Washington - A Life Part 18

AS PATERFAMILIAS OF THE CLAN, the president loved to shower his young wards with sage advice, especially in affairs of the heart. Despite pressing political concerns, he enjoyed playing the didactic role of the grizzled adviser. George and Martha Washington were thrilled in 1795, when f.a.n.n.y Washington, widowed by George Augustine's death, wed Tobias Lear, who had lost his wife, Polly, to yellow fever. To bind them more closely, the Washingtons bestowed upon the young couple a rent-free house and 360 acres at Mount Vernon. Since f.a.n.n.y had three children from her previous marriage and Tobias Lear a little boy from his, the wedding seemed a fairy-tale solution for the grieving young couple. Then in March 1796 Lear informed the Washingtons that f.a.n.n.y had fallen gravely ill, and they were stunned when she breathed her last. "Your former letters prepared us for the stroke," the Washingtons commiserated with Lear, "but it has fallen heavily notwithstanding."40 For Martha Washington, who had been overjoyed by the marriage, touting Lear as "a worthy man . . . esteemed by everyone," it extended the dreadful pattern in her life of the untimely death of children, both real and subst.i.tute. For Martha Washington, who had been overjoyed by the marriage, touting Lear as "a worthy man . . . esteemed by everyone," it extended the dreadful pattern in her life of the untimely death of children, both real and subst.i.tute.41 Another young woman who preoccupied Washington's thoughts was Elizabeth Parke Custis, Nelly's oldest sister, an attractive brunette raised by her mother and David Stuart. The girl so adored her stepgrandfather that she was once paralyzed by nerves when he descended for a visit. "The General said that, although he thought a young girl looked best when blushing," she recalled, "yet he was concerned to see me suffer so much."42 When requesting a portrait from Washington, she professed herself indifferent to love: "It is my first wish to have it in my power to contemplate at all times the features of one who I so highly respect as the Father of his Country and look up to with grateful affection as a parent to myself and family." When requesting a portrait from Washington, she professed herself indifferent to love: "It is my first wish to have it in my power to contemplate at all times the features of one who I so highly respect as the Father of his Country and look up to with grateful affection as a parent to myself and family."43 While Washington obliged her with a miniature by Irish artist Walter Robertson, he teased her gently and inquired whether "emotions of a softer kind" did not move her heart. While Washington obliged her with a miniature by Irish artist Walter Robertson, he teased her gently and inquired whether "emotions of a softer kind" did not move her heart.44 Elizabeth's desire to join the Washington household in Philadelphia in 1795 must have filled the older couple with misgivings. However devoted she was to them, she had a fiery temper and was cursed with what one aunt called "a violent and romantic disposition."45 That same aunt regretted that in "her tastes and pastimes, she is more man than woman and regrets that she can't wear pants." That same aunt regretted that in "her tastes and pastimes, she is more man than woman and regrets that she can't wear pants."46 When she first came to Philadelphia, she was sulky and querulous and boycotted church and dances. Martha Washington, a confirmed believer in social duties, could not sympathize with such morbid brooding. Washington, however, enjoyed Elizabeth's company, and she accompanied him for sittings with Gilbert Stuart. One day, as Stuart painted, Elizabeth abruptly barged into the room and, folding her arms across her chest, cast an appraising look at his work. He was so struck by this self-a.s.sured pose that he painted her in exactly this manner, holding a straw hat embellished with a red ribbon. Her sidelong glance in the portrait is proud, spirited, and obstinate, as if she refused to budge from the viewer's glance. Elizabeth appeared indifferent to her own beauty, as if it were something too trivial to occupy her attention. When she first came to Philadelphia, she was sulky and querulous and boycotted church and dances. Martha Washington, a confirmed believer in social duties, could not sympathize with such morbid brooding. Washington, however, enjoyed Elizabeth's company, and she accompanied him for sittings with Gilbert Stuart. One day, as Stuart painted, Elizabeth abruptly barged into the room and, folding her arms across her chest, cast an appraising look at his work. He was so struck by this self-a.s.sured pose that he painted her in exactly this manner, holding a straw hat embellished with a red ribbon. Her sidelong glance in the portrait is proud, spirited, and obstinate, as if she refused to budge from the viewer's glance. Elizabeth appeared indifferent to her own beauty, as if it were something too trivial to occupy her attention.

In 1796 an Englishman twice her age, Thomas Law, revealed his plans to marry her, a move that took the Washingtons by surprise, Elizabeth having concealed the courtship. After running up a fortune in India, Law had come to America to dabble in real estate and promptly bought five hundred lots in the new federal district. Even before Washington knew he would someday have a familial connection with Law, he had recoiled at the scale of these purchases. "Will it not be asked," he inquired, "why are speculators to pocket so much money?"47 When Law apprised him of his intention to marry Elizabeth, Washington was quietly livid and must have known that he could not talk the stubborn Elizabeth out of the marriage. In replying to Law, he faulted him for the deceptive manner in which he had proceeded but did not protest the marriage outright: "No intimation of this event, from any quarter, having been communicated to us before, it may well be supposed that it was a matter of surprise. This being premised, I have only to add . . . my approbation, in which Mrs. Washington unites." When Law apprised him of his intention to marry Elizabeth, Washington was quietly livid and must have known that he could not talk the stubborn Elizabeth out of the marriage. In replying to Law, he faulted him for the deceptive manner in which he had proceeded but did not protest the marriage outright: "No intimation of this event, from any quarter, having been communicated to us before, it may well be supposed that it was a matter of surprise. This being premised, I have only to add . . . my approbation, in which Mrs. Washington unites."48 It was a typically shrewd response from Washington, who offered qualified support to Law while privately gathering more information about him. He confronted Elizabeth gingerly, saying that she had "more honesty than disguise" in her nature and should disclose more details of her engagement: "This I have a right to expect in return for my blessing so promptly bestowed, after you had concealed the matter from me so long."49 Wary of Law's motives, Washington wrote on the sly to Elizabeth's stepfather, David Stuart, suggesting a strong prenuptial agreement that would have Law "make a settlement upon her previous to marriage, of her own fortune, if no more." Wary of Law's motives, Washington wrote on the sly to Elizabeth's stepfather, David Stuart, suggesting a strong prenuptial agreement that would have Law "make a settlement upon her previous to marriage, of her own fortune, if no more."50 When the couple married in Virginia the next month, the wedding was conducted in a studiously low-key style, devoid of dancing or festivities, as if the family had no wish to invest in premature celebration. The marriage proved a misalliance, and the couple separated in 1803. When the couple married in Virginia the next month, the wedding was conducted in a studiously low-key style, devoid of dancing or festivities, as if the family had no wish to invest in premature celebration. The marriage proved a misalliance, and the couple separated in 1803.

