Washington - A Life Part 8

The juxtaposition of Gates's victory and Washington's defeats crystallized congressional discontent with the latter's leadership. The rush of battles turned Congress into an a.s.sembly of would-be generals, determined to run the war by resolutions. There had always been sotto voce grumbling about Washington's military ability, but now serious questions arose as to whether he was up to the job. Henry Laurens told his son John that the a.s.sembly buzzed with detractors saying that "our army is under no regulations or discipline" and that Washington had failed to stem desertions or adequately provision his men .24 Lafayette warned Washington of "stupid men" in Congress "who, without knowing a single word about war, undertake to judge you, to make ridiculous comparisons; they are infatuated with Gates." Lafayette warned Washington of "stupid men" in Congress "who, without knowing a single word about war, undertake to judge you, to make ridiculous comparisons; they are infatuated with Gates."25 The discontent crested in October when Washington got wind of the rumored promotion to major general of Brigadier Thomas Conway. An engraving of Conway shows a man with a cool, haughty air. His small chin, tightly pursed lips, and alert eyes give him a petulant expression. Born in Ireland, he had been an officer in the French Army but, unlike Lafayette, was a self-aggrandizing fortune hunter. For him, the Continental Army was a convenient rung to grasp in clambering up the military hierarchy in France. Nathanael Greene saw him as "a man of much intrigue and little judgment" who joined the Continental Army to cash in on the fight.26 "I freely own to you it was partly with a view of obtaining sooner the rank of brigadier in the French army that I have joined" the American army, Conway conceded to another officer that January. "I freely own to you it was partly with a view of obtaining sooner the rank of brigadier in the French army that I have joined" the American army, Conway conceded to another officer that January.27 An excellent judge of men, Washington recoiled from this self-promoting braggart and may also have learned that the sharp-tongued Irishman had denigrated him after Brandywine. "No man was more a gentleman than General Washington or appeared to more advantage at his table . . . but as to his talents for the command of an army, they were miserable indeed" was Conway's verdict. An excellent judge of men, Washington recoiled from this self-promoting braggart and may also have learned that the sharp-tongued Irishman had denigrated him after Brandywine. "No man was more a gentleman than General Washington or appeared to more advantage at his table . . . but as to his talents for the command of an army, they were miserable indeed" was Conway's verdict.28 Some of those skeptical of Washington's ability gravitated to Conway. "He seems to possess [General] Lee's knowledge and experience without any of his oddities and vices," Dr. Benjamin Rush declared. "He is, moreover, the idol of the whole army." Some of those skeptical of Washington's ability gravitated to Conway. "He seems to possess [General] Lee's knowledge and experience without any of his oddities and vices," Dr. Benjamin Rush declared. "He is, moreover, the idol of the whole army."29 Washington was incensed to learn about Conway's impending promotion, especially since he would be jumped over twenty more senior brigadiers. He had been dismayed by Conway's behavior at Germantown, accusing him of deserting his men, and now he departed from his usual practice of staying aloof from congressional deliberations. He wrote to Richard Henry Lee that Conway's promotion would "be as unfortunate a measure as ever was adopted."30 Washington seldom spoke so brusquely, but there was more. "General Conway's merit then as an officer, and his importance in this army, exists more in his own imagination than in reality. For it is a maxim with him to leave no service of his untold." Washington seldom spoke so brusquely, but there was more. "General Conway's merit then as an officer, and his importance in this army, exists more in his own imagination than in reality. For it is a maxim with him to leave no service of his untold."31 Most shocking of all, Washington seemed ready to tender his own resignation. "To sum up the whole, I have been a slave to the service . . . but it will be impossible for me to be of any further service, if such insuperable difficulties are thrown in my way." Most shocking of all, Washington seemed ready to tender his own resignation. "To sum up the whole, I have been a slave to the service . . . but it will be impossible for me to be of any further service, if such insuperable difficulties are thrown in my way."32 Washington was showing how adroit he could be at infighting, how skillful in suppressing lurking challenges to his supremacy. In many ways, he was more sure-footed in contesting political than military threats. He knew that power held in reserve-power deployed firmly but reluctantly-was always the most effective form. On October 20 Richard Henry Lee a.s.sured Washington that Conway would never be b.u.mped up to major general, but Lee, a secret critic of Washington himself, disclosed something else disturbing: Congress intended to overhaul the Board of War, switching it from a legislative committee to an executive agency, staffed by general officers who would supervise the military. This news came as a revelation to Washington, who could only regard it as a powerful rebuke. Washington was showing how adroit he could be at infighting, how skillful in suppressing lurking challenges to his supremacy. In many ways, he was more sure-footed in contesting political than military threats. He knew that power held in reserve-power deployed firmly but reluctantly-was always the most effective form. On October 20 Richard Henry Lee a.s.sured Washington that Conway would never be b.u.mped up to major general, but Lee, a secret critic of Washington himself, disclosed something else disturbing: Congress intended to overhaul the Board of War, switching it from a legislative committee to an executive agency, staffed by general officers who would supervise the military. This news came as a revelation to Washington, who could only regard it as a powerful rebuke.

Amid an atmosphere of rampant suspicion, Washington received fresh proof that enemies in high places conspired against him. As mentioned, Gates had a.s.signed his young aide James Wilkinson to carry the news of Saratoga to Congress. Later described by Washington as "lively, sensible, pompous, and ambitious," Wilkinson had a bombastic addiction to storytelling.33 En route to Congress, this indiscreet young man paused in Reading, Pennsylvania, where he met with an aide to Lord Stirling and regaled him with stories of Gates's savage comments about Washington's actions at Brandywine Creek. He also showed him an inflammatory line that General Conway had written to General Gates, indicting Washington's leadership. "Heaven has been determined to save your country," Conway wrote, "or a weak general and bad councillors would have ruined it." En route to Congress, this indiscreet young man paused in Reading, Pennsylvania, where he met with an aide to Lord Stirling and regaled him with stories of Gates's savage comments about Washington's actions at Brandywine Creek. He also showed him an inflammatory line that General Conway had written to General Gates, indicting Washington's leadership. "Heaven has been determined to save your country," Conway wrote, "or a weak general and bad councillors would have ruined it."34 Lord Stirling, loyal to Washington, pa.s.sed along this offensive comment to him, remarking that "such wicked duplicity of conduct I shall always think it my duty to detect." Lord Stirling, loyal to Washington, pa.s.sed along this offensive comment to him, remarking that "such wicked duplicity of conduct I shall always think it my duty to detect."35 Washington was stunned to see the remark, which suggested blatant collusion between the two generals to blacken his name. Washington was stunned to see the remark, which suggested blatant collusion between the two generals to blacken his name.

