged that marriage had its purpose as a means of producing more virgins. Popular lives spread quickly. A life of one Paul of Thebes by Jerome is known to have been translated into Latin, Greek, Syriac, Coptic and Ethiopian almost immediately. With this substantial body of manuals available to those able to acquire copies, many ordinary Christians took up asceticism in their homes. Women refused to marry; some married couples stayed together but gave up s.e.x. Others renounced their property and built monasteries for others or even ran their own. Some parents vowed to consecrate their baby daughters to perpetual virginity. Jerome grudgingly acknowledged that marriage had its purpose as a means of producing more virgins.

Yet while asceticism was appealing to some, it was also repugnant to many. It involved a reversal of the values of society, a rejection of traditional statuses and even a threat, some feared, through ma.s.s virginity, to the survival of humanity itself. Paula, the companion of Jerome, who founded a nunnery alongside him in Bethlehem, expressed the reversal of values in telling her nuns that "a clean body and clean clothes betoken an unclean mind." An account by Eunapius, a devout Neoplatonist, ill.u.s.trates the shock effect of those ascetic monks who took to direct action against paganism, invading sanctuaries that had always been held sacred.

At that time they brought into the holy places [the pagan temples] so-called monks: men by all appearances, though they lived like pigs; and they openly tolerated, and indeed executed, evil deeds past number or description. Yet it was seen as a work of piety to despise the divine: for any man at that time dressed in black and ready to demean himself in public, possessed a tyrannical power. Such was the depth to which human virtue had declined. 13 13 Asceticism has always had an impact. In the modern world we need no reminding of the guru who preaches asceticism and yet who ends up a multi-millionaire fawned over by credulous celebrities; in contrast, we have the example of Gandhi, who used his asceticism with great sincerity but also shrewdness in the fight for India's freedom; he makes a fascinating case study of how asceticism disturbs those who have to deal with its political fallout. Perhaps the most profound transformation brought about by asceticism in the fourth and fifth centuries was in women who adopted a view of perpetual virginity. Renouncing s.e.x involved a rejection of women's primary purpose in ancient society, to produce and care for the next generation, as well as the subversion of the view, found, for instance, in the Greek world, that women's s.e.xual feelings were so powerful that women could not be allowed outside the home. Completely different patterns of life were now possible. In his letter to Eustochium, who had consecrated herself to virginity while remaining in her family home in Rome, Jerome explores the major reorientation needed in her life if she is to break her bonds to traditional Roman society. Eventually she came to live alongside him in Bethlehem. It proved so difficult to know how to deal with these "new women" that they were often referred to as if they were honorary men. "The manly deeds of this blessed woman" was how the (male) biographer of Melania the Younger referred to her renunciation of her wealth and all s.e.xual contact with her husband. A story is told of a bishop who was discussing Olympias, who gave so freely to the church in Carthage. "Do not say 'woman'; say 'what a remarkable human being,' for she is a man despite her outward appearance," he told his listener. 14 14 The extraordinary result of this resolute rejection of old roles was to create new ones of much greater power and influence, especially for those women who took the chance to read the scriptures and other sacred writings and even in some cases to learn Hebrew. "Generous in giving . . . outstanding in n.o.bility, fertile in writing, worthy of the esteem of the whole world," was how one was described, while another man related how "in the land of Sicily I found a woman, most distinguished in the eyes of the world, but even more outstanding in the things of G.o.d. She showed me the way of truth in all things . . . convincing me how [best to live the Christian life] by reason and out of the scriptures."15 Macrina, the sister of the Cappadocian Basil of Caesarea and Gregory of Nyssa, and a scholar in her own right, is given enormous respect by her brothers and their colleagues. One has to go a long way back in cla.s.sical literature-to the days of Homer, for instance, where women of the n.o.ble cla.s.s such as Odysseus' wife, Penelope, and Arete, wife of king Alcinous of Phaeacia, treated by all with honour because "she is full of unprompted wisdom," enjoy similar admiration. Macrina, the sister of the Cappadocian Basil of Caesarea and Gregory of Nyssa, and a scholar in her own right, is given enormous respect by her brothers and their colleagues. One has to go a long way back in cla.s.sical literature-to the days of Homer, for instance, where women of the n.o.ble cla.s.s such as Odysseus' wife, Penelope, and Arete, wife of king Alcinous of Phaeacia, treated by all with honour because "she is full of unprompted wisdom," enjoy similar admiration.