Elizabeth's petulant nature threw into shining relief the sterling qualities of her vivacious sister Nelly, who was so varied in her interests, including horseback riding, singing, playing the harpsichord, studying French, and drawing. One smitten male visitor marveled that she "has more perfection of form of expression, of color, of softness, and of firmness of mind than I have ever seen before."51 With keen wit she skewered her enraptured male admirers. When she heard false rumors that she was romantically involved with one young man, she admitted that he had pleasing manners but had "been told too often of his merit and accomplishments, and it has given him more affectation than is by any means agreeable." With keen wit she skewered her enraptured male admirers. When she heard false rumors that she was romantically involved with one young man, she admitted that he had pleasing manners but had "been told too often of his merit and accomplishments, and it has given him more affectation than is by any means agreeable."52 She mocked another young man for his pseudoromantic babble about " She mocked another young man for his pseudoromantic babble about "hearts, darts, hopes, fears, heart-aches " and other terms related to the " " and other terms related to the "tender pa.s.sion."53 With such merciless comments, Nelly murdered the hopes of many young suitors, and it seemed unlikely she would marry anytime soon. With such merciless comments, Nelly murdered the hopes of many young suitors, and it seemed unlikely she would marry anytime soon.

Martha sometimes found Nelly a little unconventional for her tastes, but the president adored her. Far more trying was his relationship with George Washington Parke Custis, who recapitulated his father's history of academic apathy. He had grown into a handsome teenager, crowned with curly hair, a broad face, and large, attractive eyes. When Washy entered Princeton in the autumn of 1796-the president thought the school had "turned out better scholars" and "more estimable characters" than any other-the president didn't know whether he would adjust to the academic rigors or loaf his way through.54 As with Jacky, Washington smothered the young man with advice, warning him against idle amus.e.m.e.nts, dissipated company, and hasty friendships. Trying to instill his own prudent habits, he told him to "select the most deserving only for your friendships, and, before this becomes intimate, weigh their dispositions and character As with Jacky, Washington smothered the young man with advice, warning him against idle amus.e.m.e.nts, dissipated company, and hasty friendships. Trying to instill his own prudent habits, he told him to "select the most deserving only for your friendships, and, before this becomes intimate, weigh their dispositions and character well well."55 Washington's vague bromides about Washy becoming a scholar and a useful member of society seemed like so much wishful thinking. Washington's vague bromides about Washy becoming a scholar and a useful member of society seemed like so much wishful thinking.

Within six months of Washy's arrival at Princeton, Washington was confronted by disturbing reports from the boy's tutor. "From his infancy, I have discovered an almost unconquerable disposition to indolence," Washington informed the professor in words that echoed his chronic dismay with Jacky Custis.56 Like Jacky, Washy apologized profusely for his misdemeanors and promised to reform. He a.s.sured Washington that "like the Like Jacky, Washy apologized profusely for his misdemeanors and promised to reform. He a.s.sured Washington that "like the prodigal son, prodigal son," he would be "a sincere penitent," but such n.o.ble intentions lasted only as long as it took the ink to dry.57 However good-natured and ingratiating in his letters, Washy was, at bottom, f.e.c.kless and incorrigible. He would say all the right things, then do all the wrong things, and he lasted only a year at Princeton. However good-natured and ingratiating in his letters, Washy was, at bottom, f.e.c.kless and incorrigible. He would say all the right things, then do all the wrong things, and he lasted only a year at Princeton.

THE TWO-TERM PRESIDENCY had taxed Washington in many ways, not least in his personal finances. In March 1795, when his friend Charles Carter, Jr., approached him for a thousand-dollar loan, Washington, always touchy about borrowing, burst into a recitation of his financial stringency: "My friends entertain a very erroneous idea of my pecuniary resources . . . Such has been the management of my estate for many years past, especially since my absence from home, now six years, as barely to support itself."58 He protested that his government allowance barely covered the extravagant costs of entertaining and that he had resorted to selling western lands to escape debt. He protested that his government allowance barely covered the extravagant costs of entertaining and that he had resorted to selling western lands to escape debt.

As he meditated on the end of his presidency, he mused about the prospect of "tranquillity with a certain certain income" and decided to pursue his earlier scheme of selling his western lands and leasing out the four Mount Vernon farms, while retreating to the fifth, the Mansion House, with Martha. income" and decided to pursue his earlier scheme of selling his western lands and leasing out the four Mount Vernon farms, while retreating to the fifth, the Mansion House, with Martha.59 On February 1, 1796, he posted advertis.e.m.e.nts for the sale of thirteen tracts along three western rivers-the Ohio, Great Kanawha, and Little Miami-amounting to a whopping 36,000 acres. These ads were posted in Philadelphia papers and well-frequented taverns in western Pennsylvania. The properties dated from the distant period when the young Anglophile officer had received bounty lands for service in the French and Indian War and had cornered aggressively the rights of fellow soldiers. In undertaking these sales, Washington harbored a secret agenda, hoping to use the proceeds to help emanc.i.p.ate his slaves. On February 1, 1796, he posted advertis.e.m.e.nts for the sale of thirteen tracts along three western rivers-the Ohio, Great Kanawha, and Little Miami-amounting to a whopping 36,000 acres. These ads were posted in Philadelphia papers and well-frequented taverns in western Pennsylvania. The properties dated from the distant period when the young Anglophile officer had received bounty lands for service in the French and Indian War and had cornered aggressively the rights of fellow soldiers. In undertaking these sales, Washington harbored a secret agenda, hoping to use the proceeds to help emanc.i.p.ate his slaves.

In recruiting able farmers to rent the four outlying farms, the Father of His Country had so little faith in American farmers that he placed anonymous ads not only in eastern newspapers but as far afield as England, Scotland, and Ireland. "My wish is to get a.s.sociations of farmers from the old countries, who know how . . . to keep the land in an improving state rather than the slovenly ones of this [country], who think (generally) of nothing else but to work a field as long as it will bear anything," he told William Pearce, Mount Vernon's estate manager.60 He now resolved to introduce the crop-rotation scheme that he had worked out on paper but that his hapless overseers had never been able to put into practice. Having long known that tobacco depleted the soil, he wanted to plant corn, wheat, clover, potatoes, and gra.s.s in a scientific sequence. He now resolved to introduce the crop-rotation scheme that he had worked out on paper but that his hapless overseers had never been able to put into practice. Having long known that tobacco depleted the soil, he wanted to plant corn, wheat, clover, potatoes, and gra.s.s in a scientific sequence.

