Washington - A Life Part 14

THOUGH THE CONSt.i.tUTION SAID NOTHING about an inaugural address, Washington, in an innovative spirit, contemplated such a speech as early as January 1789 and asked a "gentleman under his roof "-David Humphreys-to draft one.36 Washington had always been economical with words, but the collaboration with Humphreys produced a wordy doc.u.ment, seventy-three pages long, which survives only in tantalizing snippets. In this curious speech, Washington spent a ridiculous amount of time defending his decision to become president, as if he stood accused of some heinous crime. He denied that he had accepted the presidency to enrich himself, even though n.o.body had accused him of greed: "In the first place, if I have formerly served the community without a wish for pecuniary compensation, it can hardly be suspected that I am at present influenced by avaricious schemes." Washington had always been economical with words, but the collaboration with Humphreys produced a wordy doc.u.ment, seventy-three pages long, which survives only in tantalizing snippets. In this curious speech, Washington spent a ridiculous amount of time defending his decision to become president, as if he stood accused of some heinous crime. He denied that he had accepted the presidency to enrich himself, even though n.o.body had accused him of greed: "In the first place, if I have formerly served the community without a wish for pecuniary compensation, it can hardly be suspected that I am at present influenced by avaricious schemes."37 Addressing a topical concern, he disavowed any desire to found a dynasty, pleading his childless state. Closer in tone to future inaugural speeches was his ringing expression of faith in the American people. He devised a perfect formulation of popular sovereignty, writing that the Const.i.tution had brought forth "a government of the people: that is to say, a government in which all power is derived from, and at stated periods reverts to, them-and that, in its operation . . . is purely a government of laws made and executed by the fair subst.i.tutes of the people alone." Addressing a topical concern, he disavowed any desire to found a dynasty, pleading his childless state. Closer in tone to future inaugural speeches was his ringing expression of faith in the American people. He devised a perfect formulation of popular sovereignty, writing that the Const.i.tution had brought forth "a government of the people: that is to say, a government in which all power is derived from, and at stated periods reverts to, them-and that, in its operation . . . is purely a government of laws made and executed by the fair subst.i.tutes of the people alone."38 Showing an Enlightenment spirit, he generalized the American Revolution into a movement blazing a path toward the universal triumph of freedom: "I rejoice in a belief that intellectual light will spring up in the dark corners of the earth; that freedom of inquiry will produce liberality of conduct; that mankind will reverse the absurd position that Showing an Enlightenment spirit, he generalized the American Revolution into a movement blazing a path toward the universal triumph of freedom: "I rejoice in a belief that intellectual light will spring up in the dark corners of the earth; that freedom of inquiry will produce liberality of conduct; that mankind will reverse the absurd position that the many the many were made for were made for the few; the few; and that they will not continue slaves in one part of the globe, when they can become freemen in another." and that they will not continue slaves in one part of the globe, when they can become freemen in another."39 This ponderous speech never saw the light of day. Washington sent a copy to James Madison, who wisely vetoed it on two counts: it was much too long, and its lengthy legislative proposals would be interpreted as executive meddling with the legislature. Instead, Madison drafted for Washington a far more compact speech that avoided tortured introspection. A whirlwind of energy, Madison would seem omnipresent in the early days of Washington's administration. He drafted not only the inaugural address but also the official response by Congress and then Washington's response to Congress, completing the circle. This service established Madison, despite his major role in the House, as a preeminent adviser and confidant to the new president. Oddly enough, he was not troubled that his advisory relationship to Washington might be construed as violating the separation of powers.

