What was the Gunpowder Plot? Part 10

We shall afterwards have to examine in some detail the divergencies of these several narratives: at present we are concerned only with the intimation which they afford of a previous knowledge of the Plot on the part of the government. In the "King's Book"--which was not only to be disseminated broadcast at home, but to be translated and spread abroad, and, moreover, to be suited to the taste of its supposed author--the preternatural acuteness of the monarch is extolled in terms of most preposterous flattery, and his secretary is represented as altogether incredulous of danger, and unwilling to be convinced even by his royal master's wonderful interpretation of the mysterious warning.

Nevertheless, not only is mention parenthetically introduced of the minister's "customable and watchful care of the king and State, boiling within him," of his laying up these things in his heart, "like the Blessed Virgin Mary," and being unable to rest till he had followed the matter farther,--but it is dexterously intimated that, for all his hardness of belief, he was sufficiently well informed before the warning came to hand, and that "this accident did put him in mind of divers advertis.e.m.e.nts he had received from beyond the seas, wherewith he had acquainted as well the king himself, as divers of his Privy Councillors, concerning some business the Papists were in, both at home and abroad, making combination amongst them for some combination against this Parliament time," their object being to approach the king with a pet.i.tion for toleration, "which should be delivered in some such order, and so well backed, as the king should be loth to refuse their requests; like the st.u.r.dy beggars craving alms with one open hand, but carrying a stone in the other, in case of refusal."

As prepared for the Privy Council, the account, though substantially the same, was somewhat more explicit. The secretary was fully aware, so the Lords were told, "that some practices might be doubted," and he "had, any time these three months, acquainted the King, and some of his Majesty's inward Counsellors, that the priests and laymen abroad and at home were full of the papists of this kingdom, seeking still to lay some _plot_ for procuring at this Parliament exercise of their religion."

In his letter to the amba.s.sadors Cecil was able to speak more plainly, for this doc.u.ment was not to meet the eye of James. Accordingly, he not only acknowledges that on seeing the Monteagle letter he at once divined the truth, and understood all about the powder, and moreover reverses the parts played by his Majesty and himself--making the former incredulous in spite of what he himself could urge in support of his opinion--but he goes on to give his previous information a far more definite complexion: "Not but that I had sufficient advertis.e.m.e.nt that most of these that now are fled [_i.e._ the conspirators]--being all notorious Recusants--with many others of that kind, had a practice in hand for some stir this Parliament." He, moreover, describes the plotters, in terms already cited, as "gentlemen spent in their fortunes and fit for all alterations."

In view of all this it is quite impossible to believe the account given of themselves by those who were responsible for the public safety, and to suppose that they were not only so neglectful of their duty, but so incredibly foolish, and so unlike themselves, as to permit a gross and palpable peril to approach unnoticed. If, on the other hand, as appears to be certain, the information with which they were supplied were copious and minute, erring by excess far more than by defect, if, instead of lethargy and carelessness, we find in their conduct, at every stage of the proceedings, evidence of the extremest vigilance and of constant activity, and if they held it of prime importance to disguise the facts, and were willing to incur the charge of having been asleep at their posts, rather than let it be thought that they knew what they did, it can scarcely be doubted that the history of the Gunpowder Plot given to the world was in its essential features what they wished it to be.[235]

A practical ill.u.s.tration of the methods freely employed by statesmen of the period will serve to throw fuller light upon this portion of our inquiry. In the service of the government was one Thomas Phelippes,[236]

by trade a "decipherer," who was employed to "make English" of intercepted letters written in cipher. His services had been largely used in connection with Mary, Queen of Scots, some of whose letters he thus interpreted, having it in his power, as Mr. Tytler remarks, to garble or falsify them at pleasure.[237] Moreover, to serve the purposes of his masters, as he himself acknowledges,[238] he had upon occasion forged one side of a correspondence, in order to induce the person addressed to commit himself in reply.[239] At the time of the Gunpowder Plot, however, Phelippes had himself fallen under suspicion, on account of a correspondence with Hugh Owen, of whom we shall hear elsewhere.

Accordingly, an attempt was made to hoist him with his own petard, and another agent, named Barnes, was employed by Cecil to write a letter, as coming from Phelippes (who was then in England) and carry it to Owen in Flanders in order to draw him out. At Dover, however, Barnes was arrested, being mistaken for another man for whom a watch was being kept. Thereupon, his papers being seized and sent to the Earl of Northampton, who appears not to have been in the secret of this matter, Cecil was obliged to arrest Phelippes at once, as though the letter were genuine, instead of waiting, as he had intended, in order to worm out more.

The story of this complex and crooked business is frankly told by Cecil himself in a letter to Edmondes, English amba.s.sador at Brussels, which, after the above abstract, will be sufficiently intelligible.[240]

"As for Barnes, he is now returning again into Flanders, with many vows and promises to continue to do good service. As he was at Dover with my pa.s.s, carrying a letter from Philipps to Owen (of Barnes own handwriting, wherewith I was before acquainted), he was suddenly stayed by order from the Lord Warden, upon suspicion that he was one Acton, a traitor of the late conspiracy.... Whereupon, his papers and letters being sent to my Lord of Northampton, I thought fit not to defer any longer the calling of Philipps into question; which till then I had forborne, hoping by Barnes his means to have discovered some further matter than before I could do."

FOOTNOTES:

[200] He appears to have been no relation of John and Christopher Wright, the conspirators.

[201] Davies was employed in other affairs of a similar nature. See _Dom. James I._, xix. 83, I (P.R.O.).