Conscious that he would someday free his slaves, Washington wanted to avoid doing anything that might interfere with that plan. His letters betray growing disgust with slavery, as when he told Pearce that "opulent" Virginians were made "imperious and dissipated from the habit of commanding slaves and living in a measure without control."61 However benevolent his intentions were, he remained a largely absentee owner, able to exercise scant control over his overseers' harsh practices, as shown in one 1795 letter to Pearce: "I am sorry to find by your last reports that there has been two deaths in the [slave] family since I left Mount Vernon, and one of them a young fellow. I hope every necessary care and attention was afforded him. I expect little of this from McCoy, or indeed from most of his cla.s.s, for they seem to consider a Negro much in the same light as they do the brute beasts on the farms, and often treat them as inhumanly." However benevolent his intentions were, he remained a largely absentee owner, able to exercise scant control over his overseers' harsh practices, as shown in one 1795 letter to Pearce: "I am sorry to find by your last reports that there has been two deaths in the [slave] family since I left Mount Vernon, and one of them a young fellow. I hope every necessary care and attention was afforded him. I expect little of this from McCoy, or indeed from most of his cla.s.s, for they seem to consider a Negro much in the same light as they do the brute beasts on the farms, and often treat them as inhumanly."62 Washington mentally divided his slaves into productive ones who warranted favor and those unable or unwilling to work. When Pearce distributed linen to slaves, Washington instructed him to provide the good stuff "to the grown people and the most deserving, whilst the more indifferent sort is served to the younger ones and worthless." Washington mentally divided his slaves into productive ones who warranted favor and those unable or unwilling to work. When Pearce distributed linen to slaves, Washington instructed him to provide the good stuff "to the grown people and the most deserving, whilst the more indifferent sort is served to the younger ones and worthless."63 Whatever his shortcomings as a master, Washington continued to refine his plan to free his slaves someday. So long as he was president, the subject was taboo; Washington told David Stuart that "reasons of a political, indeed of [an] imperious nature" forbade any such action.64 He wrote these words during the brouhaha over the Jay Treaty, when southern planters were especially upset over his policies and he could not afford to antagonize them further. Starting in 1795, Washington's letters reflect a growing preoccupation with knowing who were his dower slaves, over whom he had no control, and those he owned outright and could free. He wrote these words during the brouhaha over the Jay Treaty, when southern planters were especially upset over his policies and he could not afford to antagonize them further. Starting in 1795, Washington's letters reflect a growing preoccupation with knowing who were his dower slaves, over whom he had no control, and those he owned outright and could free.

Washington's plans to lease the four farms and simplify his future life came to naught. Adding to his nagging economic uncertainty was the regretted departure of William Pearce due to an "increasing rheumatic affection."65 For the demanding Washington, the seasoned Pearce had been a G.o.dsend, a man of reliable industry and integrity. In October 1796 Washington replaced him with James Anderson, a native of Scotland well trained in agriculture, who would take the operations at Mount Vernon in some unexpected directions. The switch, which came as the president contemplated retirement, could only have exacerbated his worries about the situation that awaited him at home. For the demanding Washington, the seasoned Pearce had been a G.o.dsend, a man of reliable industry and integrity. In October 1796 Washington replaced him with James Anderson, a native of Scotland well trained in agriculture, who would take the operations at Mount Vernon in some unexpected directions. The switch, which came as the president contemplated retirement, could only have exacerbated his worries about the situation that awaited him at home.

CHAPTER SIXTY-TWO.

The Master of Farewells IN 1796 GEORGE WASHINGTON was often in a somber, pessimistic mood. One visitor who encountered him on his sixty-fourth birthday that February said "he seemed considerably older. The innumerable vexations he has met with in his different public capacities have very sensibly impaired the vigor of his const.i.tution and given him an aged appearance."1 He had long fathomed the peculiar dynamics of fame, the way fickle crowds respond first with adulation and then scorn to any form of hero worship. From partisan quarters, he was experiencing the rude comeuppance he had long known hovered in the background. Patrick Henry was shocked at his slanderous treatment: "If he whose character as our He had long fathomed the peculiar dynamics of fame, the way fickle crowds respond first with adulation and then scorn to any form of hero worship. From partisan quarters, he was experiencing the rude comeuppance he had long known hovered in the background. Patrick Henry was shocked at his slanderous treatment: "If he whose character as our leader during the whole war leader during the whole war . . . is so roughly handled in his old age, what may be expected of men of the common standard?" . . . is so roughly handled in his old age, what may be expected of men of the common standard?"2 Nothing required Washington to leave office-the Twenty-second Amendment, limiting a president to two terms, was not ratified until 1951-but he had always planned to remain as president only until the new Const.i.tution had taken root, never dreaming it would take a full two terms to reach that point. Despondent over the Jay Treaty attacks, Washington had now firmly resolved to leave office. Most Federalists hoped he would stay in office indefinitely; John Jay exhorted him to "remain with us at least while the storm lasts and until you can retire like the sun in a calm, unclouded evening."3 In reply, Washington alluded darkly to all the "trouble and perplexities" he had endured, aggravated by the infirmities of age, and said only a national emergency would postpone his retirement. In reply, Washington alluded darkly to all the "trouble and perplexities" he had endured, aggravated by the infirmities of age, and said only a national emergency would postpone his retirement.4 Where Washington had asked Madison to draft a farewell address in 1792 and then stashed it in a drawer, he now turned to Hamilton as his preferred wordsmith for a valedictory message. On May 15 he sent the latter Madison's address, along with additions he himself had recently made to reflect the "considerable changes" wrought by the intervening years.5 He dangled before Hamilton two options: either edit and update Madison's version or start afresh and "throw the He dangled before Hamilton two options: either edit and update Madison's version or start afresh and "throw the whole whole into a different form." into a different form."6 It was not in Hamilton's headstrong nature to bow to another scribe, and while he would offer Washington a revised version of Madison's 1792 address, he also forged a magisterial new version of his own. It was not in Hamilton's headstrong nature to bow to another scribe, and while he would offer Washington a revised version of Madison's 1792 address, he also forged a magisterial new version of his own.

