Ireland under the Tudors Part 18

[156] He is generally stated to have died June 18, 1529, but he was alive Sept. 12 in that year. For his intrigues with Francis see Wise to Cromwell, July 12, 1534, and the Cotton MS. quoted there; _Brewer_, vol.

iii., No. 3118. The abortive Bill of attainder is calendared under Oct.

1528.

[157] Articles alleged by Ormonde against Kildare, _Brewer_, vol. iv., No. 1352 (2). Ware; _Four Masters_, 1523.

[158] James Butler to his father, _Brewer_, vol. iv., No. 3698; to the King, _ib._ 3699. Cormac Oge to the King, _ib_. 5084; to Wolsey, _ib._ 4933. Sir Thomas Fitzgerald to ---- _ib._ 3922. Archbishop Inge to Wolsey, Feb. 23, 1528.

[159] R. Cowley, ii. S.P., 141; R. Griffiths to Wolsey, in _Brewer_, vol.

iv., Nos. 3372 and 4485.

[160] J. Batc.o.c.k to ---- in _Brewer_, vol. iv., No. 4878; Sylvester Darius to Wolsey, _ib._ 4911; Ghinucci and Lee to Wolsey, _ib._ 4948; Lee to Henry VIII., _ib._ 5002. The instructions to Fernandez are in _Carew_, Feb. 24, 1529 (wrongly calendared under 1530).

[161] Fernandez to Charles V. in _Brewer_, vol. iv. No. 5323; Ghinucci and Lee to Wolsey, _ib._ 5423; Lee to Wolsey, April 19, 1529, _ib._ 5469; Desmond's Memorandum for the Emperor, April 28, _ib._ 5501; Froude's _Pilgrim_.

[162] Same authorities. Writing later to Charles V. (Sept. 2, _Brewer_, iv. 5938) Desmond increases his loss by Henry's malpractices to 100,000_l._, and says he holds the chief power in all Irish harbours from the furthest point of Kerry to Waterford.

[163] In the _Pilgrim_ Wexford is subst.i.tuted for Waterford. The lists of chiefs in the _Pilgrim_ and in _Brewer_ (vol. iv. No. 5501) are not quite identical.

[164] _Brewer_, vol. iv. No. 5620; Lee to Henry VIII., July 4, 1529, _ib._ 5756. For the question of the brief see Brewer, Introd. to vol. iv.

pp. ccccxxiii. and ccccxliv., and an excellent article in the _Quarterly Review_ for January 1877.

[165] Stephen Ap Parry to Cromwell, Oct. 6, 1535; Skeffington to the King, Oct. 16.

[166] Stephen Ap Parry to Cromwell, Oct. 6; Lord Butler to Cromwell, Oct.

17.

[167] Parry to Cromwell as before. Con O'Brien to Charles V., July 21, 1534, printed in Froude's _Pilgrim_, from the Brussels Archives.

[168] Parry to Cromwell, as before.

[169] The King to Skeffington, No. iii. in the printed S.P. Thomas Dacre to Cromwell, Jan. 5, 1536, printed in the _Irish Archaeological Journal_, N.S., ii., 338. Skeffington died December 31.

[170] Brabazon to Cromwell, Sept. 10, 1535. Alen to Cromwell, Feb. 16, 1535.

CHAPTER XI.

FROM THE YEAR 1536 TO THE YEAR 1540.

[Sidenote: Lord Leonard Grey Deputy, 1536.]

Grey was immediately chosen Lord Justice by the Council, and his patent as Deputy was not long delayed. He began badly, his temper involving him in one of those personal difficulties which led to his ruin. He had never been on good terms with his predecessor, and was at no pains to make a decent or politic show of regret. Less than a month after her husband's death Lady Skeffington wrote to Anne Boleyn, declaring that she was overwhelmed with debt through his liberality in advancing money for the public service. She had already complained to Cromwell of Grey's harshness, and her son-in-law Anthony Colley went so far as to accuse him of shortening the late Deputy's life. Aylmer and Alen, afterwards Grey's most unrelenting enemies, were included in Lady Skeffington's complaint.