In meeting the threat, Washington reverted to his favorite technique, earlier used with Joseph Reed: sending an incriminating doc.u.ment to its author without comment. He would betray as little as possible of what he knew so as to let the guilty party incriminate himself. In sending Conway the line, Washington later said, he intended to convey "that I was not unapprised of his intriguing disposition."36 Conway countered with a cagey note, telling Washington that he was "willing that my original letter to General Gates should be handed to you. This, I trust, will convince you of my way of thinking." Conway countered with a cagey note, telling Washington that he was "willing that my original letter to General Gates should be handed to you. This, I trust, will convince you of my way of thinking."37 Of course, he didn't specify what his way of thinking was. On November 16, while avoiding any mention of their feud, Conway sent Washington a curt announcement: "The hopes and appearance of a French war, along with some other reasons, have induc[e]d me to send my resignation to Congress." Of course, he didn't specify what his way of thinking was. On November 16, while avoiding any mention of their feud, Conway sent Washington a curt announcement: "The hopes and appearance of a French war, along with some other reasons, have induc[e]d me to send my resignation to Congress."38 Since the resignation wasn't accepted, internecine warfare between the two men persisted. Since the resignation wasn't accepted, internecine warfare between the two men persisted.

When Washington confronted Gates about the letter, the latter described himself as "inexpressibly distressed" by the news, said he kept his papers closely guarded, and wondered about the ident.i.ty of "the villain that has played me this treacherous trick."39 Later on he contended the offending paragraph was a forgery. It didn't seem to occur to him that his own careless aide had caused the leak. Turning the tables on Washington, Gates even came up with a far-fetched accusation: that Alexander Hamilton, during his recent diplomatic mission, had purloined the papers from his files. "Those letters have been stealingly copied," Gates told Washington, turning himself into the injured party. "Crimes of that magnitude ought not to remain unpunished." Later on he contended the offending paragraph was a forgery. It didn't seem to occur to him that his own careless aide had caused the leak. Turning the tables on Washington, Gates even came up with a far-fetched accusation: that Alexander Hamilton, during his recent diplomatic mission, had purloined the papers from his files. "Those letters have been stealingly copied," Gates told Washington, turning himself into the injured party. "Crimes of that magnitude ought not to remain unpunished."40 To Gates's mortification, Washington revealed that the culprit was Gates's own personal aide, the talkative James Wilkinson. To Gates's mortification, Washington revealed that the culprit was Gates's own personal aide, the talkative James Wilkinson.

A princ.i.p.al instigator in the move to replace Washington was his former aide Thomas Mifflin, now a general. A portrait of Mifflin shows a man full of personality and high spirits who was very direct in manner. Even though Washington had befriended him and named him one of his initial aides, the handsome, eloquent Mifflin harbored a secret animosity toward his patron. Washington learned of his treachery with consternation. "I have never seen any stroke of ill fortune affect the general in the manner that this dirty underhand dealing has done," his aide Tench Tilghman wrote.41 Washington had already developed doubts about Mifflin, whom he thought had exploited his job as quartermaster general for personal profit, and he later wrote about him with biting sarcasm as an opportunistic, fair-weather friend. Washington had already developed doubts about Mifflin, whom he thought had exploited his job as quartermaster general for personal profit, and he later wrote about him with biting sarcasm as an opportunistic, fair-weather friend.

Although he had known and liked Conway in France, Lafayette had concluded that he was a menace to his mentor. In late November Lafayette warned Washington that certain elements in Congress "are infatuated with Gates . . . and believe that attacking is the only thing necessary to conquer."42 Lafayette didn't exaggerate. Whatever inhibitions had existed about defaming Washington's name had now disappeared. "Thousands of lives and millions of property are yearly sacrificed to the insufficiency of our Commander-in-Chief," Pennsylvania attorney general Jonathan d.i.c.kinson Sergeant wrote to Ma.s.sachusetts congressman James Lovell. "Two battles he has lost for us by two such blunders as might have disgraced a soldier of three months standing." Lafayette didn't exaggerate. Whatever inhibitions had existed about defaming Washington's name had now disappeared. "Thousands of lives and millions of property are yearly sacrificed to the insufficiency of our Commander-in-Chief," Pennsylvania attorney general Jonathan d.i.c.kinson Sergeant wrote to Ma.s.sachusetts congressman James Lovell. "Two battles he has lost for us by two such blunders as might have disgraced a soldier of three months standing."43 Benjamin Rush and Richard Henry Lee lent open or covert support to the attacks on Washington, while John Adams, for all his dyspeptic squawking, retained residual admiration for the commander in chief and never went so far as to try to oust him. Benjamin Rush and Richard Henry Lee lent open or covert support to the attacks on Washington, while John Adams, for all his dyspeptic squawking, retained residual admiration for the commander in chief and never went so far as to try to oust him.