Hand in hand with the elevation of virginity in these years came the development of the cult of the Virgin Mary. She was now placed on a pedestal as the ideal of virgin womanhood, "alone of all her s.e.x she pleased the Lord," as Caelius Sedulius put it.16 The references to Mary in the Gospels are relatively few; John does not even mention her by name. A particular emphasis on her virginity first arose when a verse in Isaiah, "Behold a virgin will conceive," was interpreted as prophesying the birth of Christ and hence inspired or corroborated the Gospel accounts of the virgin birth. This interpretation, however, was drawn from the Septuagint (Greek) version, which had used the word The references to Mary in the Gospels are relatively few; John does not even mention her by name. A particular emphasis on her virginity first arose when a verse in Isaiah, "Behold a virgin will conceive," was interpreted as prophesying the birth of Christ and hence inspired or corroborated the Gospel accounts of the virgin birth. This interpretation, however, was drawn from the Septuagint (Greek) version, which had used the word parthenos parthenos to render the Hebrew for to render the Hebrew for almah, almah, which meant no more than a young girl, so the scriptural base of Mary's virginity was shaky, especially as the Gospels specifically mention that Jesus had brothers and sisters-this was a point made by Julian in his which meant no more than a young girl, so the scriptural base of Mary's virginity was shaky, especially as the Gospels specifically mention that Jesus had brothers and sisters-this was a point made by Julian in his Contra Galilaeos. Contra Galilaeos. The earliest references by the Church Fathers (Tertullian and Irenaeus, for instance) concentrate on contrasting Mary with the fallen Eve, and it is only the fourth century that sees the development of a cult of Mary as perpetually virgin-Athanasius was among the first to use the term "ever virgin." The earliest references by the Church Fathers (Tertullian and Irenaeus, for instance) concentrate on contrasting Mary with the fallen Eve, and it is only the fourth century that sees the development of a cult of Mary as perpetually virgin-Athanasius was among the first to use the term "ever virgin." 17 17 The cult took its strength from the need for a symbol of female virginity, and its power is evident in the way the interpretation of the scriptures was distorted to support it. Jerome, in his commentary on Isaiah, even went so far as to argue that here if nowhere else the Septuagint version was superior to the original Hebrew, The cult took its strength from the need for a symbol of female virginity, and its power is evident in the way the interpretation of the scriptures was distorted to support it. Jerome, in his commentary on Isaiah, even went so far as to argue that here if nowhere else the Septuagint version was superior to the original Hebrew,18 and Jesus' brothers and sisters were now recast as "cousins," "brethren" or even children of Joseph by an earlier marriage. Once the doctrine of Mary's perpetual virginity was accepted as una.s.sailable, it was possible for Augustine, for instance, to develop the argument that Jesus had been born of a virgin so as to escape the taint of sin which would have been absorbed if the s.e.xual act was involved-an approach which only served to reinforce Augustine's view that those conceived in the normal way were corrupted by sin. This concern with the physical elements of Mary's virginity became so intense that it was even argued that she gave birth without losing her virginity. Once again Jerome produced an appropriate verse in support, in the prophet Ezekiel: "This gate will be kept shut. No one will open it to go through it, since Yahweh the G.o.d of Israel has been through it, and so it must be kept shut" (44:2). Doctrinally, the cult reached its climax with the declaration that Mary was Theotokos, Mother of G.o.d (still her preferred t.i.tle in the eastern church), which was proclaimed at the Council of Ephesus in 431. and Jesus' brothers and sisters were now recast as "cousins," "brethren" or even children of Joseph by an earlier marriage. Once the doctrine of Mary's perpetual virginity was accepted as una.s.sailable, it was possible for Augustine, for instance, to develop the argument that Jesus had been born of a virgin so as to escape the taint of sin which would have been absorbed if the s.e.xual act was involved-an approach which only served to reinforce Augustine's view that those conceived in the normal way were corrupted by sin. This concern with the physical elements of Mary's virginity became so intense that it was even argued that she gave birth without losing her virginity. Once again Jerome produced an appropriate verse in support, in the prophet Ezekiel: "This gate will be kept shut. No one will open it to go through it, since Yahweh the G.o.d of Israel has been through it, and so it must be kept shut" (44:2). Doctrinally, the cult reached its climax with the declaration that Mary was Theotokos, Mother of G.o.d (still her preferred t.i.tle in the eastern church), which was proclaimed at the Council of Ephesus in 431.

The cult of Mary was not confined to ascetic intellectuals. The need for a G.o.ddess figure was profound in a religion founded by Jesus and shaped by Paul, two unmarried men, and at the popular level there are numerous apocryphal stories about Mary's parents, childhood and upbringing and her a.s.sumption into heaven. The idea that she might have died and her body become corrupted became unimaginable, hence her "a.s.sumption" into heaven, noted in apocryphal sources for the first time in the late fourth century. In the east the emphasis was on "a dormition" (a falling asleep). Mary came to absorb the attributes of pagan G.o.ddesses. Vasiliki Limberis shows how the G.o.ddesses Rhea and Tyche, to whom temples had been built by Constantine in Constantinople, gradually became transformed into Mary, the Virgin Mother of G.o.d, as Christianity ousted the remnants of paganism in the city in the fourth century. It helped that Rhea, like many other G.o.ddesses, was herself a.s.sociated with "virgin birth" stories.19 A particularly fruitful source was the Egyptian G.o.ddess Isis, who had become a universal mother G.o.ddess in her own right. Isis had developed the role of protector of sailors just at the time when her cult was transferred from Egypt to the Aegean by merchants. Mary too becomes a protector of sailors, the "star of the sea." Isis' emblem was the rose, and this too is appropriated by Mary, while representations of Isis with her baby son Horus on her knee seem to provide the iconic background for those of Mary and the baby Jesus. These representations, richly developed in Christian art, suggest a yearning for tenderness that had not previously been satisfied. A particularly fruitful source was the Egyptian G.o.ddess Isis, who had become a universal mother G.o.ddess in her own right. Isis had developed the role of protector of sailors just at the time when her cult was transferred from Egypt to the Aegean by merchants. Mary too becomes a protector of sailors, the "star of the sea." Isis' emblem was the rose, and this too is appropriated by Mary, while representations of Isis with her baby son Horus on her knee seem to provide the iconic background for those of Mary and the baby Jesus. These representations, richly developed in Christian art, suggest a yearning for tenderness that had not previously been satisfied.20 So the cult of the Virgin Mary developed much deeper populist roots than many others and was strengthened by support at the highest levels of the church (as it still is in Roman Catholic Christianity). A good example of how the apocryphal stories about Mary were adopted by the church hierarchy can be seen in the fifth-century mosaics of S. Maria Maggiore in Rome. The basilica was built by Sixtus III in the 430s in celebration of the declaration of the Council of Ephesus that Mary was the Mother of G.o.d. In the Annunciation scene, which presents Mary in great splendour arrayed as a Byzantine princess, she is shown to have been spinning-drawing on an apocryphal story that she was in service in the Temple where she wove a veil for the Holy of Holies. Here Sixtus has appropriated a story with no scriptural support at all in order to make contact with popular devotion.

One of the results of the elevation of virginity was to transform women who did not espouse it into temptresses, the "dancing girls" of Jerome's vision. While Mary was contrasted with Eve, women as a whole were equated with Eve, perpetuating her guilt through the temptation they offer to men. "Do you not realise that Eve is you?" inveighed the tempestuous Tertullian. "The curse G.o.d p.r.o.nounced on your s.e.x weighs still on the world . . . You are the devil's gateway, you desecrated the fatal tree, you first betrayed the law of G.o.d, you who softened up with your cajoling words the man against whom the devil could not prevail by force . . ."21 So arises the dichotomy between virgin and wh.o.r.e, allowing no acceptable expression of female s.e.xuality in between. So arises the dichotomy between virgin and wh.o.r.e, allowing no acceptable expression of female s.e.xuality in between.