The Council now sustained Grey, but it was not in official doc.u.ments that the politicians of Dublin were wont to a.s.sail a chief governor whose hand might after all be heavy against them. Verbal messages and innuendoes contained in private letters seldom failed to undermine a man whom it might be neither safe nor decent to accuse openly. Grey now contented himself with saying that the late Lord Deputy had died in debt, and that his property was held in pledge for his creditors. But Lady Skeffington replied, and no doubt truly, that the official salary had never been paid, and that she could do nothing without it. Cromwell at least believed her, for he gave orders that her goods should be delivered to her, and that she should be sped on her homeward journey. Grey complied in the most ungracious manner, and had all the luggage and furniture turned out of Maynooth Castle before carts could be provided to carry it away. It was stored in a church, and there further detained by the new Deputy for a debt to the Crown. Lady Skeffington was unable to leave for eight or nine months after her husband's death, and obstacles were placed in her way to the last. There may have been faults on both sides, but had Grey been either a good-natured or a politic man he might have found means to smooth matters for a widowed lady whose chief desire was the very general one of wishing to get out of Ireland as quickly as possible.[171]

[Sidenote: Parliament of 1536.]

Grey was commissioned to summon a Parliament, which accordingly met on Monday, May 1, the day before Anne Boleyn was sent to the Tower. In less than three weeks a number of important bills were pa.s.sed, of which drafts carefully settled by Audeley himself had been sent from England. The succession was secured to the issue of Anne Boleyn, as Brabazon wrote only two days before that unfortunate lady's execution. Before the letter reached London Jane Seymour had already been Queen a full fortnight, and Cromwell's concern was, if possible, to stop the pa.s.sing of an Act which would have to be repeated so soon. It was too late to do this, but the Parliament made no difficulty about enacting the same stringent rule of succession for the third as they had done for the second wife. They thus achieved the unique distinction of pa.s.sing two contradictory Acts of Settlement within eighteen months. This remarkable performance does not adorn the printed statute book, because that compilation was made when Elizabeth was firmly seated on the throne.[172]

[Sidenote: The royal supremacy.]

The bill declaring the King to be supreme head of the Church encountered some opposition from the proctors of the clergy, two of whom were summoned to Parliament from each diocese. The proctors had only consultative voices, but they now claimed not only to be full members of Parliament, but to form a separate order whose consent would be necessary to every change in the law. An Act was pa.s.sed declaring them no members of the body of Parliament, as they had 'temerariously a.s.sumed and usurpedly taken upon them to be.' In spite of their opposition and of much secret discontent, a series of Acts were pa.s.sed to emanc.i.p.ate the Irish Church from Roman influences, or rather for subjecting her to King Stork instead of to King Log. All dues. .h.i.therto paid to Rome were forbidden, and the election and consecration of bishops were withdrawn from papal control. Appeals were transferred from the Pope to the King.

The payment of first-fruits was imposed on all secular dignitaries and beneficed clergymen, abbots and priors being for the time exempted. The abrogation of this heavy and oppressive tax was reserved for the energy of Swift or the piety of Anne. By Audeley's advice the English heresy laws were not copied in Ireland. An Act was pa.s.sed to validate the proceedings of this Parliament, though it had been held contrary to Poyning's law, but the spirit if not the letter of that famous measure had been observed by preparing the bills in England. Indeed, the Parliament was as subservient as any official could wish. 'The Common House,' wrote Brabazon, 'is marvellous good for the King's causes, and all the learned men within the same be very good; so that I think all causes concerning the King's grace will take good effect.'[173]

[Sidenote: The Act of Absentees.]

The weakening of the English power in Ireland by the non-residence of great proprietors had long been recognised. Edward III., on the occasion of his son Lionel's mission, announced by proclamation that the lands of absentees would be granted to Englishmen willing and able to defend them against the Irish. An English Parliament under Richard II. provided that in case of absenteeism the Viceroy and Council might divert two-thirds of the rents and profits to the defence of the country in ordinary cases; one-third in the case of students, of persons absent on the King's service, or of those who had leave of absence under the great seal.

Whether or not this English law was ever re-enacted or obeyed in Ireland, forfeiture was considered an incident of non-residence, and special Acts were pa.s.sed to protect those who left Ireland on the public service. Henry VI. made a law ordering his subjects of Ireland to return to their own country. By Poyning's Act the statute of Richard II.

obtained full force in Ireland, and it was shortly afterwards provided afresh that all licences of absence should be under the great seal of England, exceptions being made in favour of the religious orders and of students. The momentous Act now pa.s.sed declared that many great proprietors had notoriously failed to defend their lands, whereby the King was forced to incur great expense in bringing an army to Ireland.

The persons specially mentioned were Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, and his coparcener Lord Barkley, who claimed and held the seigniories and lordships of Carlow, Old Ross, &c.; George Talbot, Earl of Waterford and Salop, who held the seigniory of Wexford; and the heirs general of the Earl of Ormonde, who held divers possessions and lands. To these were added the Abbots of Furness, Bristol, Osney, and Bath; the Priors of Canterbury, Lanthony, Cartmel, and Keynsham; and the master of St. Thomas of Acon in London. All this property was resumed to the Crown, saving the rights of residents in Ireland, who held under the dispossessed lords.