In late November Congress reorganized the Board of War, and Richard Henry Lee saw to it that Mifflin was named to it. Mifflin then confirmed Washington's worst fears by securing the appointment of Horatio Gates as its president. Gates would retain his rank as major general and gain a supervisory role over Washington. Leaving little doubt that he wanted Gates to usurp Washington's authority, Congressman Lovell told him, "We want you in different places . . . We want you most near Germantown."44 Congress dealt out further punishment to Washington. When he protested that his men were famished, Congress pa.s.sed a snide resolution, chastising him for excessive "delicacy in exerting military authority" to requisition goods from local citizens. Congress dealt out further punishment to Washington. When he protested that his men were famished, Congress pa.s.sed a snide resolution, chastising him for excessive "delicacy in exerting military authority" to requisition goods from local citizens.45 As Lovell gloated to Samuel Adams, the resolution "was meant to rap a demi-G[od] over the knuckles." As Lovell gloated to Samuel Adams, the resolution "was meant to rap a demi-G[od] over the knuckles."46 A still heavier blow lay in the offing. On December 13 the Board of War created an inspection system to curb desertions, ensure efficient use of public property, and inst.i.tute army drills. It named none other than Thomas Conway as inspector general and, directly flouting Washington's plea, boosted his rank to major general. Not only was Conway vested with sweeping powers, he would be exempt from Washington's immediate supervision. It was hard to imagine a more calculated insult against the commander in chief. Washington didn't learn of the decision until two weeks later, when Conway materialized at Valley Forge to announce his appointment. Although we don't know his exact words, Washington was always articulate when forced to break silence on a painful subject. To Conway's consternation, he received him with what he later called "ceremonious civility," an icy correctness that people found very unsettling. Not mincing words, he told Conway that his appointment would outrage more senior brigadiers in the army and that Conway couldn't inspect anything until he had explicit instructions from Congress. Conway protested that he was "coolly received" at Valley Forge and complained to Washington of being greeted in such a manner "as I never met with before from any general during the course of thirty years in a very respectable army."47 Washington dug in his heels in self-defense: "That I did not receive him in the language of a warm and cordial friend, I readily confess the charge," he told Henry Laurens, who was now president of Congress. "I did not, nor shall I ever, till I am capable of the arts of dissimulation." Washington dug in his heels in self-defense: "That I did not receive him in the language of a warm and cordial friend, I readily confess the charge," he told Henry Laurens, who was now president of Congress. "I did not, nor shall I ever, till I am capable of the arts of dissimulation."48 Conway had never really responded to Washington about the notorious note written to Gates. Amid his frigid reception at Valley Forge, he sent Washington an insolent letter that flaunted his true colors. "I understand that your aversion to me is owing to the letter I wrote to General Gates," Conway began. He then said that subalterns in European armies freely gave their opinions of their generals, "but I never heard that the least notice was taken of these letters. Must such an odious and tyrannical inquisition begin in this country?" In conclusion, Conway said that "since you cannot bear the sight of me in your camp, I am very ready to go wherever Congress thinks proper and even to France."49 The normally self-contained Washington was so infuriated by Conway's conduct that John Laurens thought that in private life Washington might have contemplated a duel. "It is such an affront," young Laurens told his father, "as Conway would never have dared to offer if the general's situation had not a.s.sured him of the impossibility of its being revenged in a private way." The normally self-contained Washington was so infuriated by Conway's conduct that John Laurens thought that in private life Washington might have contemplated a duel. "It is such an affront," young Laurens told his father, "as Conway would never have dared to offer if the general's situation had not a.s.sured him of the impossibility of its being revenged in a private way."50 Laurens was mistaken in one thing: Washington considered dueling an outmoded form of chivalry. In the end the Board of War desisted from trying to impose Conway on Washington, and he was a.s.signed to join General McDougall in New York. Laurens was mistaken in one thing: Washington considered dueling an outmoded form of chivalry. In the end the Board of War desisted from trying to impose Conway on Washington, and he was a.s.signed to join General McDougall in New York.

The various efforts of Gates, Conway, Mifflin, et al. to discredit and even depose Washington have been known to history as the Conway Cabal. Cabal Cabal is much too strong a word for this loosely organized network of foes. In later years Washington confirmed that he thought an "attempt was made by a party in Congress to supplant me in that command," and he sketched out its contours thus: "It appeared, in general, that General Gates was to be exalted on the ruin of my reputation and influence . . . General Mifflin, it is commonly supposed, bore the second part in the cabal, and General Conway, I know, was a very active and malignant partisan. But I have good reasons to believe that their machinations have recoiled most sensibly upon themselves." is much too strong a word for this loosely organized network of foes. In later years Washington confirmed that he thought an "attempt was made by a party in Congress to supplant me in that command," and he sketched out its contours thus: "It appeared, in general, that General Gates was to be exalted on the ruin of my reputation and influence . . . General Mifflin, it is commonly supposed, bore the second part in the cabal, and General Conway, I know, was a very active and malignant partisan. But I have good reasons to believe that their machinations have recoiled most sensibly upon themselves."51 The episode showed that, whatever Washington's demerits as a military man, he was a consummate political infighter. With command of his tongue and temper, he had the supreme temperament for leadership compared to his scheming rivals. It was perhaps less his military skills than his character that eclipsed all compet.i.tors. Washington was dignified, circ.u.mspect, and upright, whereas his enemies seemed petty and skulking. However thin-skinned he was, he never doubted the need for legitimate criticism and contested only the devious methods of opponents. Calling criticism of error "the prerogative of freemen," he still deplored such a "secret, insidious attempt . . . to wound my reputation!" The episode showed that, whatever Washington's demerits as a military man, he was a consummate political infighter. With command of his tongue and temper, he had the supreme temperament for leadership compared to his scheming rivals. It was perhaps less his military skills than his character that eclipsed all compet.i.tors. Washington was dignified, circ.u.mspect, and upright, whereas his enemies seemed petty and skulking. However thin-skinned he was, he never doubted the need for legitimate criticism and contested only the devious methods of opponents. Calling criticism of error "the prerogative of freemen," he still deplored such a "secret, insidious attempt . . . to wound my reputation!"52 For the rest of the war, he didn't allow these things to cloud his judgment, never told tales indiscreetly, and confined his opinions of intramural feuding to a small circle of trusted intimates, lest such infighting demoralize his army. For the rest of the war, he didn't allow these things to cloud his judgment, never told tales indiscreetly, and confined his opinions of intramural feuding to a small circle of trusted intimates, lest such infighting demoralize his army.

At moments Washington viewed the controversy with philosophic resignation and wondered whether he should return to Mount Vernon. After receiving a confidential warning from the Reverend William Gordon that a faction was plotting to install Charles Lee in his stead, Washington replied ruefully: "So soon then as the public gets dissatisfied with my services, or a person is found better qualified to answer her expectation, I shall quit the helm with as much satisfaction and retire to a private station with as much content as ever the wearied pilgrim felt upon his safe arrival in the Holy Land."53 He didn't need to worry. The so-called Conway Cabal taught people that Washington was tough and crafty in defending his terrain and that they tangled with him at their peril. Henceforth anyone who underestimated George Washington lived to regret the error. His skillful treatment of the "cabal" silenced his harshest critics, leaving him in unquestioned command of the Continental Army. The end of this war among Washington's generals augured well for the larger war against the British. He didn't need to worry. The so-called Conway Cabal taught people that Washington was tough and crafty in defending his terrain and that they tangled with him at their peril. Henceforth anyone who underestimated George Washington lived to regret the error. His skillful treatment of the "cabal" silenced his harshest critics, leaving him in unquestioned command of the Continental Army. The end of this war among Washington's generals augured well for the larger war against the British.