This approach to s.e.xuality became so deeply ingrained in the later Christian tradition (and influences it still) that it is important to note that there were committed Christians who refused to endorse it. One such was Jovinian, a monk from Rome who became an ascetic himself but subsequently renounced asceticism as spiritually meaningless. Its rationale seems to have simply dissolved for him. Why should a virgin be given prominence in the eyes of G.o.d over a married person? he asked. Why should not one eat and drink freely so long as one offered thanks to G.o.d for one's good fortune? What was important was baptism followed by a life committed to faith and true repentance after sin. Jovinian argued his case well, with strong support from scripture. Right at the beginning of the Bible, for instance (Genesis 1:28), G.o.d had ordered Adam and Eve to be fruitful and multiply. There was no rejection of s.e.x here (and, as we have seen, Judaism was actively hostile to celibacy). Jovinian also ridiculed the idea that Mary could possibly have given birth without losing her physical virginity. His was a down-to-earth, balanced and realistic approach, and his views appealed to many. Naturally Jerome, now in Bethlehem, was outraged and was impelled to write one of his most vicious counter-attacks-he described Jovinian's book as "vomit which he has thrown up" and its writer as a debauchee who gambolled in mixed baths (a particular place of iniquity for the ascetic) while true Christians fasted. Jovinian was declared a heretic, ordered to be flogged with leaden whips and forced to leave Rome for Milan. There he found himself again in the line of fire, this time from Ambrose, another fervent defender of the superiority of virginity over marriage. Jovinian's counter-attack failed, and s.e.x and sin remained inextricably linked in the Christian tradition. "Marriage and fornication are different only because laws appear to make them so; they are not intrinsically different, but only in the degree of their illegitimacy," was Tertullian's bleak view.22 Christian asceticism could easily appear to be self-serving, in essence a turning one's back on one's fellow men in search of salvation for oneself. There was an inevitable tension between the Judaeo-Christian ethical tradition which stressed one's care for one's fellow human beings and the ascetic response which involved withdrawal from human society. Many saw the rejection of human contact as a spiritual liberation. "With no human company to hold him back, his union with G.o.d would be all the easier," as Ca.s.sian wrote of one of his ascetic acquaintances,23 and Jerome approved of the response of Melania when her husband and two sons died in quick succession: "Now I shall serve you, Lord, all the more readily, since You have freed me from this burden [sic]." and Jerome approved of the response of Melania when her husband and two sons died in quick succession: "Now I shall serve you, Lord, all the more readily, since You have freed me from this burden [sic]."24 But was there a purpose to asceticism beyond the search for an individual's internal peace and-until Augustine rejected the idea that a "good" life guaranteed a place in heaven-personal salvation? But was there a purpose to asceticism beyond the search for an individual's internal peace and-until Augustine rejected the idea that a "good" life guaranteed a place in heaven-personal salvation?

One notable and recurrent theme was that the ascetic acted as an intermediary between G.o.d and man. There is an account of an ascetic being asked about the merits of two brothers-he retreats "to receive some revelation from G.o.d" and then returns to say that he has been shown both in paradise. Pachomius, by tradition the first ascetic to found a monastery, saw this as the essential mark of the ascetic. "When the Lord ceases to reveal himself, we are but men, like every man." 25 25 Another skill, long known in Christianity but now honed to even greater sensitivity by the committed ascetic, was the recognition of demons, false prophets and harbingers for Antichrist. The continual shifting of the boundaries between what was heretical and what was not, what was a Christian revelation and what was not, with the awful consequences of being wrong, resulted in major anxieties that ascetics were expected to calm. Martin of Tours was particularly adept at spotting devils even when they were disguised as professing Christians. Presented with a vision of Christ in majesty, Martin proclaimed that the true Christ would have appeared as a sufferer and this must be Antichrist in disguise. Another skill, long known in Christianity but now honed to even greater sensitivity by the committed ascetic, was the recognition of demons, false prophets and harbingers for Antichrist. The continual shifting of the boundaries between what was heretical and what was not, what was a Christian revelation and what was not, with the awful consequences of being wrong, resulted in major anxieties that ascetics were expected to calm. Martin of Tours was particularly adept at spotting devils even when they were disguised as professing Christians. Presented with a vision of Christ in majesty, Martin proclaimed that the true Christ would have appeared as a sufferer and this must be Antichrist in disguise.26 Other ascetics claimed that in their struggles with the flesh they were drawing the demons to themselves and so diverting them from other Christians: they were, as one put it, "defending the walls of the fortress." Other ascetics claimed that in their struggles with the flesh they were drawing the demons to themselves and so diverting them from other Christians: they were, as one put it, "defending the walls of the fortress."27 Increasingly, however, the more stable and less tortured of those drawn to asceticism began to realize that peace of mind did not come easily. There was a growing recognition of both the immense loneliness of the ascetic journey and the presence of gnawing doubt as to whether one had done enough to be saved.28 Ca.s.sian, who had originally seen the solitary life as an ideal, began to realize its drawbacks, not least in that personalities which were already deranged could become far worse in solitude. "The more it [a vice] is hidden [as when an ascetic goes off on his own], the more deeply will that serpent foment in the sickening man an incurable disease," he shrewdly noted. Ca.s.sian, who had originally seen the solitary life as an ideal, began to realize its drawbacks, not least in that personalities which were already deranged could become far worse in solitude. "The more it [a vice] is hidden [as when an ascetic goes off on his own], the more deeply will that serpent foment in the sickening man an incurable disease," he shrewdly noted.29 Others pointed out the illusion that solitude necessarily brought peace. "Wherever you may go, you will find that which you flee from goes before you . . . If you do not first set yourself to rights in the company of men, you will never be able to do so on your own." Others pointed out the illusion that solitude necessarily brought peace. "Wherever you may go, you will find that which you flee from goes before you . . . If you do not first set yourself to rights in the company of men, you will never be able to do so on your own."30 By the fourth century there was a growing impulse to come together to share an ascetic life in community. Pachomius (c. 295346), an Egyptian inspired by a vision to set up a monastery on the Upper Nile, is credited with the first rule for communal living. It proved so popular that by his death in 346 he is said to have presided over nine monasteries and two nunneries. In these early days solitude was still regarded as the aim of the true ascetic, and Pachomius' monasteries were seen as a sort of halfway house, providing, as it were, an initial training where the believer could learn to live in silence and good order before retreating into a more remote setting. Eventually, however, to live in a monastery became an end in itself (although as William Dalrymple points out in his fine study of eastern monasticism, From the Holy Mountain, From the Holy Mountain, the ideal remains to this day that a monk is free to leave a monastery of his own accord in order to continue his spiritual journey elsewhere), and the concept of communal living spread quickly throughout the east. By 355, Basil of Caesarea, one of the celebrated Cappadocian Fathers, was able to tour monasteries in Egypt, Palestine, Syria and Mesopotamia. Back on his family estate in Cappadocia, he decided himself to withdraw from the world "to break all the links that bind the soul to the body, that is, to be without city, without house, without personal property, without particular friendships, without possessions, without means of livelihood," and so he set out to found the earliest known monastery in Asia Minor. He appears to have been joined by or have joined others in a remote corner of his estate, and soon he was laying down rules for their communal living. There was to be a rota of prayer, the reading of scriptures, silence and the maintenance "of a profound sense of humility and self abas.e.m.e.nt." the ideal remains to this day that a monk is free to leave a monastery of his own accord in order to continue his spiritual journey elsewhere), and the concept of communal living spread quickly throughout the east. By 355, Basil of Caesarea, one of the celebrated Cappadocian Fathers, was able to tour monasteries in Egypt, Palestine, Syria and Mesopotamia. Back on his family estate in Cappadocia, he decided himself to withdraw from the world "to break all the links that bind the soul to the body, that is, to be without city, without house, without personal property, without particular friendships, without possessions, without means of livelihood," and so he set out to found the earliest known monastery in Asia Minor. He appears to have been joined by or have joined others in a remote corner of his estate, and soon he was laying down rules for their communal living. There was to be a rota of prayer, the reading of scriptures, silence and the maintenance "of a profound sense of humility and self abas.e.m.e.nt."31 One of the most important features of his monastic houses was their insistence on an authoritarian structure. For Basil the monks had to be divided into "those who are entrusted with leadership and those whose duty it is to follow and obey." One of the most important features of his monastic houses was their insistence on an authoritarian structure. For Basil the monks had to be divided into "those who are entrusted with leadership and those whose duty it is to follow and obey." 32 32 This is ordered living with individual self-expression now firmly discouraged. This is ordered living with individual self-expression now firmly discouraged.

