A Study in Tinguian Folk-Lore Part 1

A Study in Tinguian Folk-Lore.

by Fay-Cooper Cole.

This paper is based on a collection of Philippine folk-tales recently published by the Field Museum of Natural History. [1] The material appearing in that publication was gathered by the writer during a stay of sixteen months with the Tinguian, a powerful pagan tribe inhabiting the mountain districts of Abra, Ilocos Sur, and Norte, of Northern Luzon. In social organization, government, manner of house building, and many other details of material culture this tribe differs radically from the neighboring Igorot. Observation has also led me to the conclusion that the religious organization and ceremonies of this people have reached a higher development than is found among the near-by tribes, and that this complexity decreases as we penetrate toward the interior or to the south. In the main the folk-tales are closely a.s.sociated with the religious beliefs of the present day, and hence it seems unlikely that they will be found, in anything approaching their present form, far outside the districts dominated by this tribe. Nevertheless, isolated incidents corresponding to those of neighboring peoples, or even of distant lands, occur several times.

In the following pages an attempt has been made to bring together the culture of this people, as it appears in the myths, and to contrast it to present day conditions and beliefs. In this way we may hope to gain a clearer insight into their mental life, and to secure a better idea of the values they attach to certain of their activities than is afforded us by actual observation or by direct inquiry. It is also possible that the tales may give us a glimpse of the early conditions under which this people developed, of their life and culture before the advent of the European.

It should be noted at the outset that no attempt is here made to reconstruct an actual historical period. As will appear later, a part of the material is evidently very old; later introductions--to which approximate dates may be a.s.signed--have a.s.sumed places of great importance; while the stories doubtless owe much to the creative imaginations of successive story tellers.

For the purposes of our study, the tales have been roughly divided into three parts. The first, which deals with the mythical period, contains thirty-one tales of similar type in which the characters are for the most part the same, although the last five tales do not properly fit into the cycle, and the concluding story of Indayo is evidently a recent account told in the form of the older relations.

In the second division are the ritualistic and explanatory myths, the object of which seems to be to account for the origin of or way of conducting various ceremonies; for the belief in certain spirits and sacred objects; for the existence of the sun, moon, and other natural phenomena; for the attainment of fire, food plants, birds and domestic animals, as well as of magical jars and beads. Here it should be noted that some of the most common and important beliefs and ceremonies are, so far as is known, unaccompanied by any tales, yet are known to all the population, and are preserved almost without change from generation to generation.

Division three contains the ordinary stories with which parents amuse their children or with which men and women while away the midday hours as they lounge in the field houses, or when they, stop on the trail to rest and smoke.

None of the folk-tales are considered as the property of the tellers, but only those of the third division are well known to the people in general. Those of the first section are seldom heard except during the dry season when the people gather around bonfires in various parts of the village. To these go the men and women, the latter to spin cotton, the former to make fish nets or to repair their tools and weapons. In such a gathering there are generally one or more persons who entertain their fellows with these tales. Such a person is not paid for his services, but the fact that he knows "the stories of the first times"

makes him a welcome addition to the company and gives him an enviable position in the estimation of his fellows.

The purely ritualistic tales, called diams, are learned word by word by the mediums, [2] as a part of their training for their positions, and are only recited while an animal is being stroked with oil preparatory to its being sacrificed, or when some other gift is about to be presented to the superior beings. The writer has recorded these diams from various mediums in widely separated towns and has found them quite uniform in text and content. The explanatory tales were likewise secured from the mediums, or from old men and women who "know the customs." The stories of the last division are the most frequently heard and, as already indicated, are told by all. It is evident even to the casual reader that these show much more evidence of outside influence than do the others; some, indeed, appear to have been recently borrowed from the neighboring christianized Ilocano. [3]

TALES OF THE MYTHICAL PERIOD

Reconstruction of the Culture.--In the first division certain actors occur with great frequency, while others always take the leading parts. These latter appear under a variety of names, two or more t.i.tles often being used for the same individual in a single tale. To avoid confusion a list of the fourteen princ.i.p.al actors and their relationships are given in the accompanying table. It will appear that there are some conflicts in the use of names, but when it is realized that the first twenty-six myths which make up the cycle proper were secured from six story tellers coming from four different towns, the agreement rather than the disagreement is surprising. As a matter of fact there is quite as much variation between the accounts of the same narrator as between those gathered from different towns.