It should be said that the need to solidify Washington's position and humble his enemies had a political logic. With the possible exception of the Continental Congress, the Continental Army was the purest expression of the new, still inchoate country, a working laboratory for melding together citizen-soldiers from various states and creating a composite American ident.i.ty. Washington personified that army and was therefore the main unifying figure in the war. John Adams regarded this as the main reason why people tolerated his defeats and overlooked his errors. To Dr. Benjamin Rush, he later pontificated: "There was a time when northern, middle, and southern statesmen . . . expressly agreed to blow the trumpet of panegyric in concert to cover and dissemble all faults and errors; to represent every defeat as a victory and every retreat as an advancement to make that character [Washington] popular and fashionable with all parties in all places and with all persons, as a center of union, as the central stone in the geometrical arch. There you have the revelation of the whole mystery."54 In the last a.n.a.lysis, Washington's triumph over the troublesome Gates, Mifflin, and Conway was total. For unity's sake, he was unfailingly polite to Gates: "I made a point of treating Gen[era]l Gates with all the attention and cordiality in my power, as well from a sincere desire of harmony as from an unwillingness to give any cause of triumph to our enemies."55 Gates's defects as a general would become glaring in time. Thomas Mifflin resigned as quartermaster general amid charges of mismanagement. The most complete triumph came over Thomas Conway, who plied Congress with so many abusive letters and threatened to resign so often that delegates were finally pleased to accept his resignation in April 1778. Conway refused to muzzle his criticism of Washington, however, which led him in July into a duel with John Cadwalader, a stalwart Washington defender. Cadwalader shot Conway in the mouth and neck and is supposed to have boasted as he stared down at his bleeding foe, "I have stopped the d.a.m.ned rascal's lying anyway." Gates's defects as a general would become glaring in time. Thomas Mifflin resigned as quartermaster general amid charges of mismanagement. The most complete triumph came over Thomas Conway, who plied Congress with so many abusive letters and threatened to resign so often that delegates were finally pleased to accept his resignation in April 1778. Conway refused to muzzle his criticism of Washington, however, which led him in July into a duel with John Cadwalader, a stalwart Washington defender. Cadwalader shot Conway in the mouth and neck and is supposed to have boasted as he stared down at his bleeding foe, "I have stopped the d.a.m.ned rascal's lying anyway."56 With incredible resilience, Conway recuperated from these wounds and sent Washington a chastened note before he returned to France. "I find myself just able to hold the pen during a few minutes," the convalescent soldier wrote, "and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for having done, written, or said anything disagreeable to Your Excellency. My career will soon be over. Therefore justice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You are, in my eyes, the great and the good man. May you long enjoy the love, veneration, and esteem of these states whose liberties you have a.s.serted by your virtues." With incredible resilience, Conway recuperated from these wounds and sent Washington a chastened note before he returned to France. "I find myself just able to hold the pen during a few minutes," the convalescent soldier wrote, "and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for having done, written, or said anything disagreeable to Your Excellency. My career will soon be over. Therefore justice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You are, in my eyes, the great and the good man. May you long enjoy the love, veneration, and esteem of these states whose liberties you have a.s.serted by your virtues."57

CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN.

A Dreary Kind of Place IN DECEMBER 1777 General William Howe eased into comfortable winter quarters in Philadelphia. For British officers in the eighteenth century, warfare remained a seasonal business, and they saw no reason to sacrifice unduly as cold winds blew. "a.s.semblies, concerts, comedies, clubs, and the like make us forget that there is any war, save that it is a capital joke," wrote a Hessian captain, reflecting the overly confident att.i.tude that prevailed among British and Hessian officers after the Brandywine and Germantown victories.1 George Washington struggled with the baffling question of where to house his vagabond, threadbare army during the frigid months ahead. The specter of a harsh winter was alarming: four thousand men lacked a single blanket. If Washington withdrew farther into Pennsylvania's interior, his army might be secure, but the area already teemed with patriotic refugees from Philadelphia. Such a move would also allow Howe's men to scavenge the countryside outside Philadelphia and batten freely off local farms. Further complicating his decision was that he had to ensure the safety of two homeless legislatures, now stranded in exile: the Continental Congress in York and the Pennsylvania legislature in Lancaster. "I a.s.sure you, sir," he told Henry Laurens, as he puzzled over the conundrum, "no circ.u.mstance in the course of the present contest, or in my whole life, has employed more of my reflection . . . than in what manner . . . to dispose of the army during the winter."2 Washington opted for a spot that was fated to become hallowed ground: Valley Forge, a windswept plateau, twenty miles northwest of Philadelphia, that he would depict as "a dreary kind of place and uncomfortably provided." 3 3 With its open, rolling fields and woods, the encampment stood a day's march from Howe's army and was therefore safe from surprise raids. In theory, it sounded like a promising place. Its high ridges would afford excellent defensive positions; its nearby woods would supply plentiful timber for fuel and construction; abundant local agriculture would nourish his army; and the nearby Schuylkill River and Valley Creek would provide pure water. What should have been an ideal resting place became instead a scene of harrowing misery. With its open, rolling fields and woods, the encampment stood a day's march from Howe's army and was therefore safe from surprise raids. In theory, it sounded like a promising place. Its high ridges would afford excellent defensive positions; its nearby woods would supply plentiful timber for fuel and construction; abundant local agriculture would nourish his army; and the nearby Schuylkill River and Valley Creek would provide pure water. What should have been an ideal resting place became instead a scene of harrowing misery.

Even before Washington arrived there, the Pennsylvania legislature had the cheek to criticize him for taking his men into winter camp, as if he were retiring into plush quarters. "I can a.s.sure those gentlemen," Washington wrote testily, "that it is a much easier and less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room by a good fireside than to occupy a cold bleak hill and sleep under frost and snow without clothes or blankets. However, although they seem to have little feeling for the naked, distressed soldiers, I feel superabundantly for them and from my soul pity those miseries which it is neither in my power to relieve or prevent."4 This was a new voice for Washington, reflecting a profound solidarity with his men that went beyond Revolutionary ideology and arose from the special camaraderie of shared suffering. This was a new voice for Washington, reflecting a profound solidarity with his men that went beyond Revolutionary ideology and arose from the special camaraderie of shared suffering.

Already on the icy road to Valley Forge, Washington had spotted streaks of blood from his barefoot men, portending things to come. He slept in the upstairs chamber of a compact, two-story stone mill house built by Isaac Potts, whose iron forges lent the place its name. The commander in chief worked in a modest downstairs room with a fireplace. So meticulous was Washington in his respect for private property that he rented the quarters instead of seizing them. The premises were so cramped that one observer recalled Washington's family as "exceedingly pinched for room."5 Many aides slept jammed together on the floor downstairs. To provide extra s.p.a.ce, Washington added an adjoining log cabin for meals. Many aides slept jammed together on the floor downstairs. To provide extra s.p.a.ce, Washington added an adjoining log cabin for meals.