Washington knew that everything he did at the swearing-in would establish a tone for the future. "As the first of everything in our situation our situation will serve to establish a precedent," he reminded Madison, "it is devoutly wished on my part that these precedents may be fixed on true principles." will serve to establish a precedent," he reminded Madison, "it is devoutly wished on my part that these precedents may be fixed on true principles."40 He would shape indelibly the inst.i.tution of the presidency. Although he had earned his reputation in battle, he made a critical decision not to wear a uniform at the inauguration or beyond, banishing fears of a military coup. Instead, he would stand there aglitter with patriotic symbols. To spur American manufactures, he would wear a double-breasted brown suit made from broadcloth woven at the Woolen Manufactory of Hartford, Connecticut. He would shape indelibly the inst.i.tution of the presidency. Although he had earned his reputation in battle, he made a critical decision not to wear a uniform at the inauguration or beyond, banishing fears of a military coup. Instead, he would stand there aglitter with patriotic symbols. To spur American manufactures, he would wear a double-breasted brown suit made from broadcloth woven at the Woolen Manufactory of Hartford, Connecticut. 41 41 The suit had gilt b.u.t.tons with an eagle insignia on them; to complete his outfit, he would wear white hosiery, silver shoe buckles, and yellow gloves. Washington already sensed that Americans would emulate their presidents. "I hope it will not be a great while before it will be unfashionable for a gentleman to appear in any other dress," he told Lafayette, referring to his American attire. "Indeed, we have already been too long subject to British prejudices." The suit had gilt b.u.t.tons with an eagle insignia on them; to complete his outfit, he would wear white hosiery, silver shoe buckles, and yellow gloves. Washington already sensed that Americans would emulate their presidents. "I hope it will not be a great while before it will be unfashionable for a gentleman to appear in any other dress," he told Lafayette, referring to his American attire. "Indeed, we have already been too long subject to British prejudices."42 To burnish his image further on inauguration day, Washington powdered his hair and wore a dress sword on his hip, sheathed in a steel scabbard. To burnish his image further on inauguration day, Washington powdered his hair and wore a dress sword on his hip, sheathed in a steel scabbard.

The inauguration took place at the building at Wall and Na.s.sau streets that had long served as New York's City Hall. It came richly laden with historical a.s.sociations, having hosted John Peter Zenger's trial in 1735, the Stamp Act Congress of 1765, and the Confederation Congress from 1785 to 1788. Starting in September 1788, the French engineer Pierre-Charles L'Enfant had remodeled it into Federal Hall, a suitable home for Congress. L'Enfant introduced a covered arcade at street level and a balcony surmounted by a triangular pediment on the second story. As the people's chamber, the House of Representatives was accessible to the public, situated in a high-ceilinged octagonal room on the ground floor, while the Senate met in a second-floor room, buffering it from popular pressure. From this room Washington would emerge onto the balcony to take the oath of office. In many ways, the first inauguration was a hasty, slapdash affair. As with all theatrical spectacles, rushed preparations and frantic work on the new building continued until a few days before the event. Nervous antic.i.p.ation spread through the city as to whether the two hundred workmen would complete the project on time. Only a few days before the inauguration, an eagle was hoisted onto the pediment, completing the building. The final effect was stately: a white building with a blue and white cupola topped by a weathervane.

A little after noon on April 30, 1789, following a morning filled with clanging church bells and prayers, a contingent of troops on horseback, accompanied by carriages loaded with legislators, stopped at Washington's Cherry Street residence. Escorted by David Humphreys and Tobias Lear, the president-elect stepped into his carriage, which was trailed by foreign dignitaries and crowds of joyous citizens. The procession wound slowly through the narrow Manhattan streets, emerging two hundred yards from Federal Hall. After alighting from his carriage, Washington strode through a double line of soldiers to the building and mounted to the Senate chamber, where members of Congress awaited him expectantly. As he entered, Washington bowed to both houses of the legislature-his invariable mark of respect-then occupied an imposing chair up front. A profound hush settled on the room. Vice President Adams rose for an official greeting, then informed Washington that the epochal moment had arrived: "Sir, the Senate and House of Representatives are ready to attend you to take the oath required by the const.i.tution." "I am ready to proceed," Washington replied.43 As he stepped through the door onto the balcony, a spontaneous roar surged from the mult.i.tude tightly squeezed into Wall and Broad streets and covering every roof in sight. This open-air ceremony would confirm the sovereignty of the citizens gathered below. Washington's demeanor was stately, modest, and deeply affecting: he clapped one hand to his heart and bowed several times to the crowd. Surveying the serried ranks of people, one observer said they were jammed so closely together that "it seemed one might literally walk on the heads of the people."44 Thanks to his simple dignity, integrity, and unrivaled sacrifices for his country, Washington's conquest of the people was complete. A member of the crowd, the Count de Moustier, the French minister, noted the solemn trust between Washington and the citizens who stood packed below him with uplifted faces. As he reported to his government, never had "sovereign reigned more completely in the hearts of his subjects than did Washington in those of his fellow citizens . . . He has the soul, look, and figure of a hero united in him." Thanks to his simple dignity, integrity, and unrivaled sacrifices for his country, Washington's conquest of the people was complete. A member of the crowd, the Count de Moustier, the French minister, noted the solemn trust between Washington and the citizens who stood packed below him with uplifted faces. As he reported to his government, never had "sovereign reigned more completely in the hearts of his subjects than did Washington in those of his fellow citizens . . . He has the soul, look, and figure of a hero united in him."45 One young woman in the crowd echoed this when she remarked, "I never saw a human being that looked so great and n.o.ble as he does." One young woman in the crowd echoed this when she remarked, "I never saw a human being that looked so great and n.o.ble as he does."46 Only Congressman Fisher Ames of Ma.s.sachusetts noted that "time has made havoc" upon Washington's face, which already looked haggard and careworn. Only Congressman Fisher Ames of Ma.s.sachusetts noted that "time has made havoc" upon Washington's face, which already looked haggard and careworn.47 The sole const.i.tutional requirement for the swearing-in was that the president take the oath of office. That morning a congressional committee decided to add solemnity by having Washington place his hand on a Bible during the oath, leading to a frantic, last-minute scramble to find one. A Masonic lodge came to the rescue by providing a thick Bible, bound in deep brown leather and set on a crimson velvet cushion. By the time Washington appeared on the portico, the Bible rested on a table draped in red velvet.