In the east it remained the custom for monasteries to be established in remote places. So even today Greek monks segregate themselves on Mount Athos, restricting visitors to men and not even allowing female animals to live on the mountain. There remains in the Egyptian desert a monastery built on the site of Anthony's furthest withdrawal. It is 300 miles southeast of Cairo and 50 from the sh.o.r.es of the Red Sea; until forty years ago, when a road was built, it took three weeks to reach. In the west, in contrast, monasticism developed closer to cities. This was largely the result of the teachings of Ca.s.sian, a Scythian who had had personal experience of monasticism in Bethlehem and the Egyptian desert. He then travelled westwards, was in Rome by 405 and Ma.r.s.eilles by 415, and it was here that he founded two monastic houses, one for each s.e.x (although these were not the first in Europe).

Ca.s.sian is important because he appreciated the benefits of ascetic life without being a fanatic. In his Inst.i.tutes Inst.i.tutes and and Conferences, Conferences, two surviving works which explore the nature of asceticism and its relationship to life in a monastic community, he meditates on the meaning of spirituality, a.s.sessing the vices that have to be overcome and the virtues that have to be cultivated to arrive at the true end of the ascetic journey, which he terms "purity of heart." Life in the monastery must be a combination of ceaseless prayer, reading of the scriptures and active meditation. There had also to be a well-defined structure to ascetic life, a disciplined pattern of living under authority. Ca.s.sian was well aware of the dangers of following a charismatic ascetic leader. It was too easy to become confused or misled. Instead the ascetic path had to be set within "the royal road built upon the Apostles and prophets, and worn smooth by the footsteps of all the saints, and of the Lord himself." Knowledge of this path could be achieved by constant reading of the scriptures and prayer but also by the acceptance of the authority of those who had trodden the way before, in the case of a monastery that of its elders. As Ca.s.sian put it, echoing Basil, "the first proof that you possess humility is this; that you submit to the judgment of the elders, not only what you are to do, but also what you are to think [sic]." two surviving works which explore the nature of asceticism and its relationship to life in a monastic community, he meditates on the meaning of spirituality, a.s.sessing the vices that have to be overcome and the virtues that have to be cultivated to arrive at the true end of the ascetic journey, which he terms "purity of heart." Life in the monastery must be a combination of ceaseless prayer, reading of the scriptures and active meditation. There had also to be a well-defined structure to ascetic life, a disciplined pattern of living under authority. Ca.s.sian was well aware of the dangers of following a charismatic ascetic leader. It was too easy to become confused or misled. Instead the ascetic path had to be set within "the royal road built upon the Apostles and prophets, and worn smooth by the footsteps of all the saints, and of the Lord himself." Knowledge of this path could be achieved by constant reading of the scriptures and prayer but also by the acceptance of the authority of those who had trodden the way before, in the case of a monastery that of its elders. As Ca.s.sian put it, echoing Basil, "the first proof that you possess humility is this; that you submit to the judgment of the elders, not only what you are to do, but also what you are to think [sic]."33 It is in the very discipline of living that the monk comes close to G.o.d. Order brings its own reward. The exhortation on the walls of one monastery provides an effective summary: "Examine thyself, be contented, control thyself alone, obey, be humble, judge not, condemn not, forgive that you may be forgiven and that you may live in G.o.d." It is in the very discipline of living that the monk comes close to G.o.d. Order brings its own reward. The exhortation on the walls of one monastery provides an effective summary: "Examine thyself, be contented, control thyself alone, obey, be humble, judge not, condemn not, forgive that you may be forgiven and that you may live in G.o.d."