With the treasury bankrupt, Washington experienced a grim foreboding that this winter would mandate stringency far beyond anything yet endured. In general orders for December 17, he suggested that the impending winter might call for preternatural strength and vowed to "share in the hardship and partake of every inconvenience" with his men.6 Whatever his failings as a general, Washington's moral strength held the shaky army together. His position transcended that of a mere general, having taken on a paternal dimension. "The people of America look up to you as their father," Henry Knox told him, "and into your hands they entrust their all, fully confident of every exertion on your part for their security and happiness." Whatever his failings as a general, Washington's moral strength held the shaky army together. His position transcended that of a mere general, having taken on a paternal dimension. "The people of America look up to you as their father," Henry Knox told him, "and into your hands they entrust their all, fully confident of every exertion on your part for their security and happiness." 7 7 The first order of business, Washington knew, was to erect warm, dry huts. To set an example, he slept in a tent as the camp succ.u.mbed to a building craze; regiments broken into squads of twelve soldiers chopped wood and made huts for themselves. Cleverly, Washington injected a compet.i.tive element into the operation: he would pay twelve dollars to the squad that completed the first hut and a hundred dollars to anyone who devised a way to roof these structures without consuming scarce wood. As the men hewed their houses with dull ax blades, they nonetheless seemed cheerful and hardy. "I was there when the army first began to build huts," wrote Thomas Paine. "They appeared to me like a family of beavers: everyone busy, some carrying logs, others mud, and the rest fastening them together."8 Within a month a makeshift village, more than two thousand log cabins in all, materialized from the havoc. Within a month a makeshift village, more than two thousand log cabins in all, materialized from the havoc.

Forming parallel avenues, the huts were small, dark, and claustrophobic; a dozen men could be squashed into s.p.a.ces measuring fourteen by sixteen feet, with only six and a half feet of headroom. Narrow bunks, stacked in triple rows, stood on either side of the door. Many soldiers draped tents over their huts to keep at bay the sharp wintry blasts. While officers had the luxury of wooden floors, ordinary soldiers slept on dank earth. As more trees were felled for shelter and firewood, the campgrounds grew foul and slippery with mud. Dead horses and their entrails lay decomposing everywhere, emitting a putrid stench into the winter air.

For all its esprit de corps, the Continental Army was soon reduced to a ghastly state, its soldiers resembling a horde of unkempt beggars. Men dined on food called "fire cakes," crude concoctions of flour and water that were cooked on hot stones. Some days they couldn't sc.r.a.pe together any food at all. Dr. Albigence Waldo of Connecticut limned the horror: Poor food-hard lodging-cold weather-fatigue-nasty clothes-nasty cookery-vomit half my time-smoke out of my senses-the devil's in it-I can't endure it . . . There comes a bowl of beef soup-full of burnt leaves and dirt, sickish enough to make a Hector spew . . . There comes a soldier, his bare feet are seen through his worn-out shoes, his legs nearly naked from the tattered remains of an only pair of stockings; his breeches not sufficient to cover his nakedness; his shirt hanging in strings; his hair disheveled; his face meager; his whole appearance pictures a person forsaken and discouraged.9 The universal misery didn't spare officers, who suffered along with their men. One Frenchman strolling through camp caught glimpses of soldiers who "were using as cloaks and overcoats woollen blankets similar to those worn by the patients in our French hospitals. I realized a little later that those were officers and generals."10 Some desperate soldiers tore canvas strips from tents to cobble together primitive shirts or shoes. The misery reached straight into Washington's headquarters. "I cannot get as much cloth as will make clothes for my servants," Washington wrote, "notwithstanding that one of them that attends my person and table is indecently and most shamefully naked." Some desperate soldiers tore canvas strips from tents to cobble together primitive shirts or shoes. The misery reached straight into Washington's headquarters. "I cannot get as much cloth as will make clothes for my servants," Washington wrote, "notwithstanding that one of them that attends my person and table is indecently and most shamefully naked."11 One wonders whether this referred to the trusted Billy Lee. Exacerbating the clothing shortage was a dearth of wagons. To cart supplies around camp, men were harnessed to carriages like draft animals, saddled with yokes. Hoping to ameliorate the situation, Congress, at Washington's behest, soon appointed Nathanael Greene as the new quartermaster general, an office that had been negligently administered by Thomas Mifflin. At first Greene resisted the appointment, grumbling that "n.o.body ever heard of a quartermaster in history," but he submitted to his fate and brilliantly helped the Continental Army avoid starvation as he redeemed his own reputation. One wonders whether this referred to the trusted Billy Lee. Exacerbating the clothing shortage was a dearth of wagons. To cart supplies around camp, men were harnessed to carriages like draft animals, saddled with yokes. Hoping to ameliorate the situation, Congress, at Washington's behest, soon appointed Nathanael Greene as the new quartermaster general, an office that had been negligently administered by Thomas Mifflin. At first Greene resisted the appointment, grumbling that "n.o.body ever heard of a quartermaster in history," but he submitted to his fate and brilliantly helped the Continental Army avoid starvation as he redeemed his own reputation.12 Part of Washington's inspirational power at Valley Forge came from his steady presence, as he projected leadership in nonverbal ways that are hard for posterity to re-create. Even contemporaries found it difficult to convey the essence of his calm grandeur. "I cannot describe the impression that the first sight of that great man made upon me," said one Frenchman. "I could not keep my eyes from that imposing countenance: grave yet not severe; affable without familiarity. Its predominant expression was calm dignity, through which you could trace the strong feelings of the patriot and discern the father as well as the commander of his soldiers."13 One of the most durable images of Washington at Valley Forge is likely invented. After his death Parson Mason Weems, who fabricated the canard about the cherry tree, told of Washington praying in a snowy glade. A well-known image of Washington, done by Paul Weber and ent.i.tled George Washington in Prayer at Valley Forge, George Washington in Prayer at Valley Forge, depicts Washington praying on his knees, his left hand over his heart and his open right hand at his side, pointing to the earth. Washington's upturned face catches a shaft of celestial light. The image seems designed to meld religion and politics by converting the uniformed Washington into a humble supplicant of the Lord. The reason to doubt the story's veracity is not Washington's lack of faith but the typically private nature of his devotions. He would never have prayed so ostentatiously outdoors, where soldiers could have stumbled upon him. depicts Washington praying on his knees, his left hand over his heart and his open right hand at his side, pointing to the earth. Washington's upturned face catches a shaft of celestial light. The image seems designed to meld religion and politics by converting the uniformed Washington into a humble supplicant of the Lord. The reason to doubt the story's veracity is not Washington's lack of faith but the typically private nature of his devotions. He would never have prayed so ostentatiously outdoors, where soldiers could have stumbled upon him.