As always, Washington fretted over possible misinterpretations of his motives, speculating that people might whisper he was leaving office because of his "fallen popularity and despair of being re-elected." In his farewell statement, he wanted Hamilton to refer to the earlier farewell address as irrefutable proof that, far from hiding megalomaniacal ambitions, he had longed to return home. While the words of this second farewell belonged to Hamilton, Washington defined its overarching themes and lent it his distinctive sound. He wanted the message written in a plain, unadorned style, presenting a timeless quality and avoiding references to specific personalities and events that had given rise to many observations.

In the past, Washington had been the circ.u.mspect personality and Hamilton the hotheaded one. Now Hamilton became the man of impeccable judgment. Washington's additions to Madison's draft had been laced with bitterness, wallowing in partisan squabbles. He had scribbled ill-advised lines about newspapers that "teemed with all the invective that disappointment, ignorance of facts, and malicious falsehoods could invent to misrepresent my politics."7 Noting his financial sacrifices, Washington had remarked petulantly that "if my country has derived no benefit from my services, my fortune, in a pecuniary point of view, has received no augmentation from my country." Noting his financial sacrifices, Washington had remarked petulantly that "if my country has derived no benefit from my services, my fortune, in a pecuniary point of view, has received no augmentation from my country."8 Hamilton rescued Washington from such petty gripes and made the address coolly statesmanlike, the words of a self-a.s.sured man speaking to posterity. It was the lofty Washington, not the wounded man smarting with secret hurts, that Hamilton set out to capture. Hamilton rescued Washington from such petty gripes and made the address coolly statesmanlike, the words of a self-a.s.sured man speaking to posterity. It was the lofty Washington, not the wounded man smarting with secret hurts, that Hamilton set out to capture.

Washington displayed tremendous anxiety about the timing of his farewell address. In late June, he told Hamilton that he regretted not having published it as soon as Congress adjourned. Its postponement until the fall might lead people to surmise "that I delayed it long enough to see that the current was turned against me before I declared my intention to decline."9 Hamilton pointed out the wisdom of waiting until the fall in case a national emergency, especially a military clash with France, forced him to reconsider a third term. "If a storm gathers," Hamilton wondered, "how can you retreat?" Hamilton pointed out the wisdom of waiting until the fall in case a national emergency, especially a military clash with France, forced him to reconsider a third term. "If a storm gathers," Hamilton wondered, "how can you retreat?"10 To avoid interfering with the fall elections, Washington set a deadline of no later than October for publishing his farewell address. To avoid interfering with the fall elections, Washington set a deadline of no later than October for publishing his farewell address.

At Mount Vernon that summer, Washington still licked his wounds over the rabid commentary in the Aurora Aurora. "That Mr. Bache will continue his attacks on the government, there can be no doubt," he told Treasury Secretary Wolcott, "but that they will make no impression on the public mind is not so certain, for drops of water will impress (in time) the hardest marble."11 Because of Washington's public silence about his future plans, the presidential campaign played out in the shadows. It was a.s.sumed that, if Washington retired, Vice President Adams would emerge as the Federalist candidate for president, with Thomas Pinckney as his running mate. Political propriety demanded that they await official word from Washington before engaging in overt campaigning. By July it was also apparent that the Republicans would run Jefferson for president, joined by Aaron Burr as vice president. Because of Washington's public silence about his future plans, the presidential campaign played out in the shadows. It was a.s.sumed that, if Washington retired, Vice President Adams would emerge as the Federalist candidate for president, with Thomas Pinckney as his running mate. Political propriety demanded that they await official word from Washington before engaging in overt campaigning. By July it was also apparent that the Republicans would run Jefferson for president, joined by Aaron Burr as vice president.

Hamilton toiled over the farewell address in deep secrecy. Instead of sending his reactions through the mail, Washington, who thought his letters were being opened, conveyed them to New York via personal couriers. When Washington received the two versions of the farewell address in early August, he immediately discarded Madison's revised draft and opted for Hamilton's new version. As a literary stylist, Hamilton's abiding sin had always been prolixity. Since the farewell address was meant to be read in newspapers, not delivered as a speech, Washington objected to its length and asked Hamilton to trim it down. "All the columns of a large gazette would scarcely, I conceive, contain the present draft," he protested.12 Always honest and self-critical, Washington saw that Hamilton had purged the address of his own personal whining; he conceded that it was "more dignified on the whole and with less egotism" than the earlier version. Always honest and self-critical, Washington saw that Hamilton had purged the address of his own personal whining; he conceded that it was "more dignified on the whole and with less egotism" than the earlier version.13 Washington succeeded in keeping his farewell message a closely held secret. On the morning of September 16, 1796, Tobias Lear appeared unexpectedly at the office of David Claypoole, who published a Philadelphia newspaper. In mysterious fashion, he told Claypoole that the president wanted to see him and promptly whisked him off to the executive mansion, where he huddled alone with Washington in a drawing room. There Washington disclosed the dramatic news that he was leaving the presidency and wished his farewell address to appear in Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser. The two men agreed that the publisher would "usher it to the world and suffer it to work its way afterwards" on Monday, September 19.14 That weekend Washington corrected the proofs himself, right down to the punctuation marks, and he graciously allowed Claypoole to retain the invaluable ma.n.u.script. Even though Washington had given him exclusive rights to the address, it was widely disseminated at lightning speed. That same afternoon three Philadelphia papers jumped to print it, followed by a New York newspaper the next day, so that Washington achieved something close to a synchronized, universal publication. The address also appeared in pamphlet form. That weekend Washington corrected the proofs himself, right down to the punctuation marks, and he graciously allowed Claypoole to retain the invaluable ma.n.u.script. Even though Washington had given him exclusive rights to the address, it was widely disseminated at lightning speed. That same afternoon three Philadelphia papers jumped to print it, followed by a New York newspaper the next day, so that Washington achieved something close to a synchronized, universal publication. The address also appeared in pamphlet form.