Ca.s.sian also urged his readers to be sensitive to the needs of the immediate community of fellow monks, so as to make oneself "loved by the brethren who share one's task." Extreme asceticism is not encouraged. If there is food available, the monk should not necessarily reject it-it is when the desire for food (or wealth or property) predominates that one wanders off the path. There is a wider community too, outside the walls of the monastery but not without its own needs. Ca.s.sian recognized that this community might have legitimate demands on the monks. Monks are an elite who provide a model for those who wish to come close to G.o.d, but through understanding G.o.d's will they are also able to show his love to others. "So we cannot a.s.sure ourselves of a deeply rooted charity unless, easing a little the proper demands of a rigorous and perfect life, we show a ready willingness to adapt ourselves to the needs of others."34 No longer should believers rejoice at freeing themselves from the demands of their fellow humans; monasteries could adopt new roles as havens for the poor, hospitals or schools. So Ca.s.sian advocated a stable community in which the primary purpose remained the search for "purity of heart" for its members, but which was at the same time sensitive to the needs of others. No longer should believers rejoice at freeing themselves from the demands of their fellow humans; monasteries could adopt new roles as havens for the poor, hospitals or schools. So Ca.s.sian advocated a stable community in which the primary purpose remained the search for "purity of heart" for its members, but which was at the same time sensitive to the needs of others.35 Once Ca.s.sian had shown that asceticism did not necessarily mean withdrawal from the local community, it became clear that those working within the community might also benefit from asceticism themselves. In Gaul the example had already been set by Martin of Tours (d. 397). Martin founded the first monastery north of the Alps at Liguge, in 360, and then, some ten years later, became a bishop, but he did not renounce his ascetic background. As his biographer Sulpicius put it, after he became a bishop, Once Ca.s.sian had shown that asceticism did not necessarily mean withdrawal from the local community, it became clear that those working within the community might also benefit from asceticism themselves. In Gaul the example had already been set by Martin of Tours (d. 397). Martin founded the first monastery north of the Alps at Liguge, in 360, and then, some ten years later, became a bishop, but he did not renounce his ascetic background. As his biographer Sulpicius put it, after he became a bishop, Martin concentrated rigorously on maintaining his former character and att.i.tude. His heart was blessed with the same humility, his clothing with the same coa.r.s.eness. In this way, with a totally commanding but generous bearing, he did justice to his rank as bishop without abandoning the tasks and virtues of a monk.36 So in the west asceticism becomes part of the mainstream of Christianity. Robert Markus sums up the process well: The boundary between Desert and City was being blurred, and the distance between the monastic life and life of the parishes diminished. The image of the monastic community was becoming adapted to serve as a model for the Christian community in the world, while the ascetic model it proposed to its members was becoming adapted to serve as the model for bishops and clergymen.37 Jerome, when out in the desert in his early life, had been asked to take sides in a dispute between two bishops. He replied, "Why should we bandy opinions about bishops, while clothed in sackcloth and ashes? . . . Chains, dirt, disordered hair: these are not the symbols of a ruler, but of one who weeps. Let them allow me my silence, I beg you." 38 38 So the ascetic rejects political involvement. While asceticism might have offered a potential challenge to the new wealth and political status of the fourth-century church, in practice it proved politically quiescent, and the state expected it to be so. Those who indulged in ascetic free enterprise were now reined in. As we will see, the emperor Marcian (45057) used the Council of Chalcedon (451) to strengthen imperial control over the church, and Canon Four of the council deals specifically with the monks. "Since certain persons under the guise of monks disturb church and civil matters, travelling about various towns and presuming to establish monasteries for themselves," let them be aware that they should "embrace peace and occupy themselves only with their fasting and prayer, and remain in the place a.s.signed them, and involve themselves in none of the business of the church [sic] nor of the secular world." So the ascetic rejects political involvement. While asceticism might have offered a potential challenge to the new wealth and political status of the fourth-century church, in practice it proved politically quiescent, and the state expected it to be so. Those who indulged in ascetic free enterprise were now reined in. As we will see, the emperor Marcian (45057) used the Council of Chalcedon (451) to strengthen imperial control over the church, and Canon Four of the council deals specifically with the monks. "Since certain persons under the guise of monks disturb church and civil matters, travelling about various towns and presuming to establish monasteries for themselves," let them be aware that they should "embrace peace and occupy themselves only with their fasting and prayer, and remain in the place a.s.signed them, and involve themselves in none of the business of the church [sic] nor of the secular world."39 The authority of church and state was not to be challenged by those offended by its wealth and power. In practice, through enjoying the protection of the state and by remaining clear of politics, many monasteries were eventually to become among the wealthiest inst.i.tutions in the community. The authority of church and state was not to be challenged by those offended by its wealth and power. In practice, through enjoying the protection of the state and by remaining clear of politics, many monasteries were eventually to become among the wealthiest inst.i.tutions in the community.

Yet, and this is important, asceticism reflected and reinforced an intense preoccupation with the individual self that was to become central to the Christian experience. Plato talked of the essential struggle between the soul and the desires of the body, but he does not involve himself personally in it. It is one of the marks of his greatness as a philosopher that he distances himself from the debate through the medium of dialogues, often using Socrates as a representative of his views. So it is possible to engage with Platonism intellectually rather than emotionally; there can be no sense of guilt, certainly no fear of eternal punishment, deriving from disagreement with Plato. The Stoics similarly made no heavy emotional demands on their audiences, because they did not see the achievement of "goodness" as a major challenge. Seneca put it in terms similar to Epictetus (p. 236 above): "The body requires many things for health, the soul nourishes itself [sic] . . . Whatever can make you good is in your power. What do you need in order to be good? To will it."40 Paul, by contrast, both dramatizes the struggle and entangles it in the complexities of his own personality. "What a wretched man I am. Who will rescue me from this body doomed to death?" (Romans 7:24). While the answer lies in the death and resurrection of Christ, this did not appear to release committed Christians from a continuing process of struggle. Ambrose echoes him: "Greater danger lies not in attacks from outside, but from within ourselves. Inside us is the adversary, inside is the author of error, inside us I say, closed up within our very selves . . . it proceeds not from nature but from our own wills." Paul, by contrast, both dramatizes the struggle and entangles it in the complexities of his own personality. "What a wretched man I am. Who will rescue me from this body doomed to death?" (Romans 7:24). While the answer lies in the death and resurrection of Christ, this did not appear to release committed Christians from a continuing process of struggle. Ambrose echoes him: "Greater danger lies not in attacks from outside, but from within ourselves. Inside us is the adversary, inside is the author of error, inside us I say, closed up within our very selves . . . it proceeds not from nature but from our own wills."41 It is hard to find a Christian of the period who has found serenity, and the most committed, Jerome and Augustine, for instance, appear to be the most tortured. It seems that once the body has been alerted to the dangers that lie within it, it can never rest. Tertullian warns his flock that they are as defendants perpetually in the dock, with the punishment for those who lose their case an eternal one. There is no more revealing account of the struggle within than Augustine's Confessions, Confessions, where he battles to come to peace with a G.o.d who pries into his innermost thoughts. One can never know whether one is truly saved. There is no way to judge objectively just how guilty one is in the eyes of G.o.d. The only true way to secure a rest from tension on earth is to escape completely from the exercise of moral responsibility; here the "virtue" of obedience becomes crucial. William James, in his celebrated study where he battles to come to peace with a G.o.d who pries into his innermost thoughts. One can never know whether one is truly saved. There is no way to judge objectively just how guilty one is in the eyes of G.o.d. The only true way to secure a rest from tension on earth is to escape completely from the exercise of moral responsibility; here the "virtue" of obedience becomes crucial. William James, in his celebrated study The The Varieties of Religious Experience, Varieties of Religious Experience, makes the point, quoting the response of a Jesuit: makes the point, quoting the response of a Jesuit: One of the great consolations of the monastic life is the a.s.surance that we have that in obeying we can commit no fault. The Superior may commit a fault in commanding you to do this or that, but you are certain that you commit no fault so long as you obey, because G.o.d will only ask you if you have duly performed what orders you received, and if you can furnish a clear account in that respect, you are absolved entirely . . . The moment what you did was done obediently, G.o.d wipes it out of your account and charges it to the Superior [sic!] . . . So that Saint Jerome well exclaimed, "Oh, holy and blessed security by which one becomes almost impeccable." 42 42 Here the abdication of the power to think for oneself is complete.