[202] Cf. a "setter dog."

[203] See the full text of Wright's letter, Appendix G.

[204] See the text of the memorial, Appendix G.

[205] Copy in the P.R.O. _Dom. James I._ vii. 86, and xx. 52. The informer's name is given in the latter, viz., Ralph Ratcliffe.

[206] It was likewise cited in the interrogatories prepared for the Jesuit Thomas Strange (Brit. Mus. _MSS. Add._ 6178, 74) in November, 1605, and in this case also as treating of the Gunpowder Plot and no other.

[207] _Ill.u.s.trations_, iii. 301.

[208] P.R.O. _France_, b. 132.

[209] _Ibid._

[210] P.R.O. _France_, bundle 132.

[211] _Ibid._ f. 273 b.

[212] Hatfield MSS. 112, n. 141.

[213] P.R.O. _Gunpowder Plot Book_, 16.

[214] November 10th, 1605, _Dom. James I._ xvi. 44.

[215] At a later period (July 20th, 1606) we find that Southwaick ("or Southwell") had lost favour and was warned by Salisbury to leave the country. "I hold him," says the Earl, "to be a very impostor." (_To Edmondes_, Phillipps MS. f. 165.)

[216] Stowe MSS., 168, 39.

[217] _Ibid._ 40.

[218] _Ibid._ 42.

[219] Birch, _Historical View_, p. 234.

[220] P.R.O. _France_, bundle 132, January 25th, 1604-5.

[221] "Who so evar finds this box of letars let him carry hit to the Kings magesty: my mastar litel thinks I knows of this, but yn ridinge wth him that browt the letar to my mastar to a Katholyk gentlemans hows anward of his way ynto lin konsher [Lincolnshire], he told me al his purpos, and what he ment to do; and he beinge a prest absolved me and mad me swar nevar to revel hit to ane man. I confes myself a Katholyk, and do hate the protystans relygon with my hart, and yit I detest to consent ethar to murdar or treson. I have blotyd out sartyn nams in the letars becas I wold not have ethar my mastar or ane of his frends trobyl aboute this; for by his menes I was mad a goud Katholyk, and I wod to G.o.d the King war a good Katholyk: that is all the harm I wish him; and let him tak hed what petysons or suplycasons he take of ane man; and I hop this box will be found by som that will giv hit to the King, hit may do him good one day. I men not to com to my mastar any moe, but wil return unto my contry from whens I cam. As for my nam and contry I consel that; and G.o.d make the King a goud Katholyk; and let Ser Robart Sesil and my lord Cohef Gustyse lok to them selvse." (Printed in Appendix to _Third Report of Historical MSS. Commission_, p. 148.)

[222] It is signed "G.D.," and was possibly written by a relation of Sir Everard's.

[223] To Sir H. Bruncard, March 3rd, 1605-6. P.R.O. _Ireland_, vol.

218.

[224] "Instructions to my trusty servant Sir James Lindsay, for answer to the lettre and Commission brought by him from the Pope unto me."

A^o 1604. (P.R.O. _France_, b. 132.)

In these notes the king explains that the things of greatest import cannot be written, but have been imparted "by tongue" to the envoy, to be delivered to his holiness. Moreover he thus charges Lindsay: "You shall a.s.sure him that I shall never be forgetful of the continual proof I have had of his courtesy and long inclination towards me, and especially by this his so courteous and unexpected message, which I shall be careful to requite thankfully by all civil courtesies that shall be in my power, the particulars whereof I remit likewise to your declaration." Besides this, he protests that he will ever inviolably observe two points: first, never to dissemble what he thinks, especially in matters of conscience; secondly, never to reject reason when he hears it urged on the other side.

[225] P.R.O. _France_, b. 132.

[226] Lodge, _Ill.u.s.trations_, iii. 262.

[227] P.R.O. _France_, b. 132.

[228] _Ibid._

[229] _The Politician's Catechism_, 1658.

[230] Birch, _Historical View_, p. 234.

[231] "If the Priestes and Catholickes, so many thousands in England would have entertayned it, no man can be so malicious and simple to thinke but there would have been a greater a.s.sembly than fourscore [in the Midlands] to take such an action in hand, and the Council could not be so winking eyed, but they would have found forth some one or other culpable, which they could never do, though some of them, most powerable in it, tendered and racked forth their hatred against us to the uttermost limites they could extend." _English Protestants' plea_, p.

60.

[232] _Discourse of the manner of the discovery of the Gunpowder Plot._ Printed in the Collected Works of King James, by Bishop Mountague, by Bishop Barlow, in _Gunpowder Treason_, and in Cobbett's _State Trials_, as an appendix to that of the conspirators.

[233] _I.e._, Cornwallis, Edmondes, and Chichester. The despatch to Cornwallis is printed in Winwood's _Memorials_, ii. 170.

[234] Sir Thoms Parry, P.R.O. _France_, bundle 132.

[235] Mr. Hepworth Dixon observes (_Her Majesty's Tower_, i. 352, seventh edition) that a man must have been in no common measure ignorant of Cecil and Northampton who could dream that such a design could escape the greatest masters of intrigue alive, and that abundant evidence makes it clear that the Council were informed of the Plot in almost every stage, and that their agents dogged the footsteps of those whom they suspected, taking note of all their proceedings. "It was no part of Cecil's policy," adds Mr. Dixon, "to step in before the dramatic time."

[236] Often called Phelipps, or Philipps.

[237] _History of Scotland_, iii. 376, note (ed. Eadie). It was on one of these letters which had been in the hands of Phelippes that Mary was convicted.