An old hand at farewells, Washington, by design, rolled out of Philadelphia in his coach and headed for Mount Vernon, just as local citizens began to consume his address. He wished the words to speak for themselves, without any elaboration on his part. Washington never identified the doc.u.ment as his "farewell address," a label pinned on it by others. It appeared under the rubric "To the PEOPLE of the UNITED STATES," and began with the words "Friends and Fellow Citizens."15 It was the perfect touch, echoing the opening of the Const.i.tution, "We the People of the United States." While Washington could have informed Congress of his resignation, he went instead to the source of all sovereignty, the people, just as the Const.i.tutional Convention had bypa.s.sed state legislatures and asked the people to approve the doc.u.ment directly through ratifying conventions. It was the perfect touch, echoing the opening of the Const.i.tution, "We the People of the United States." While Washington could have informed Congress of his resignation, he went instead to the source of all sovereignty, the people, just as the Const.i.tutional Convention had bypa.s.sed state legislatures and asked the people to approve the doc.u.ment directly through ratifying conventions.

In the address, Washington started by mentioning the earlier farewell letter and his hope that he could have retired sooner. The "increasing weight of years" had now made withdrawal from office necessary.16 After talking of the vicissitudes of his presidency, he evoked America's grand future, sounding the oracular strain he had patented. After talking of the vicissitudes of his presidency, he evoked America's grand future, sounding the oracular strain he had patented.17 In a paean to unity, he warned that national ident.i.ty must trump local attachments: "The name of AMERICAN, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations." In a paean to unity, he warned that national ident.i.ty must trump local attachments: "The name of AMERICAN, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations."18 This continental perspective had informed his work ever since the Revolution. Washington stressed the need to safeguard western territories from foreign encroachments, and without mentioning the Whiskey Rebellion by name, he enunciated the need for law and order: "The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government." This continental perspective had informed his work ever since the Revolution. Washington stressed the need to safeguard western territories from foreign encroachments, and without mentioning the Whiskey Rebellion by name, he enunciated the need for law and order: "The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government."19 Instead of flattering the people, Washington challenged them to improve their performance as citizens. Most of all he appealed to Americans to cling to the Union, with the federal government as the true guarantor of liberty and independence. As Joseph Ellis has written, "In the Farewell Address, Washington reiterated his conviction that the centralizing impulses of the American Revolution were not violations but fulfillments of its original ethos." Instead of flattering the people, Washington challenged them to improve their performance as citizens. Most of all he appealed to Americans to cling to the Union, with the federal government as the true guarantor of liberty and independence. As Joseph Ellis has written, "In the Farewell Address, Washington reiterated his conviction that the centralizing impulses of the American Revolution were not violations but fulfillments of its original ethos."20 As the address proceeded, it grew increasingly evident that Washington and Hamilton directed their shafts at the Republicans in coded language. Their denunciations of "combinations and a.s.sociations" that sought to counteract the const.i.tuted authorities recalled their earlier strictures against the Democratic-Republican Societies. While such groups "may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people."21 It was still hard for Washington to conceive of parties that were not disloyal cabals against duly elected government. A party spirit exists in all types of government, Washington observed, "but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy." It was still hard for Washington to conceive of parties that were not disloyal cabals against duly elected government. A party spirit exists in all types of government, Washington observed, "but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy."22 For Washington, parties weren't so much expressions of popular politics as their negation, denying the true will of the people as expressed through their chosen representatives. For Washington, parties weren't so much expressions of popular politics as their negation, denying the true will of the people as expressed through their chosen representatives.

Although he said that debt should be used sparingly and paid down in times of peace, Washington endorsed the Hamiltonian program. He warned against an unreasonable aversion to taxes, without which the debt could not be retired-a jab at those Jeffersonians who loudly took issue with the funded debt, then opposed the whiskey tax and other measures designed to whittle it down. By a.s.serting executive vigor, his disclaimers notwithstanding, the farewell address placed Washington decidedly in the Federalist camp.

The genius of the farewell address was that it could be read in strictly neutral terms or as disguised pokes at the Jeffersonians. This was especially true when Washington laid out his sweeping views on foreign policy, recycling many ideas advanced in promoting the Jay Treaty. Tacitly railing against Republican support for France, he expounded a foreign policy based on practical interests instead of political pa.s.sions: "The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave."23 Sympathy with a foreign nation for purely ideological reasons, he said, could lead America into "the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification." Sympathy with a foreign nation for purely ideological reasons, he said, could lead America into "the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification."24 He clearly had Jefferson and Madison in mind as he took issue with "ambitious, corrupted or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation)" and "sacrifice the interests of their own country." He clearly had Jefferson and Madison in mind as he took issue with "ambitious, corrupted or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation)" and "sacrifice the interests of their own country."25 Restating his neutrality policy, he underlined the desirability of commercial rather than political ties with other nations: " 'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world." Restating his neutrality policy, he underlined the desirability of commercial rather than political ties with other nations: " 'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world."26 It was Jefferson, not Washington, who warned against "entangling alliances," although the concept was clearly present in Washington's message. It was Jefferson, not Washington, who warned against "entangling alliances," although the concept was clearly present in Washington's message.

For all the swipes at the opposition, Hamilton infused a placid tone into the address, replacing the bitter scold with the caring father. At the end Washington sounded a little like Shakespeare's Prospero, stepping off the stage of history. Whatever errors he had committed, he hoped that "my country will never cease to view them with indulgence and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest."27 It was fitting that Washington closed by conflating the end of his life with the termination of his public service. It was fitting that Washington closed by conflating the end of his life with the termination of his public service.