17.

EASTERN CHRISTIANITY AND THE EMERGENCE OF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE, 395600 In 395 the Roman empire was formally divided into two parts, each under a son of Theodosius: Arcadius in the east and Honorius, still only aged ten, in the west. The boundary was drawn so that the west was predominantly Latin speaking and the east Greek. The two parts were never reunited and were to have very different fates. While the east managed to consolidate its territory around Constantinople and so develop into the Byzantine empire, which lasted until its final overthrow by the Ottoman Turks in 1453, the western empire disintegrated. This had profound implications for Christianity, which from now on would develop within two different linguistic cultures, each with its own political context. Whatever doctrinal differences are proposed to mark the eventual divorce of the Roman Catholic and Orthodox Churches, the split was rooted in the political and linguistic division of 395. While in the Byzantine empire state and church were closely bound, so that the emperor represented G.o.d on earth and the church remained ultimately subservient to him, in the west the bishops, above all the bishop of Rome, eventually regained their independence and were able to negotiate new roles within society. Christianity was to be humbled by successful Islamic invasions in the seventh and eighth centuries, as a result of which both parts of the empire lost extensive territories, including the Holy Land, the great Christian cities of Antioch and Alexandria and the vigorous north African Christian communities.

During the fourth century the emperor had consolidated his position as absolute ruler; intrinsic to this had been an elaboration of his quasi-divine status. Diocletian had perfected the process of the elevation of the emperor above his subjects, linking himself to a favoured pagan G.o.d, Jupiter. For Constantine that G.o.d was Christian; in his Life of Constantine Life of Constantine Eusebius describes the ideal of the Christian monarch, the mirror of G.o.d on earth (there are again shades of Platonism here). When Eusebius described the great banquet given by Constantine after the Council of Nicaea, for instance, it was as "an imaginary representation of the kingdom of Christ." Eusebius describes the ideal of the Christian monarch, the mirror of G.o.d on earth (there are again shades of Platonism here). When Eusebius described the great banquet given by Constantine after the Council of Nicaea, for instance, it was as "an imaginary representation of the kingdom of Christ." 1 1 Eusebius gave the emperors the role of upholding Christian law and worship even if in Constantine's specific case Eusebius seems to distort history to make his case (as with his a.s.sertion, for instance, that Constantinople was founded as a Christian city). Eusebius gave the emperors the role of upholding Christian law and worship even if in Constantine's specific case Eusebius seems to distort history to make his case (as with his a.s.sertion, for instance, that Constantinople was founded as a Christian city).2 Some forty years later the Roman Ambrosiaster (whose name derives from the mistaken belief that his commentary on Paul was written by Ambrose) commented that "the King [emperor] bears the image of G.o.d, just as the bishop bears the image of Christ," Some forty years later the Roman Ambrosiaster (whose name derives from the mistaken belief that his commentary on Paul was written by Ambrose) commented that "the King [emperor] bears the image of G.o.d, just as the bishop bears the image of Christ," 3 3 while the orator Themistius proclaimed that "the emperor is an emanation of that divine nature; he is providence nearer the earth; he looks toward G.o.d from all directions, aiming at imitation of Him in every way." while the orator Themistius proclaimed that "the emperor is an emanation of that divine nature; he is providence nearer the earth; he looks toward G.o.d from all directions, aiming at imitation of Him in every way."4 In Theodosius II's Law Code of 438, the imperial palace, even its stables, were declared to be "sacred," as if they were the precincts of a temple. In Theodosius II's Law Code of 438, the imperial palace, even its stables, were declared to be "sacred," as if they were the precincts of a temple.5 As we have already seen, representations of heaven in Christian mosaics were modelled on the imperial court, and when John Chrysostom searched for imagery to describe the second coming he chose to describe Christ as like an emperor arriving in the full glory of his office, weighted with gold and precious stones. While the theologians argued that there was an impa.s.sable gulf between the Creator and the created, in practice images of the world of G.o.d and that of the emperor blurred. As we have already seen, representations of heaven in Christian mosaics were modelled on the imperial court, and when John Chrysostom searched for imagery to describe the second coming he chose to describe Christ as like an emperor arriving in the full glory of his office, weighted with gold and precious stones. While the theologians argued that there was an impa.s.sable gulf between the Creator and the created, in practice images of the world of G.o.d and that of the emperor blurred. 6 6 The image of the emperor was matched by his power. The office had always been formidable, but under Diocletian its powers had been centralized and made more coherent. As leader of the armies, controller of all foreign relations and with absolute powers of life and death, an emperor had enormous destructive force at his disposal. During the riots in Antioch in 387 over tax demands, images of the emperor Theodosius I were defaced (an awesome offence in that statues of the emperor were to be honoured as if they were the emperor in person). As the mood calmed in the city, the terrible realization struck the citizens of just how mighty the wrath of the emperor could be, and rumours even spread that Antioch might be razed to the ground. Many fled to the hills. The bishop of the city, Flavian, set out to plead with the emperor, and John Chrysostom, the city's most popular preacher, told his congregations that they now had to throw themselves on the mercy not only