While Washington was somewhat insulated from the camp's noisome squalor in the Potts house, the despondent men ventilated their grievances. As he strode past the huts, he heard them grumbling inside, "No bread, no soldier!"14 On better days, they would burst into a patriotic tune called "War and Washington." On better days, they would burst into a patriotic tune called "War and Washington."15 At one point a knot of protesters descended on his office in what must have seemed a mutinous act. Washington undoubtedly bristled at their disruptive presence. Nonetheless, when the men said they had come to make sure Washington understood their suffering, he reacted sympathetically. This man of patrician tastes had learned to value ordinary soldiers. "Naked and starving as they are," he wrote, "we cannot enough admire the incomparable patience and fidelity of the soldiery." At one point a knot of protesters descended on his office in what must have seemed a mutinous act. Washington undoubtedly bristled at their disruptive presence. Nonetheless, when the men said they had come to make sure Washington understood their suffering, he reacted sympathetically. This man of patrician tastes had learned to value ordinary soldiers. "Naked and starving as they are," he wrote, "we cannot enough admire the incomparable patience and fidelity of the soldiery."16 That the Continental Army did not disintegrate or revolt en ma.s.se at Valley Forge is simply astonishing. When Dr. Benjamin Rush toured the camp, General Sullivan lectured him, "Sir, this is not an army-it is a mob."17 It shows the confidence that Washington produced in his men that they stuck by him in this forlorn place. Nor did he achieve popularity by coddling anyone, for he inflicted severe floggings on men caught stealing food. "The culprit being securely lashed to a tree or post receives on his naked back the number of lashes a.s.signed to him by a whip formed of several small knotted cords, which sometimes cut through his skin at every stroke," wrote Dr. James Thacher, who described how men survived this ordeal by biting on lead bullets-the origin of the term "biting the bullet." It shows the confidence that Washington produced in his men that they stuck by him in this forlorn place. Nor did he achieve popularity by coddling anyone, for he inflicted severe floggings on men caught stealing food. "The culprit being securely lashed to a tree or post receives on his naked back the number of lashes a.s.signed to him by a whip formed of several small knotted cords, which sometimes cut through his skin at every stroke," wrote Dr. James Thacher, who described how men survived this ordeal by biting on lead bullets-the origin of the term "biting the bullet."18 Governed by a powerful moral code and determined to maintain some semblance of military discipline amid woeful conditions, Washington perpetuated his ban on cards, dice, and other forms of gambling. Governed by a powerful moral code and determined to maintain some semblance of military discipline amid woeful conditions, Washington perpetuated his ban on cards, dice, and other forms of gambling.

Perhaps most frightful at Valley Forge were the rampant diseases that leveled 30 percent of the men at any given time. Many underwent amputations as their legs and feet turned black from frostbite. Owing to pervasive malnutrition, filthy conditions, and exposure to cold, scourges such as typhus, typhoid fever, pneumonia, dysentery, and scurvy grew commonplace. Dr. Benjamin Rush deplored the army hospitals, located outside the camp, as gruesome sties, overcrowded with inmates "shivering with cold upon the floors without a blanket to cover them, calling for fire, for water, for suitable food, and for medicines-and calling in vain."19 By winter's end, two thousand men had perished at Valley Forge, mostly from disease and many of them in the warm spring months. "Happily, the real condition of Washington was not well understood by Sir William Howe," wrote John Marshall, "and the characteristic attention of that officer [i.e., Washington] to the lives and comfort of his troops saved the American army." By winter's end, two thousand men had perished at Valley Forge, mostly from disease and many of them in the warm spring months. "Happily, the real condition of Washington was not well understood by Sir William Howe," wrote John Marshall, "and the characteristic attention of that officer [i.e., Washington] to the lives and comfort of his troops saved the American army."20 On December 23, with the situation deteriorating daily, Washington rushed an urgent message to Henry Laurens, warning that the Continental Army would "starve, dissolve, or disperse" without more food. To ill.u.s.trate, he related a frightening anecdote of an incident the day before when he had ordered his soldiers to pounce on British soldiers scouring the countryside for forage. The operation was scuttled because his men were too enervated from lack of food to carry out the mission. Washington testified that there was "not a single hoof of any kind to slaughter and not more than 25 bar[re]ls of flour!" He made the astonishing prediction that "three or four days [of] bad weather would prove our destruction."21 In heartbreaking fashion, he evoked an army devoid of soap; men with one shirt, half a shirt, or no shirt at all; nearly three thousand unfit for duty for lack of shoes; and men who pa.s.sed sleepless nights, crouched by the fire, for want of blankets. In heartbreaking fashion, he evoked an army devoid of soap; men with one shirt, half a shirt, or no shirt at all; nearly three thousand unfit for duty for lack of shoes; and men who pa.s.sed sleepless nights, crouched by the fire, for want of blankets.

Ever since the war started, Washington had saved his laments for Congress, even though much of the real power resided with the states. But he was reluctant to appeal to the states, lest he seem to circ.u.mvent Congress or violate military subordination to civilian control. Now, in desperation, he began to issue circulars to the states, which gave him license to rail against the rickety political structure that hampered his army. That November Congress had completed drafting the Articles of Confederation, creating a loose confederacy of states with a notably weak central government. Dreading the hobgoblin of concentrated power, states shrank from levying taxes and introducing other measures to aid the federal war effort. Washington was dismayed that the states now shipped off their mediocrities to Congress while more able men stayed home "framing const.i.tutions, providing laws, and filling [state] offices."22 A leitmotif of his wartime letters was that the shortsighted states would come to ruin without an effective central government. Increasingly Washington took a scathing view of lax congressional leadership. A leitmotif of his wartime letters was that the shortsighted states would come to ruin without an effective central government. Increasingly Washington took a scathing view of lax congressional leadership.