TABLE OF LEADING CHARACTERS [4]

I. Aponitolau. Son of Pagatipanan [male] and Langa-an [female] [5]

of Kadalayapan; is the husband of Aponibolinayen. Appears under the following names: (a) Ligi, (b) Albaga of Dalaga, (c) Dagdagalisit, (d) Ingiwan or Kagkagakag, (e) Ini-init, (f) Ling-giwan, (g) Kadayadawan, (h) Wadagan, (i) Awig (?)

II. Aponigawani. Sister of Aponitolau and wife of Aponibalagen.

III. Aponibolinayen. Daughter of Pagbokasan [6] [male] and Ebang [female] of Kaodanan. Wife of Aponitolau. Appears as (a) Ayo, (b) Dolimaman (?).

IV. Aponibalagen. Brother of Aponibolinayen, and husband of Aponigawani; also appears as Awig.

V. Kanag. Son of Aponitolau and Aponibolinayen. Appears as (a) Kanag kabagbagowan, (b) Balokanag, (c) Dumanau, (d) Ilwisan, (e) also at times is identified with Dumalawi, his brother.

VI. Dapilisan, wife of Kanag.

VII. Dagolayan. Son of Aponibalagen and Aponigawani. Also appears as Dondonyan of Bagonan--the blood clot child.

VIII. Alokotan. An old woman who acts as a medium. Her home is at Nagbotobotan, where the rivers empty their waters into the hole at the edge of the world.

IX. Gawigawen [male]. A giant who owns the orange trees of Adasin.

X. Giambolan [male]. A ten-headed giant.

XI. Gaygayoma. A star maiden who marries Aponitolau. The daughter of Bagbagak [male], a big star,--and Sinag [female], the moon--.

XII. Tabyayen. Son of Aponitolau and Gaygayoma. Half brother of Kanag.

XIII. Kabkabaga-an. A powerful female spirit who falls in love with Aponitolau.

XIV. Asibowan. The maiden of Gegenawan, who is related to the spirit Kaboniyan. The mistress of Aponitolau.

In consequence of modern rationalism there is a tendency on the part of a considerable number of the Tinguian to consider these tales purely as stories and the characters as fict.i.tious, but the ma.s.s of the people hold them to be true and speak of the actors as "the people who lived in the first times." For the present we shall take their point of view and shall try to reconstruct the life in "the first times" as it appears in the tales.

The princ.i.p.al actors live in Kadalayapan and Kaodanan, [7] towns which our chief story teller--when trying to explain the desire of Kanag to go down and get fruit--a.s.sures us were somewhere in the air, above the earth (p. 141). [8] At other times these places are referred to as Sudipan--the term by which spirits are supposed to call the present earth--while the actors are referred to as Ipogau--the spirit name for Tinguian. Whatever its location it was a place much like the present home of this people. The sky, the chief abode of spirits and celestial bodies, was above the land, and the heroes of the tales are pictured as ascending to visit the upper realms. The trees, plants, and animals were for the most part those known to-day. The ocean appears to have been well known, while mention is made of some places in Luzon, such as Dagopan and San Fernando in Pangasinan with which the people of to-day are not at all familiar (p. 89, 168).

We learn that each village is situated near to a river or waterway by the banks of which shallow wells are dug, and there we find the women gathering under the shade of the trees, dipping up water to be carried to their homes, washing and combing their hair, and taking their baths (p. 48). They seldom go singly, for enemies are apt to be near, and unless several are in the company it will be impossible to spread the alarm and secure help in case of attack (p. 43).

Leading up from the spring to the village are bamboo poles on which the heads of enemies are displayed (p. 43). In cases where the warriors have been especially successful these trophies may surround the whole settlement (p. 76). About the town is a defensive wall, generally of bamboo, but in some cases made up entirely of gigantic snakes (p. 43). Within this inclosure are many houses. The bamboo floors are raised high above the ground, while the thatching is of gra.s.s. Ladders lead up to little porches, from which doors open into the dwellings. At least part of the houses have a cooking room in addition to that used by the family, while structures containing a ninth room are several times mentioned (pp. 43, 52, 85).