of the emperor but of G.o.d. This was how the last judgment would be.7 In the event the city was treated relatively leniently, although, as we have seen, three years later in Thessalonika Theodosius was not to be so restrained. A hundred and fifty years later Constantinople suffered an even worse fate. The emperor Justinian, faced by similar riots, the Nika revolt of 532, was encouraged by his wife, Theodora, to send in troops. Between 30,000 and 50,000 citizens are believed to have been ma.s.sacred. It was the arbitrary exercise of this absolute power which was most unsettling; the fact that Justinian supposed himself to be a quintessentially Christian monarch made no difference. It was, after all, fully accepted that G.o.d might act punitively, and there were dozens of Old Testament texts to back the point, so why should his representative on earth be different? In any case, as the contemporary historian Procopius put it in another context, "Justinian did not see it as murder if the victims did not share his own beliefs." In the event the city was treated relatively leniently, although, as we have seen, three years later in Thessalonika Theodosius was not to be so restrained. A hundred and fifty years later Constantinople suffered an even worse fate. The emperor Justinian, faced by similar riots, the Nika revolt of 532, was encouraged by his wife, Theodora, to send in troops. Between 30,000 and 50,000 citizens are believed to have been ma.s.sacred. It was the arbitrary exercise of this absolute power which was most unsettling; the fact that Justinian supposed himself to be a quintessentially Christian monarch made no difference. It was, after all, fully accepted that G.o.d might act punitively, and there were dozens of Old Testament texts to back the point, so why should his representative on earth be different? In any case, as the contemporary historian Procopius put it in another context, "Justinian did not see it as murder if the victims did not share his own beliefs." 8 8 The Byzantine empire had always to be preoccupied with survival. This meant raising resources, in men and taxes, for defence while maintaining some sort of order among the burdened subjects of the empire. Christianity was increasingly interwoven with the authority of the state in that both church and state defined themselves as embattled by numerous enemies, and so, despite the very different contexts in which their fears of the outside world had evolved, they were natural allies. In legislation, the laws against Jews ("the madness of the Jewish impiety") reached a new coherence and severity, as did those against polytheists ("the error and insanity of stupid paganism") and non-orthodox Christians ("all heresies, all perfidies and schisms"). A law of Theodosius II of 438 speaks of "the thousand terrors" of the laws "that defend the boundless claim to honour" of the Church.9 Punishments were harsh, including, for example, capital punishment for the making of a sacrifice. For the first time in the history of the Roman empire, correct religious adherence became a requirement for the full enjoyment of the benefits of Roman society. There remained, however, an immense gap between the legislations and its implementation. The empire was vast, many of its territories were outside effective imperial control and local elites jealously maintained their independence. There is little evidence, for instance, that the penalties for sacrifice were imposed, and Judaism, far from being eradicated, seems to have enjoyed fresh vigour in Palestine in the fifth century. Punishments were harsh, including, for example, capital punishment for the making of a sacrifice. For the first time in the history of the Roman empire, correct religious adherence became a requirement for the full enjoyment of the benefits of Roman society. There remained, however, an immense gap between the legislations and its implementation. The empire was vast, many of its territories were outside effective imperial control and local elites jealously maintained their independence. There is little evidence, for instance, that the penalties for sacrifice were imposed, and Judaism, far from being eradicated, seems to have enjoyed fresh vigour in Palestine in the fifth century.10 An edict from the same code quoted earlier (p. 212) suggests Jews and pagans were not to be molested by Christians if they remained law-abiding. An edict from the same code quoted earlier (p. 212) suggests Jews and pagans were not to be molested by Christians if they remained law-abiding.

For the leaders of Christianity life was still seen as it had always been since the days of Paul, predominantly as a battle between the Christian way of life and a corrupt world. The mentality of Christian "weakness" persisted even when the church had in truth achieved strength. Through the life of John Chrysostom, John of "the Golden Mouth," we can build up a picture of the tensions that beset the church in the late fourth and early fifth century, not least in the conflict between the roles of bishop as Christian leader and as imperial servant.11 John Chrysostom, born c. 347, the son of a civil servant from Antioch, one of the great cities of the eastern empire, was another of those Christians who had been educated traditionally in rhetoric (under the influential pagan teacher Libanius), and he seemed set for a career in the courts until he converted to Christianity as a young man. Like so many others in this period, he spent several years as an ascetic, and he always retained his abhorrence of s.e.x. His treatise Virginity Virginity relied heavily on Paul but interpreted the Apostle's writings in the most gloomy and grudging way. The original intention of G.o.d, John claimed, was to create Adam and Eve as an as.e.xual couple-it was their fall which corrupted them and released the "dangers" of s.e.x on the world. Like his contemporary Augustine, John was to take Paul as his mentor. relied heavily on Paul but interpreted the Apostle's writings in the most gloomy and grudging way. The original intention of G.o.d, John claimed, was to create Adam and Eve as an as.e.xual couple-it was their fall which corrupted them and released the "dangers" of s.e.x on the world. Like his contemporary Augustine, John was to take Paul as his mentor.