In general, Americans applauded the farewell address. Washington had seen himself as rising above partisanship, but some Republicans detected the barbs aimed at their party, and the effect was perhaps more divisive than Washington hoped. One visiting Frenchman resented its "marked antipathy to France and a predilection for England," while an opposition paper characterized Washington's words as "the loathings of a sick mind."28 There was no mourning for Washington's departure in the editorial office of the There was no mourning for Washington's departure in the editorial office of the Aurora, Aurora, which had this to say about his retirement: "Every heart in unison . . . ought to beat high with exultation that the name of Washington from this day ceases to give a currency to political iniquity and to legalized corruption." which had this to say about his retirement: "Every heart in unison . . . ought to beat high with exultation that the name of Washington from this day ceases to give a currency to political iniquity and to legalized corruption."29 Well aware of the anti-Republican subtext of the address, Madison voiced his displeasure to Monroe about Washington's "suspicion of all who are thought to sympathize with [the French] revolution and who support the policy of extending our commerce" with France. Well aware of the anti-Republican subtext of the address, Madison voiced his displeasure to Monroe about Washington's "suspicion of all who are thought to sympathize with [the French] revolution and who support the policy of extending our commerce" with France.30 An active guessing game arose as to who had composed the farewell address, which remained a well-kept secret for many years. In 1805 Dr. Benjamin Rush inquired of John Adams, "Did you ever hear who wrote General W.'s farewell address to the citizens of the United States? Major [Pierce] Butler says it was Mr. Jay. It is a masterly performance."31 Jay had reviewed Hamilton's draft and made suggestions but in no way qualified as a coauthor. Eager to boost Washington's standing, Hamilton and other intimates kept their lips tightly sealed on the question of authorship. One day as Hamilton and his wife ambled down Broadway in New York, they encountered an old soldier hawking copies of the address. Buying a copy, Hamilton said amusedly to his wife, "That man does not know he has asked me to purchase my own work." Jay had reviewed Hamilton's draft and made suggestions but in no way qualified as a coauthor. Eager to boost Washington's standing, Hamilton and other intimates kept their lips tightly sealed on the question of authorship. One day as Hamilton and his wife ambled down Broadway in New York, they encountered an old soldier hawking copies of the address. Buying a copy, Hamilton said amusedly to his wife, "That man does not know he has asked me to purchase my own work."32 Just as Washington feared, some observers attributed his departure to his dread of a poor showing in the fall election. "He knew there was to be an opposition to him at the next election and he feared he should not come in unanimously," John Adams remarked years later. "Besides, my popularity was growing too splendid, and the millions of addresses to me from all quarters piqued his jealousy."33 In a still more paranoid vein, Adams surmised that Washington had retired because a malign Hamilton wielded veto power over his appointees: "And this necessity was, in my opinion, the real cause of his retirement from office. For you may depend upon it, that retirement was not voluntary." In a still more paranoid vein, Adams surmised that Washington had retired because a malign Hamilton wielded veto power over his appointees: "And this necessity was, in my opinion, the real cause of his retirement from office. For you may depend upon it, that retirement was not voluntary."34 Somewhat more objectively, Adams noted how spent the sixty-four-year-old Washington was after his prodigious labors: "The times were critical, the labor fatiguing, many circ.u.mstances disgusting, and he felt weary and longed for retirement." Somewhat more objectively, Adams noted how spent the sixty-four-year-old Washington was after his prodigious labors: "The times were critical, the labor fatiguing, many circ.u.mstances disgusting, and he felt weary and longed for retirement."35 This was much closer to the portrait that emerges from Washington's own letters. This was much closer to the portrait that emerges from Washington's own letters.

To less envious eyes, Washington's resignation represented another milestone in republican government. Just as he had proved at the end of the war that he did not l.u.s.t for power, so his departure from the presidency elevated his moral standing in the world. One encomium came from an unexpected quarter. By giving up first military and now political power, he stood out as "the greatest character of the age," according to George III, who had belatedly learned to appreciate his erstwhile enemy. 36 36 Though it was not his main intention, Washington inaugurated a custom of presidents serving only two terms, a precedent honored until the time of Franklin Roosevelt. For opponents who had spent eight years harping on Washington's supposed monarchical obsessions, his decision to step down could only have left them in a dazed state of speechless confusion. Though it was not his main intention, Washington inaugurated a custom of presidents serving only two terms, a precedent honored until the time of Franklin Roosevelt. For opponents who had spent eight years harping on Washington's supposed monarchical obsessions, his decision to step down could only have left them in a dazed state of speechless confusion.

THE MOST FLAGRANT OMISSION in Washington's farewell statement was the subject most likely to subvert its unifying spirit: slavery. Whatever his private reservations about slavery, President Washington had acted in accordance with the wishes of southern slaveholders. In February 1793 he signed the Fugitive Slave Act, enabling masters to cross state lines to recapture runaway slaves. He remained zealous in tracking down his own fugitive slaves, although like Jefferson, he didn't care to call attention to such activities. When a slave named Paul ran away in March 1795, Washington, while approving measures to apprehend him, advised William Pearce that "I would not have my name appear in any advertis.e.m.e.nt, or other measure, leading to it."37 He was especially worried about his name surfacing in northern papers. Even in Philadelphia, Washington monitored the status of runaway slaves at Mount Vernon. "I see by the last week's report that Caesar has been absent six days," he asked Pearce in early 1796. "Is he a runaway? If so, it is probable he will escape altogether, as he can read, if not write." He was especially worried about his name surfacing in northern papers. Even in Philadelphia, Washington monitored the status of runaway slaves at Mount Vernon. "I see by the last week's report that Caesar has been absent six days," he asked Pearce in early 1796. "Is he a runaway? If so, it is probable he will escape altogether, as he can read, if not write."38 Beyond moral scruples, Washington found slave ownership a political embarra.s.sment. During his second term, the Aurora Aurora taunted him by declaring that, twenty years after independence, Washington still possessed "FIVE HUNDRED of the HUMAN SPECIES IN SLAVERY." taunted him by declaring that, twenty years after independence, Washington still possessed "FIVE HUNDRED of the HUMAN SPECIES IN SLAVERY."39 On another occasion it mocked him as a hypocritical emblem of liberty, arguing that it "must appear a little incongruous then that Liberty's Apostle should be seen with chains in his hands, holding men in bondage." On another occasion it mocked him as a hypocritical emblem of liberty, arguing that it "must appear a little incongruous then that Liberty's Apostle should be seen with chains in his hands, holding men in bondage."40 This was a dangerous game for Bache to play, since it could easily backfire on Jefferson and Madison, two sizable slaveholders who figured as his populist champions. In later correspondence with John Adams, Benjamin Rush served up this tidbit about Washington: "Mr. Jefferson told me he once saw [Washington] throw the This was a dangerous game for Bache to play, since it could easily backfire on Jefferson and Madison, two sizable slaveholders who figured as his populist champions. In later correspondence with John Adams, Benjamin Rush served up this tidbit about Washington: "Mr. Jefferson told me he once saw [Washington] throw the Aurora Aurora hastily upon the floor with a 'd.a.m.n' of the author, who had charged him with the crime of being a slaveholder." hastily upon the floor with a 'd.a.m.n' of the author, who had charged him with the crime of being a slaveholder."41 Federalist polemicists also exploited the slavery issue to excoriate Republicans and their southern base. "Oh, happy Carolina! Happy, thrice Virginia!" wrote William Cobbett. "After having spent the day in singing hymns to the G.o.ddess of Liberty, the virtuous Democrat [i.e., Republican] gets him home to his peaceful dwelling and sleeps with his Federalist polemicists also exploited the slavery issue to excoriate Republicans and their southern base. "Oh, happy Carolina! Happy, thrice Virginia!" wrote William Cobbett. "After having spent the day in singing hymns to the G.o.ddess of Liberty, the virtuous Democrat [i.e., Republican] gets him home to his peaceful dwelling and sleeps with his property property secure beneath his roof, yea, sometimes in his very secure beneath his roof, yea, sometimes in his very arms arms."42 During their Philadelphia years, George and Martha Washington must have wondered how long their slaves imported from Mount Vernon would remain loyal. First there had been the flap over the local law that liberated slaves after six months of continuous residence. Slave masters often a.s.sumed that slaves brought north and exposed to free blacks were forever "tainted" by the experience; Washington subscribed to the view that otherwise happy, contented slaves could be "tampered with and seduced" by meddlesome northern abolitionists.43 Even though Washington favored abolition in theory, he thought that as long as slavery existed, his slaves ought to cooperate in exchange for the food and shelter he provided. Even though Washington favored abolition in theory, he thought that as long as slavery existed, his slaves ought to cooperate in exchange for the food and shelter he provided.