Wexford was at once placed under a royal seneschal, and was so governed till the reign of James I. The Crown thus became one of the greatest of Irish landlords, and the foundations of a reconquest were laid.[174]

[Sidenote: The O'Neills.]

While Parliament was sitting Phelim O'Neill, chief of Clandeboye, came to Dublin and covenanted with the Lord Deputy to attend all great hostings and to make war upon all enemies of the Government within a day's march of his own country. He promised not to aid or harbour rebels, and to submit all differences between his people and the King's subjects to peaceful arbitration. The great Leinster chief, Cahir MacEncross Kavanagh, also came to terms, agreed to supply twelve hors.e.m.e.n and twenty kerne in all hostings, and to employ his whole force on journeys of not more than three days' duration. He promised to submit disputes to the arbitration of Ossory and his son. Redmond Savage, the chief of an English family in Down which had long conformed to Celtic usages, made a similar agreement, and also promised to pay the Lord Deputy for his friendship 100 fat cows and a good horse, or fifteen marks Irish. Grey went himself to Dundalk, where Con O'Neill met him. The chief of Tyrone renewed the promises made to Skeffington, binding himself to attend all hostings and do his best against Scotch intruders, but he gave no hostages, and an invasion of his country was not believed to be practicable. The Lord Deputy then returned to Dublin, where a new and very serious danger demanded his presence.[175]

[Sidenote: Want of money. Mutiny.]

'Lack of money,' as Grey expressed it, 'after the late robbing and spoiling,' was the great difficulty of the English in Ireland during the whole Tudor period. The King now sent 7,000_l._, but that sum still left the soldiers' pay three months in arrear. There were many differences among the members of Council, but they all agreed in demanding more money. The northern spearmen, on the report that they were not to be paid in full, mutinied openly, declaring that they would have all or none.

They refused to hear the King's letter read, threatened the lives of the Vice-Treasurer and Chief Justice, declared that they would not serve without wages, and that if they were not paid they would 'board with the Council at their houses, in spite of their hearts.' The astute borderers carried their point, for they received full payment, while Grey's own retainers were sent empty away. Saintloo's men at Waterford also showed a mutinous spirit, but they were silenced for a time by receiving part of what was due to them.[176]

[Sidenote: Grey travels southward.]

Parliament having adjourned to Kilkenny, Grey followed it thither, the army being victualled for a month. Having made arrangements for restoring the fortifications at Powerscourt, Woodstock, and Athy, Grey left the defence of the Pale to Brabazon, adjourned the Parliament to Limerick, and himself set out for Desmond's country. Besides Ossory and his son and the usual force of the four shires, O'Carroll, MacMurrough, O'Byrne, Lord Roche, and the gentlemen of Wexford and Waterford, accompanied the Lord Deputy. He was also attended by William Body, a confidential servant whom Cromwell had sent over to gather information, and whom he afterwards mentioned in his will. Body travelled to Ireland with George Browne, the new Archbishop of Dublin, and first busied himself in trying to arrange Grey's dispute with Lady Skeffington. He had particular instructions to inquire as to the possibility of increasing the Irish revenue.[177]

[Sidenote: The Desmond country. Carrigogunnell.]

Marching unopposed across the central plain, Grey found the great Desmond stronghold on Lough Gur undefended, the doors and windows having been carried off and the roof purposely burnt. It was handed over to Lord Butler, who undertook to repair and garrison it at his own expense. Grey then marched to Carrigogunnell, an immense fortress standing in a commanding position over the Shannon. Matthew O'Brien surrendered the place on condition, as was alleged by Body, that it should be garrisoned only by Englishmen. An order was nevertheless given to hand it over to Donogh O'Brien, Ossory's son-in-law. This chief came to Grey and renewed the offers made to Butler. He was ready to serve the King against his father and all others, provided he might have Carrigogunnell; and the Council considered his services more important to them than the castle could be to him. But the English guard restored the place to Matthew O'Brien. Donogh was certainly not an Englishman, and George Woodward, 'an honest and an hardy man,' may have thought himself bound in honour to restore the original situation, or he may have thought one O'Brien as good as another. Grey merely says that Matthew held out boldly until the battering train was in position, when he was content to depart with bag and baggage.[178]

[Sidenote: Grey attacks the O'Briens, August, 1536.]