Whenever I hear the epistles of Paul read out in the liturgy, I am filled with joy . . . If I'm regarded as a learned man, it's not because I'm brainy. It's simply because I have such a love for Paul that I have never left off reading him. He has taught me all I know. And I want you to listen to what he has to teach you. You don't need to do anything else [sic]. 12 12 John's ascetic experience permanently damaged his health, but he was eventually ordained a priest and threw himself into pastoral life in his native city. The clarity of his language, the emotional power of his rhetoric and his concentration on the everyday challenges of life quickly made him the most popular and influential preacher in Antioch. His sermons are full of vivid denunciations, of the wealthy women, even those consecrated to virginity, who come to church flaunting their pearls and luxurious dresses, and men, obsessed with chariot races, pantomimes and banquet delicacies, who recline on ornate couches while dancers and flautists (the flute, as opposed to the lyre, was always a traditional symbol of abandonment) cavort round them. In contrast are the beggars, freezing in the winter cold, who even blind their own children to earn more money, and the city's prisoners lying in rags and chains, the open wounds of their latest scourgings still oozing blood. "Do you pay such honour to your excrements," one congregation was told, "as to receive them in a silver chamber pot when another man made in the image of G.o.d is perishing of cold?" 13 13 Less happily, John also employed his considerable powers of invective against the Jews. It is possible from his eight surviving sermons Against the Jews Against the Jews to reconstruct a Jewish community in Antioch which, far from being abashed by the rise of Christianity, still celebrated its festivals openly and attracted Christians to them. John was furious, and his fury perhaps reflects Christian frustration at the obstinacy of the Jews in maintaining their ancestral religion when so many pagans were rejecting theirs for Christianity. How, he queried, could a Christian consort with those who had shed the blood of Christ and then come to a church and partake of that same blood at the Eucharist? Much worse was to follow. John was never restrained in his language, and he now resorted to scurrilous invective. The status of Jews was that of dogs. Their festivals were full of sensuality, their processions made up of "perverts and tarts," their synagogues the equivalent of brothels. They should be shunned as if they were a plague threatening the whole world. Quite unabashed in doing so, John employed Old Testament verses taken out of context, as well as those New Testament texts (such as Matthew's "His blood be upon us and our children") that had expressed early Christian anti-Judaism, to consolidate his argument. In later sermons he becomes more directly theological-the supreme proof that Christ was truly G.o.d lay in his prediction, fulfilled in A.D. 70, that Jerusalem would be captured and the Temple destroyed. As a result of their rhetorical power, these sermons were translated into Latin and became as much part of the western Christian tradition as of the eastern. Their influence persisted long after their composition. to reconstruct a Jewish community in Antioch which, far from being abashed by the rise of Christianity, still celebrated its festivals openly and attracted Christians to them. John was furious, and his fury perhaps reflects Christian frustration at the obstinacy of the Jews in maintaining their ancestral religion when so many pagans were rejecting theirs for Christianity. How, he queried, could a Christian consort with those who had shed the blood of Christ and then come to a church and partake of that same blood at the Eucharist? Much worse was to follow. John was never restrained in his language, and he now resorted to scurrilous invective. The status of Jews was that of dogs. Their festivals were full of sensuality, their processions made up of "perverts and tarts," their synagogues the equivalent of brothels. They should be shunned as if they were a plague threatening the whole world. Quite unabashed in doing so, John employed Old Testament verses taken out of context, as well as those New Testament texts (such as Matthew's "His blood be upon us and our children") that had expressed early Christian anti-Judaism, to consolidate his argument. In later sermons he becomes more directly theological-the supreme proof that Christ was truly G.o.d lay in his prediction, fulfilled in A.D. 70, that Jerusalem would be captured and the Temple destroyed. As a result of their rhetorical power, these sermons were translated into Latin and became as much part of the western Christian tradition as of the eastern. Their influence persisted long after their composition. 14 14 In 398, unexpectedly, John was asked to become bishop of Constantinople. For the right man this would have been an important promotion. Constantinople was an imperial city, wealthy and confident of its new status, and a sociable and politically astute bishop had the chance of enjoying considerable influence within the court and thus the empire. It was important to cultivate this influence, as the bishop was vulnerable to the intrigues of the bishops of Alexandria, who remained embittered at their demotion within the church hierarchy after the elevation of Constantinople in 381. In no other bishopric was paideia, paideia, the ancient art of courtesy, more essential. John was hopelessly unsuited for the post. He failed to grasp that in Constantinople more than anywhere else the church was subservient to the state-his own view that "the one appointed to the priesthood is a more responsible guardian of the earth and what transpires on it than one who wears the purple" was incompatible with his new position. Moreover, he preferred eating alone, was made uneasy by the luxury of the court (at one point referring to the empress Eudoxia as a Jezebel) and unceasing in his criticism of his clergy for their supposed laxities. He aroused enormous resentment when he inveighed against clergy who shared their homes with professed virgins in what he termed "the pretence of living together as brothers and sisters," and monks who ventured out of their monasteries onto the streets. He also weakened his position in the wider church by taking a tour of Asia Minor, where, probably overreaching his powers of jurisdiction, he deposed several bishops. the ancient art of courtesy, more essential. John was hopelessly unsuited for the post. He failed to grasp that in Constantinople more than anywhere else the church was subservient to the state-his own view that "the one appointed to the priesthood is a more responsible guardian of the earth and what transpires on it than one who wears the purple" was incompatible with his new position. Moreover, he preferred eating alone, was made uneasy by the luxury of the court (at one point referring to the empress Eudoxia as a Jezebel) and unceasing in his criticism of his clergy for their supposed laxities. He aroused enormous resentment when he inveighed against clergy who shared their homes with professed virgins in what he termed "the pretence of living together as brothers and sisters," and monks who ventured out of their monasteries onto the streets. He also weakened his position in the wider church by taking a tour of Asia Minor, where, probably overreaching his powers of jurisdiction, he deposed several bishops. 15 15 His only power base lay with the people, many of whom relished his populist sermons. His only power base lay with the people, many of whom relished his populist sermons.

So when the bishop of Alexandria, Theophilus, set out to challenge John's position, John was vulnerable. Theophilus, in order to strengthen his own position in Egypt, had condemned Origen for preaching that G.o.d was without human attributes. As a result of the subsequent witch hunt against Origenists, a group of some fifty monastic refugees, known as the Tall Brothers after their four tall leaders, arrived in Constantinople (probably in the autumn of 401) and sought the a.s.sistance of its bishop. The "correct" stance for John would have been to support Theophilus' ban; John did not allow them to attend communion but he did offer them hospitality. They then appealed to the emperor, and the young and still inexperienced Arcadius, concerned at their ill-treatment, summoned Theophilus to explain the situation. Theophilus knew he would be undermined if the emperor supported John and the Tall Brothers, and he set out for Constantinople with some foreboding. As his luck would have it, a sermon preached by Jo