Washington permitted his household slaves a modic.u.m of freedom to roam the city, sample its pleasures, and even patronize the theater. Household accounts for June 1792 disclose expense money doled out for "Austin, Hercules & Oney to go to the play."44 In the spring of 1793 two of Martha's maids were given money to attend "tumbling feats," followed by money to view a local circus. The two slaves most favored with such treats and held in highest esteem by the Washingtons were Ona (or Oney) Judge, Martha's maid, and Hercules, the master chef. One wonders whether their fleeting experiences of freedom in Philadelphia whetted their appet.i.tes for permanent freedom. Washington must have known that their contacts with the large community of free blacks in the capital could only strengthen their desire to throw off the yoke of slavery. In the spring of 1793 two of Martha's maids were given money to attend "tumbling feats," followed by money to view a local circus. The two slaves most favored with such treats and held in highest esteem by the Washingtons were Ona (or Oney) Judge, Martha's maid, and Hercules, the master chef. One wonders whether their fleeting experiences of freedom in Philadelphia whetted their appet.i.tes for permanent freedom. Washington must have known that their contacts with the large community of free blacks in the capital could only strengthen their desire to throw off the yoke of slavery.

A young mulatto woman, light-skinned and freckled, Ona Judge was the daughter of Andrew Judge, an indentured servant at Mount Vernon, and a slave named Betty. She was Martha's personal maid and widely known as her pet. Each morning Ona brushed Martha's hair, laid out her clothing, and a.s.sisted her with household sewing. In the president's words, Ona Judge was "handy and useful to [Martha], being perfect mistress of her needle."45 Naive about the true feelings of her slaves, Martha a.s.sumed that, because Ona enjoyed a relatively privileged status as her personal chambermaid, she would never rebel against her bondage. In 1796 Ona, then about twenty-two, realized that the Washingtons might soon return to Mount Vernon for good, eliminating any possibility of a flight to freedom. As if the young slave would be thrilled by the news, Martha mentioned to Ona one day that she planned to bequeath her to her granddaughter Elizabeth, who was notorious for her grim moods. Far from feeling flattered, Ona felt deep terror at the prospect, later saying with disdain that "she was determined not to be Naive about the true feelings of her slaves, Martha a.s.sumed that, because Ona enjoyed a relatively privileged status as her personal chambermaid, she would never rebel against her bondage. In 1796 Ona, then about twenty-two, realized that the Washingtons might soon return to Mount Vernon for good, eliminating any possibility of a flight to freedom. As if the young slave would be thrilled by the news, Martha mentioned to Ona one day that she planned to bequeath her to her granddaughter Elizabeth, who was notorious for her grim moods. Far from feeling flattered, Ona felt deep terror at the prospect, later saying with disdain that "she was determined not to be her her slave." slave."46 Since "she did not want to be a slave always," she later recalled, "she supposed if she went back to Virginia, she would never have a chance to escape." Since "she did not want to be a slave always," she later recalled, "she supposed if she went back to Virginia, she would never have a chance to escape."47 As the Washingtons got ready for a return trip to Mount Vernon in May 1796, Ona Judge set in motion her scheme to escape. While servants boxed belongings for the trip, she used the preparations as camouflage to gather her things, and as the Washingtons dined one evening, she slipped out of the executive mansion and blended into the free black community. After lying low for a month, she sailed north aboard a ship called the Nancy, Nancy, staffed by a large contingent of black sailors, and eventually wound up in Portsmouth, New Hampshire. staffed by a large contingent of black sailors, and eventually wound up in Portsmouth, New Hampshire.

When the Washingtons discovered the escape, they were convinced that Judge would have fled only if she had been cajoled by a wily seducer. They flattered themselves into thinking that, as a supposedly contented slave, Judge would never have pined for freedom if some intriguing fellow had not planted the forbidden idea. They could not conceive of a slave being the agent of her own fate or running out of a simple hunger for liberty. They felt obliged to denigrate any man who helped her as an unscrupulous cad rather than someone who might have loved her and honestly wanted to a.s.sist her.

The protracted hunt for Ona Judge began when a young woman, Elizabeth Langdon, who had befriended Nelly Custis, spotted her in Portsmouth. When Langdon realized that Martha Washington was nowhere to be seen and that Judge had escaped, she asked Judge, "But why did you come away? How can Mrs. Washington do without you?" "Run away, misses," Judge replied. "Run away!" said Langdon. "And from such an excellent place! Why, what could induce you? You had a room to yourself and only light nice work to do and every indulgence.""Yes, I know, but I want to be free, misses; wanted to learn to read and write."48 Ona Judge, who had stored up grievances that Martha Washington could little comprehend, afterward complained that she had "never received the least mental or moral instruction of any kind, while she remained in Washington's family." Ona Judge, who had stored up grievances that Martha Washington could little comprehend, afterward complained that she had "never received the least mental or moral instruction of any kind, while she remained in Washington's family."49 After Judge was spotted, Martha pressured her husband into wielding the powers of the federal government to recapture her. She felt miffed by Judge's flight and could never understand why blacks felt no grat.i.tude toward lenient masters. As she once wrote to f.a.n.n.y, "The blacks are so bad in their nature that they have not the least grat.i.tude for the kindness that may be showed to them."50 Since the Treasury Department ran the customs service and had officers in every major port, Washington wrote confidentially to Secretary Wolcott, asking for aid. He explained that Judge's escape had "been planned by someone who knew what he was about and had the means to defray the expense of it and to entice her off, for not the least suspicion was entertained of her going or having formed a connection with anyone who could induce her to such an act." Since the Treasury Department ran the customs service and had officers in every major port, Washington wrote confidentially to Secretary Wolcott, asking for aid. He explained that Judge's escape had "been planned by someone who knew what he was about and had the means to defray the expense of it and to entice her off, for not the least suspicion was entertained of her going or having formed a connection with anyone who could induce her to such an act."51 Abusing his presidential powers, Washington instructed Wolcott to have the Portsmouth customs collector kidnap Judge and send her back to Virginia: "To seize and put her onboard a vessel bound immediately to this place [Philadelphia] or to Alexandria, which I should like better, seems at first view to be the safest and least expensive [measure]." Abusing his presidential powers, Washington instructed Wolcott to have the Portsmouth customs collector kidnap Judge and send her back to Virginia: "To seize and put her onboard a vessel bound immediately to this place [Philadelphia] or to Alexandria, which I should like better, seems at first view to be the safest and least expensive [measure]."52 Perhaps contributing to Washington's vigilance in hunting down Judge was that she was a dower slave, which meant that he would have to reimburse the Custis estate for her loss. Perhaps contributing to Washington's vigilance in hunting down Judge was that she was a dower slave, which meant that he would have to reimburse the Custis estate for her loss.