In one corner of the living room is a box containing blankets, above which are pillows and mats used by members of the household and guests; an iron caldron lies on the floor, while numerous Chinese jars stand about. A hearth, made up of a bed of ashes in which stones are sunk, is used for cooking. Above it is a bamboo food hanger, while near by stand jars of water and various cooking pots. Food baskets, coconut sh.e.l.l cups, and dishes, and a quant.i.ty of Chinese plates appear when the meal is served, while the use of gla.s.s is not unknown. Cups of gold, wonderful jars, and plates appear at times, but seem to be so rare as to excite comment (pp. 33, 98, 102, 105).

Scattered through the village are numerous small buildings known as balaua (p. 43), which are erected for the spirits during the greatest of the ceremonies, and still inside the enclosure are the rice drying plots and granaries, the latter raised high above the ground so as to protect their contents from moisture (pp. 150).

About the town pigs and chickens roam at will, while half-starved hunting dogs prowl about below the kitchens and fight for morsels which drop from above (p. 99). Carabao are kept and used as food (p. 101), but in the cycle proper no mention is made of using them as work animals. [9] Game, especially deer and wild chickens, and fish are added to the domestic supply of food (p. 80), but the staple appears to be mountain rice. Beans, coconuts, oranzes, sugar cane, betel-nuts, and tobacco are also cultivated (pp. 33, 107, 121, 138).

Clothing is scanty but nevertheless receives much attention. The poorest of the men wear clouts of banana leaf, and the women, when in danger of capture, don skirts of bark; but on most occasions we find the man wearing a colored cotton clout, above which is a bright belt of the same material, while for ceremonies he may add a short coat or jacket. A headband, sometimes of gold, keeps his long hair in place, and for very special events he may adorn each hair with a golden bead (pp. 74, 76, 81)

The cotton skirts of the women reach from the waist to the knees; the arms are covered with strands above strands of beads, while strings of agate beads surround the neck or help to hold the hair in place. To the real hair is often added a switch which appears to be valued highly (p. 89). Ornaments of gold adorn the ears, and finger rings of the same metal are several times mentioned (pp. 39, 43, 124).

The tales afford us a glimpse of the daily life. In the early morning the chilly mountain air drives the people from their mats to the yard, where they squat about the fires (p. 132). As it becomes light, part of the women begin pounding out the rice from its straw and husks (p. 144), while others depart for the springs to secure water (p. 101). In planting time husband and wife trudge together to the fields, where the man plants the seeds or cuttings, and his wife a.s.sists by pouring on water (p. 107). In midday, unless it is the busy season, the village activities are practically suspended, and we see the balaua filled with men, asleep or lounging, while children may be playing about with tops or disk-like lipi seeds (p. 139). As it becomes cooler, the town again takes on life; in the houses the women weave blankets or prepare food, the older women feed the chickens and pigs (p. 93), while the workers from the fields, or hunters with their dogs and game, add to the general din and excitement (p. 80). When night comes on, if it be in the dry season, bonfires spring up in different parts of the village, and about them the girls and women gather to spin. Here also come the men and boys, to lounge and talk (p. 117). A considerable portion of the man's time is taken up in preparation for or actual partic.i.p.ation in warfare (p. 74). We have already seen that the constant danger of enemies makes it advisable for the women to go in parties, even to the village spring. One tale informs us of a girl who is left alone to guard the rice field and is promptly killed by the alzado; [10] another states that "all the tattooed Igorot are enemies" (pp. 43, 155, 161).

Revenge for the loss of relations or townspeople is a potent cause of hostile raids; old feuds may be revived by taunts; but the chief incentive appears to be the desire for renown, to be known as "a man who goes to fight in the enemies' towns" (pp. 90, 59).

Warriors sometimes go in parties, sometimes alone, but generally in couples (p. 67). At times they lie in ambush and kill young girls who go for water, or old men and women who pa.s.s their hiding place (p. 97). Again they go out boldly, armed with shield, spear, and headaxe; they strike their shields as they go and announce their presence to the enemy (p. 103). In five of the tales the heroes challenge their opponents and then refuse to be the first to use their weapons. It is only when their foes have tried in vain to injure them that they enter the conflict. In such cases whole towns are wiped out of existence and a great number of heads and a quant.i.ty of jars and other booty is sent back to the towns of the victors (p. 104). Peace is restored in one instance by the payment of a number of valuable jars (p. 91).