The Christmas dinner at Valley Forge was an austere one for Washington and his military family, who shared a frugal collation of mutton, potatoes, cabbage, and crusts of bread, accompanied by water. The liquor shortage produced the worst grumbling among the officers. Sometime around the Battle of Brandywine, Washington had lost his baggage, with its complement of plates, dishes, and kitchen utensils, and he now made do with a single spoon. He experienced no self-pity, however, so woebegone was the comparative plight of his men. On the last day of the year, he compressed the suffering of Valley Forge into a single piercing cry: "Our sick naked, our well naked, our unfortunate men in captivity naked!"23 What made Valley Forge so bitterly disenchanting for Washington was that selfishness among the citizenry seemed to outweigh patriotic fervor. In choosing winter quarters at Valley Forge, he had surmised, correctly, that the surrounding countryside possessed ample food supplies. What he hadn't reckoned on was that local farmers would sell their produce to British troops in Philadelphia rather than to shivering patriots. Some of this behavior could be attributed to blatant greed and profiteering. But prices also soared as the Continental currency depreciated and an inflationary psychology took hold. Holding a debased currency, the patriots simply couldn't compete with the British, who paid in solid pounds sterling. "We must take the pa.s.sions of men as nature has given them," Washington wrote resignedly. ". . . I do not mean to exclude altogether the idea of patriotism . . . But I will venture to a.s.sert that a great and lasting war can never be supported on this principle alone."24 Washington presented a rare case of a revolutionary leader who, instead of being blinded by political fervor, recognized that fallible human beings couldn't always live up to the high standards he set for them. Though often embittered by the mercenary behavior of his countrymen, he tried to accept human nature as it was. He believed that many Americans had expected a speedy end to the conflict and, when the first flush of patriotism faded, were governed by self-interest. In 1778 there were far more political fence-sitters than in the giddy days after Lexington and Concord. Washington presented a rare case of a revolutionary leader who, instead of being blinded by political fervor, recognized that fallible human beings couldn't always live up to the high standards he set for them. Though often embittered by the mercenary behavior of his countrymen, he tried to accept human nature as it was. He believed that many Americans had expected a speedy end to the conflict and, when the first flush of patriotism faded, were governed by self-interest. In 1778 there were far more political fence-sitters than in the giddy days after Lexington and Concord.

By late January Washington was so enraged about farmers engaging in contraband trade with the enemy that he issued orders "to make an example of some guilty one, that the rest may be sensible of a like fate, should they persist."25 Many farmers tried to bypa.s.s restrictions by having women and children drive food-laden wagons to Philadelphia, hoping American sentries wouldn't stop them. Nothing short of the death penalty, Washington insisted, would terminate this reprehensible practice. Finally, he saw no choice but to sabotage American mills turning out supplies for the enemy and sent teams of soldiers to break off the spindles and spikes of their water wheels. With a beef shortage looming, he had Nathanael Greene and almost a thousand men fan out across the countryside and confiscate all cattle and sheep fit for slaughter. As word of the operation spread, farmers hid their livestock in woods and swamps. Despite such draconian measures, Washington warned that his army still stared at starvation: "For some days past, there has been little less than a famine in camp. A part of the army has been a week without any kind of flesh and the rest three or four days." Many farmers tried to bypa.s.s restrictions by having women and children drive food-laden wagons to Philadelphia, hoping American sentries wouldn't stop them. Nothing short of the death penalty, Washington insisted, would terminate this reprehensible practice. Finally, he saw no choice but to sabotage American mills turning out supplies for the enemy and sent teams of soldiers to break off the spindles and spikes of their water wheels. With a beef shortage looming, he had Nathanael Greene and almost a thousand men fan out across the countryside and confiscate all cattle and sheep fit for slaughter. As word of the operation spread, farmers hid their livestock in woods and swamps. Despite such draconian measures, Washington warned that his army still stared at starvation: "For some days past, there has been little less than a famine in camp. A part of the army has been a week without any kind of flesh and the rest three or four days."26 At Valley Forge, Washington composed numerous screeds against American greed that make uncomfortable reading for those who regard that winter as a purely heroic time. Seeing the decay of public virtue everywhere, he berated speculators, monopolists, and war profiteers. "Is the paltry consideration of a little dirty pelf to individuals to be placed in compet.i.tion with the essential rights and liberties of the present generation and of millions yet unborn?" he asked James Warren. " . . . And shall we at last become the victims of our own abominable l.u.s.t of gain? Forbid it heaven!"27 Washington himself could be a hard-driving businessmen, yet he found the rapacity of many vendors unconscionable. As he told George Mason, he thought it the intent of "the speculators-various tribes of money makers-and stock jobbers of all denominations to continue the war for their own private emolument, without considering that their avarice and thirst for gain must plunge everything . . . in one common ruin." Washington himself could be a hard-driving businessmen, yet he found the rapacity of many vendors unconscionable. As he told George Mason, he thought it the intent of "the speculators-various tribes of money makers-and stock jobbers of all denominations to continue the war for their own private emolument, without considering that their avarice and thirst for gain must plunge everything . . . in one common ruin."28 Besieged by critics, heartsick at the shabby state of his troops, and angry at congressional neglect and the supine behavior of the states, Washington refused to abandon his army and again deferred a visit to Mount Vernon. Martha did not arrive at Valley Forge until early February. Right before Christmas she had suffered the grievous loss of her younger sister and best friend, Anna Maria Ba.s.sett. Death had been omnipresent for Martha, who had now lost a husband, a father, five siblings, and three of her four children. Whether her second husband would survive this interminable war remained an open question. A touching condolence note to her brother-in-law, Burwell Ba.s.sett, shows that her mind was darkly tinged with thoughts of mortality. Anna "has, I hope, made a happy exchange and only gone a little before us," she said of her sister. "The time draws near when I hope we shall meet, never more to part . . . I must [own] to you that she was the greatest favorite I had in the world."29 She pleaded with Burwell to send his ten-year-old daughter f.a.n.n.y to Mount Vernon. "If you will let her come to live with me, I will, with the greatest pleasure, take her and be a parent and mother to her as long as I live." She pleaded with Burwell to send his ten-year-old daughter f.a.n.n.y to Mount Vernon. "If you will let her come to live with me, I will, with the greatest pleasure, take her and be a parent and mother to her as long as I live."30 Ba.s.sett complied, and f.a.n.n.y came to occupy a special place in Martha's affections. Ba.s.sett complied, and f.a.n.n.y came to occupy a special place in Martha's affections.

While wishing to join her husband at Valley Forge, Martha was temporarily detained at Mount Vernon by the birth of her second grandchild to Jacky's wife on New Year's Eve 1777. Though Washington understood the reason for her delay, he pined for her presence. The long winter journey on b.u.mpy, frozen roads must have taxed Martha to the utmost. When she arrived at Valley Forge, the soldiers cheered her, but she was taken aback by her husband's humble quarters, somber mood, and frayed nerves. "The General is well but much worn with fatigue and anxiety," she confided to a friend. "I never knew him to be so anxious as now."31 That Martha Washington was made of stern stuff soon grew evident as she pitched in with good-natured energy. One observer left this touching vignette of her at work: I never in my life knew a woman so busy from early morning until late at night as was Lady Washington, providing comforts for the sick soldiers. Every day, excepting Sunday, the wives of the officers in camp, and sometimes other women, were invited . . . to a.s.sist her in knitting socks, patching garments, and making shirts for the poor soldiers when material could be procured. Every fair day she might be seen, with basket in hand and with a single attendant, going among the keenest and most needy sufferers and giving all the comforts to them in her power .32 Her selfless, devoted style reminded one admiring Frenchman "of the Roman matrons of whom I had read so much and I thought that she well deserved to be the companion and friend of the greatest man of the age."33 By and large Martha Washington wasn't overtly political, yet she shared her husband's firm commitment to the cause, writing to Mercy Warren, "I hope and trust that all the states will make a vigorous push early this spring ... and thereby putting a stop to British cruelties." By and large Martha Washington wasn't overtly political, yet she shared her husband's firm commitment to the cause, writing to Mercy Warren, "I hope and trust that all the states will make a vigorous push early this spring ... and thereby putting a stop to British cruelties."34 The wives of several generals stayed at Valley Forge that winter-including the flirtatious Caty Greene, the amusing but increasingly obese Lucy Knox, and the elegant Lady Stirling, accompanied by her fashionable daughter, Lady Kitty-and tried to lighten the dismal mood. Washington was especially beguiled by Lady Kitty, who requested a lock of his hair. These women dispensed with dancing and card playing as inappropriate to such mournful times and settled for quiet musical evenings where people took turns singing; tea and coffee replaced more potent beverages. That February, on Washington's forty-sixth birthday, a little levity was allowed as he was entertained by a fife and drum corps.