As with runaway slave ads, Washington struggled to confine knowledge of the situation to Virginia and keep it from carping northern abolitionists-hence his preference for whisking Judge off to Alexandria. Dreading publicity, he also convinced Martha that it would be unwise to post a fugitive slave notice. He apologized to Wolcott for the trouble he was giving him "on such a trifling occasion, but the ingrat.i.tude of the girl, who was brought up and treated more like a child than a servant (and Mrs. Washington's desire to recover her) ought not to escape with impunity if it can be avoided."53 That the Washingtons faulted Judge for "ingrat.i.tude" and pretended that she was like a daughter again shows the moral blindness of even comparatively enlightened slave owners. Judge's flight belied whatever sedative fantasies the Washingtons might have had that slaves developed familial relations with their masters, transcending the indignity of bondage. That the Washingtons faulted Judge for "ingrat.i.tude" and pretended that she was like a daughter again shows the moral blindness of even comparatively enlightened slave owners. Judge's flight belied whatever sedative fantasies the Washingtons might have had that slaves developed familial relations with their masters, transcending the indignity of bondage.

The Portsmouth customs collector, Joseph Whipple, tracked down Judge and, to lure her aboard a ship bound for Virginia, cooked up a bogus story about employing her to work for his family. Then something unaccountable happened: Whipple engaged in conversation with Judge and discovered that "she had not been decoyed away, as had been apprehended, but that a thirst for complete freedom . . . had been her only motive for absconding."54 Remarkably, Judge said that she was prepared to return to servitude, but only if her emanc.i.p.ation were guaranteed at a later date. In Whipple's words, "she expressed great affection and reverence for her master and mistress and, without hesitation, declared her willingness to return and serve with fidelity during the lives of the president and his lady if she could be freed on their decease, should she outlive them; but that she should rather suffer death than return to slavery and [be] liable to be sold or given to any other persons." Remarkably, Judge said that she was prepared to return to servitude, but only if her emanc.i.p.ation were guaranteed at a later date. In Whipple's words, "she expressed great affection and reverence for her master and mistress and, without hesitation, declared her willingness to return and serve with fidelity during the lives of the president and his lady if she could be freed on their decease, should she outlive them; but that she should rather suffer death than return to slavery and [be] liable to be sold or given to any other persons."55 Perhaps doubtful that any slave master could really be trusted, Judge's friends in Portsmouth persuaded her to rescind her offer to return to Mount Vernon. Perhaps doubtful that any slave master could really be trusted, Judge's friends in Portsmouth persuaded her to rescind her offer to return to Mount Vernon.

When Washington heard about the bargaining, he dismissed such negotiations as "totally inadmissible."56 He found himself tangled in the coils of a terrible contradiction: just as he meditated the emanc.i.p.ation of He found himself tangled in the coils of a terrible contradiction: just as he meditated the emanc.i.p.ation of all all his slaves, he was trying to return his slaves, he was trying to return one one of them to bondage. Abashed, he told Whipple that "however well disposed I might be to a gradual abolition, or even to an entire emanc.i.p.ation of that description of people (if the latter was in itself practicable at this moment), it would neither be political or just to reward of them to bondage. Abashed, he told Whipple that "however well disposed I might be to a gradual abolition, or even to an entire emanc.i.p.ation of that description of people (if the latter was in itself practicable at this moment), it would neither be political or just to reward unfaithfulness unfaithfulness with a premature preference and thereby discontent beforehand the minds of all her fellow servants, who by their steady attachments are far more deserving than herself of favor." with a premature preference and thereby discontent beforehand the minds of all her fellow servants, who by their steady attachments are far more deserving than herself of favor."57 In other words, Washington insisted that, as long as slavery existed, he must obey its cruel logic. He and Martha clung to the self-serving tale that Judge had "been seduced and enticed off by a Frenchman" who had roguishly sated his l.u.s.t and then discarded her. In other words, Washington insisted that, as long as slavery existed, he must obey its cruel logic. He and Martha clung to the self-serving tale that Judge had "been seduced and enticed off by a Frenchman" who had roguishly sated his l.u.s.t and then discarded her.58 Unwilling to compromise, Washington demanded that Judge either return voluntarily and "be forgiven by her mistress" or be put "on board a vessel bound either to Alexandria or the Federal City," conveniently bypa.s.sing Philadelphia. Unwilling to compromise, Washington demanded that Judge either return voluntarily and "be forgiven by her mistress" or be put "on board a vessel bound either to Alexandria or the Federal City," conveniently bypa.s.sing Philadelphia.59 In a telling concession, Washington instructed Whipple to forget about capturing Judge if forcibly abducting her served to "excite a mob or riot." In a telling concession, Washington instructed Whipple to forget about capturing Judge if forcibly abducting her served to "excite a mob or riot."60 Shortly to leave office, Washington wanted no incident that might tarnish his departure, especially since he feared that Judge might be pregnant, which would only augment public sympathy for her escape. The evocation of a possible mob or riot suggests how abolitionist sentiment had spread in the New England states, so that Washington defied it at his peril. Shortly to leave office, Washington wanted no incident that mig