The next undertaking was an attack on O'Brien's Bridge, which had long laid Limerick and Tipperary open to attack. The bridge was of wood, with a castle at each end built in the water. That near the Limerick sh.o.r.e was the strongest, and was of hewn limestone or marble, twelve or fourteen feet thick, and armed with an iron gun carrying shot as big as a man's head, and two small pieces, of which one belonged to some ship, and the other was of Portuguese make. The garrison had also some muskets and hand-guns, and the work was skilfully strengthened with wooden barriers and with hogsheads full of sand. Under Donogh O'Brien's guidance the Lord Deputy marched along the hilly bank of the great river by devious paths, untravelled hitherto, as he believed, by Englishmen or by wheels. The four land-arches had been broken down, and the castle was thus surrounded by water. The royal artillery consisted of one culverin, six falcons, and one half-saker, but these were not heavy enough. In a day and a half all the shot had been fired away, and the walls were almost as sound as ever.

No baggage train had been brought, provisions were scarce, and two nights had been spent on the bare ground; it was necessary to retire or to take the castle. Brushwood was abundant, and Grey set his men to make fascines and to throw them into the channel. Ladders were also made, but it became unnecessary to use them; for Saintloo's men advanced along the frail and shifting path and carried the castle with a rush. The garrison ran out at the other side, and the bridge was then broken down with such tools as were at hand. The army then returned to Limerick, and Lord Butler went to Carrick-on-Suir for more cannon before undertaking the recovery of Carrigogunnell, which the Irish had again seized by stratagem.[179]

[Sidenote: William Body. His report to Cromwell.]

Body, with the insolence of a great man's favourite, had throughout this expedition a.s.sumed the character of a Royal Commissioner, to which he had not a shadow of t.i.tle. He a.s.sociated with the loosest of boon companions, who disturbed the camp by night and day and swore, with the truth born of alcohol, that he was no Commissioner. At O'Brien's Bridge he blamed Grey for not providing sapping tools, which must have tired out the soldiers, and which would have been quite useless. He was very indignant at having to sleep on the ground 'from Friday inclusive until Tuesday exclusive,'

but no one else was better off. Grey, a thorough soldier, was at no pains to conceal his contempt:--

'I desired him to be contented, for I had seen better men than he was, or should be, or any that was there, lodged worse. He was displeased therewith, desiring me not to judge what his fortune might be. Then I said, I was sure he should never be so good as the Duke of Norfolk, and Suffolk, and my lord my brother (the Marquis of Dorset), whom I had seen lodged worse. Whereat he took a great fume for that I should judge any impossibility what he might be; and thereupon leaving us at our coming to Limerick, departed towards Dublin in a great anger. But of his gests by the way the folly of it is such, I will not commit to writing, but, I a.s.sure you, like no Commissioner.'

This short experience of Irish campaigning was enough for Body, who returned to Dublin and busied himself in undermining Grey's influence.

Few seem to have had his good word, except Ossory and his son, who took care to be civil to Cromwell's confidential man. But Body was perhaps a better judge of a country than of a general's qualifications. 'As far as I have seen it,' he wrote, 'that is to say the counties of Dublin, Kildare, Carlow, Kilkenny, Tipperary, Ormond, Ossory, Desmond, Limerick, and Th.o.m.ond, if there be any paradise in this world, it may be accounted for one among them, both for beauty and goodness.'[180]

[Sidenote: The soldiers refuse to go beyond Shannon.]

The army which Grey had at Limerick did not much exceed 2,000 men, including the Butlers and their not very trustworthy Irish allies. The Pale had been much exhausted by the Kildare rebellion, and it was purposely spared, much to the indignation of Body, who, like many other casual visitors, fancied he understood Ireland better than men who had studied it for years. The Lord Deputy had only 700 men of his own and had no money to pay them. Saintloo's company had received some part of their money at Waterford, but broke out again soon after leaving that city; and it was supposed that two subalterns, Gerbert and Powell, were the true ringleaders. Grey's gunners stood firm, and by threatening to use the guns he kept the mutineers quiet for a time. They behaved, as we have seen, with great gallantry at O'Brien's Bridge; but they refused to go beyond the Shannon, and the idea of a pursuit into Clare was therefore given up. The Council thought Grey's person in danger, and he owned to more peril from his soldiers than from the Irish enemy. He could depend only on his own immediate followers, 100 horse and as many foot, and upon one officer, that Stephen Parry whom we have met before. Whenever the bulk of the troops were called upon to perform a service they all answered together, 'Let us have money, and we will do it.'[181]