Upon the return of a successful war party, the relatives meet them at the gate of the town and compel them to climb the sangap; [11] then invitations are sent out to friends and relatives in neighboring towns to come and aid in the celebration of the victory (p. 140). When they arrive at the entrance of the village they are met by the townspeople, who offer them liquor and then conduct them to the houses where they feast and dance to the music of gansas (p. 126). [12] Finally the captured heads are stuck on the sagang [13] and are placed by the gate, the spring, and, if sufficient in number, surround the town (p. 140). Taking the heads of one's neighbors does not appear to be common, yet cases are mentioned where visitors are treacherously killed at a dance (pp. 78, 83).

The use of poison [14] is twice mentioned. In one case the victims are killed by drinking liquor furnished by the father of the girl about whose head they are dancing (pp. 148, 156).

Bamboo spears appear to be used, but we are explicitly told that they fought with steel weapons, and there are frequent references to head-axes, spears, and knives (pp. 65, 76, 120).

Marriage appears generally to be negotiated by the mother of the youth at his suggestion (p. 128). At times both his parents go to the girl's home, and after many preliminaries broach the subject of their mission (p. 128). The girl's people discuss the proposition, and if they are favorable they set a day for the pakalon--a celebration at which the price to be paid for the bride is decided upon (p. 49). The parents of the groom then return home after having left some small present, such as a jar or an agate bead, as a sign of engagement (p. 128). [15]

The pakalon is held a few days later at the girl's home, and for this event her people prepare a quant.i.ty of food (p. 72). On the agreed day the close friends and relatives of both families will a.s.semble. Those who accompany the groom carry jars and pigs, either in part payment for the bride, or to serve as food for the company (pp. 72, 128). The first hours are spent in bargaining over the price the girl should bring, but when this is settled a feast is prepared, and then all indulge in dancing the tadek (p. 59). [16]

When the payment is made a portion is distributed among the girl's relatives (pp. 72, 74), but her parents retain the greater part for themselves. [17] The groom cannot yet claim his bride, although in one case he is allowed to take her immediately after the pakalon by making a special payment for the privilege (p. 74). A few nights later the groom goes to the girl's home carrying with him an empty jar with which he makes the final payment (p. 73). The customary rice ceremony [18] follows and he is then ent.i.tled to his bride (p. 73). Should the house or anything in it break at this time, it foretells misfortune for the couple, hence precautions are taken lest such a sign should, by accident, be given (p. 60).

In all but two cases mentioned the girl and her husband go to live with his people. In the first instance their failure to do so raises a protest; in the second, the girl's parents are of much more importance than those of the groom, and this may explain their ability to retain their daughter (pp. 138, 159).

When the bride reaches her future home, she sits on the bamboo floor with her legs stretched out in front of her. The slats which she covers are counted and a string of agate beads, equal in length to the combined width of the slats, is given to her. She now becomes a full member of the family and seems to be under the orders of her mother-in-law (p. 60).

The tales give constant sanction for the marriage of near relatives. Dumanau, we are told, marries his cousin, [19] while we frequently meet with such statements as, "We are relatives and it is good for us to be married," or "They saw that they were related and that both possessed magical power, so they were married (p. 35)." It appears that a man may live with his sweetheart and have children by her, yet leave her, and, without reproach, marry another better fitted to be his wife (p. 54). He may also accept payment for a wife who has deserted him, apparently without loss of prestige (p. 64). No objection seems to be raised to a man having two wives so long as one of these is an inhabitant of the upper world (p. 111), but we find Kanag telling his former sweetheart that he cannot marry her since he is now married to another (p. 138). Again, when two women lay claim to Aponitolau, as their husband, they undergo a test and the loser returns to her former home (p. 94). However, this rule does not prevent a man from having several concubines (p., 120). Gawigawen, we are told, is accompanied to a pakalon by eighteen young girls who are his concubines (p. 59).

Divorce is twice mentioned, but it seems to call out protest only from the cast off wife (pp. 63, 149).