To relieve residual gloom several months later, Washington allowed junior officers to stage his favorite play, Cato, Cato, before a "very numerous and splendid audience." before a "very numerous and splendid audience." 35 35 Written by Joseph Addison, this cla.s.sic tale told of a Roman statesman, Cato the Younger, who had defied the imperial sway of Julius Caesar and committed suicide rather than submit to tyranny. No longer able to ransack British history for heroes, many patriots turned to cla.s.sical history for inspiration. Ancient Rome in its republican phase provided uplifting examples, while its decline and fall into despotism offset them with cautionary tales. Washington identified with the stern code of honor and duty in ancient Rome, taking Cato as a personal model. He had seen the play performed several times in Williamsburg and he frequently quoted it. One of his stock phrases-"Thy steady temper . . . can look on guilt, rebellion, [and] fraud . . . in the calm lights of mild philosophy"-was plucked from the play. Written by Joseph Addison, this cla.s.sic tale told of a Roman statesman, Cato the Younger, who had defied the imperial sway of Julius Caesar and committed suicide rather than submit to tyranny. No longer able to ransack British history for heroes, many patriots turned to cla.s.sical history for inspiration. Ancient Rome in its republican phase provided uplifting examples, while its decline and fall into despotism offset them with cautionary tales. Washington identified with the stern code of honor and duty in ancient Rome, taking Cato as a personal model. He had seen the play performed several times in Williamsburg and he frequently quoted it. One of his stock phrases-"Thy steady temper . . . can look on guilt, rebellion, [and] fraud . . . in the calm lights of mild philosophy"-was plucked from the play.36 Other treasured epigrams included " 'Tis not in mortals to command success / But we'll do more . . . we'll deserve it," a commentary on the fickle power of fate and how we must acquit ourselves n.o.bly despite it, and "When vice prevails and impious men bear sway, / The post of honour is a private station." Other treasured epigrams included " 'Tis not in mortals to command success / But we'll do more . . . we'll deserve it," a commentary on the fickle power of fate and how we must acquit ourselves n.o.bly despite it, and "When vice prevails and impious men bear sway, / The post of honour is a private station."37 The rhetoric of The rhetoric of Cato Cato saturated the American Revolution. Two of its most famous lines, one from Nathan Hale, the other from Patrick Henry, derived from the play: "What pity is it / That we can die but once to serve our country" and "It is not now a time to talk of aught / But chains or conquest, liberty or death." saturated the American Revolution. Two of its most famous lines, one from Nathan Hale, the other from Patrick Henry, derived from the play: "What pity is it / That we can die but once to serve our country" and "It is not now a time to talk of aught / But chains or conquest, liberty or death."38 During this Valley Forge winter Washington conquered his initial misgivings about Lafayette and embraced him as his most intimate protege. In late November, in Gloucester, New Jersey, Lafayette spearheaded a party of four hundred men in a surprise raid on a Hessian detachment, leading to twenty enemy deaths versus only one American casualty. Washington admired the Frenchman's swashbuckling courage. No longer just another foreign n.o.bleman to be tolerated, Lafayette was rewarded with command of a division. He knew he had attained a unique place in Washington's heart. "I see him more intimately than any other man," he boasted to his father-in-law. ". . . His warm friendship for me . . . put[s] me in a position to share everything he has to do, all the problems he has to solve, and all the obstacles he has to overcome."39 Washington found irresistible this young Frenchman who saw him in such Olympian terms, but Lafayette was also canny and hardworking and constantly honed his military skills: "I read, I study, I examine, I listen, I reflect . . . I do not talk too much-to avoid saying foolish things-nor risk acting in a foolhardy way."40 Lafayette opened an emotional spout deep inside the formal Washington. Although he seldom showed such favoritism, Washington made no effort to mask his fondness for Lafayette. He did not fear the young French n.o.bleman as a future rival and was convinced of his ardent idealism. When Lafayette and his wife had a son, they decided to name him Georges Louis Gilbert Washington du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette-for short, George Washington Lafayette. Lafayette vowed that the next child would be christened Virginia, prompting Franklin to quip that Lafayette had twelve more states to go. Lafayette opened an emotional spout deep inside the formal Washington. Although he seldom showed such favoritism, Washington made no effort to mask his fondness for Lafayette. He did not fear the young French n.o.bleman as a future rival and was convinced of his ardent idealism. When Lafayette and his wife had a son, they decided to name him Georges Louis Gilbert Washington du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette-for short, George Washington Lafayette. Lafayette vowed that the next child would be christened Virginia, prompting Franklin to quip that Lafayette had twelve more states to go.41

THE CONTINENTAL ARMY'S RISE from the ashes of Valley Forge owed much to a newcomer, Friedrich Wilhelm Ludolf Gerhard Augustin, Baron von Steuben, a soldier who liked to decorate himself with sonorous names. While Steuben could legitimately claim wartime experience, having served as a Prussian captain during the Seven Years' War and on the military staff of Frederick the Great, the baron baron t.i.tle was bogus. When, in the summer of 1777, Franklin and Deane in Paris sent him to America, they embellished his credentials to make him more acceptable to Washington; on the spot, the unemployed captain was puffed up to the rank of a lieutenant general. He agreed to waive a salary temporarily and serve only for expenses. In late February 1778 the self-styled baron with the fleshy nose, jowly face, and uncertain command of English (he resorted to French to make himself understood) showed up at Valley Forge, where his bemedaled figure made a huge impression. "He seemed to me a perfect personification of Mars," said one private. "The trappings of his horse, the enormou