The crowd grew silent as New York chancellor Robert R. Livingston administered the oath to Washington, who was visibly moved. As he finished the oath, he bent forward, seized the Bible, and brought it to his lips. Washington felt this moment from the bottom of his soul: one observer noted the "devout fervency" with which he "took the oath and the reverential manner in which he bowed down and kissed the Bible."48 Legend has it that he added "So help me G.o.d," though this line was first reported sixty-five years later. Whether or not Washington actually said it, very few people would have heard him anyway, since his voice was soft and breathy. For the crowd below, the oath of office was enacted as a kind of dumbshow. Livingston had to lift his voice and inform the crowd, "It is done." He then intoned: "Long Live George Washington, President of the United States." Legend has it that he added "So help me G.o.d," though this line was first reported sixty-five years later. Whether or not Washington actually said it, very few people would have heard him anyway, since his voice was soft and breathy. For the crowd below, the oath of office was enacted as a kind of dumbshow. Livingston had to lift his voice and inform the crowd, "It is done." He then intoned: "Long Live George Washington, President of the United States."49 The spectators responded with huzzas and chants of "G.o.d bless our Washington! Long live our beloved President!" The spectators responded with huzzas and chants of "G.o.d bless our Washington! Long live our beloved President!"50 They celebrated in the only way they knew, as if greeting a new monarch with the customary cry of "Long Live the King!" They celebrated in the only way they knew, as if greeting a new monarch with the customary cry of "Long Live the King!"

When the balcony ceremony was concluded, Washington returned to the Senate chamber to deliver his inaugural address. In an important piece of symbolism, Congress rose as he entered, then sat down after Washington bowed in response. In England, the House of Commons stood during the king's speeches, so that the seated Congress immediately established a st.u.r.dy equality between the legislative and executive branches.

As Washington began his speech, he seemed fl.u.s.tered and thrust his left hand into his pocket while turning the pages with a trembling right hand. His weak voice was barely audible. Fisher Ames evoked him thus: "His aspect grave, almost to sadness; his modesty, actually shaking; his voice deep, a little tremulous, and so low as to call for close attention."51 Those present attributed Washington's low voice and fumbling hands to anxiety. "This great man was agitated and embarra.s.sed more than ever he was by the leveled cannon or pointed musket," said Senator William Maclay in sn.i.g.g.e.ring tones. "He trembled and several times could scarce make out to read, though it must be supposed he had often read it before." Those present attributed Washington's low voice and fumbling hands to anxiety. "This great man was agitated and embarra.s.sed more than ever he was by the leveled cannon or pointed musket," said Senator William Maclay in sn.i.g.g.e.ring tones. "He trembled and several times could scarce make out to read, though it must be supposed he had often read it before."52 Washington's agitation might have arisen from a developing neurological disorder or might simply have been a bad case of nerves. The new president had long been famous for his physical grace, but the sole gesture he used for emphasis in his speech seemed clumsy-"a flourish with his right hand," said Maclay, "which left rather an ungainly impression." Washington's agitation might have arisen from a developing neurological disorder or might simply have been a bad case of nerves. The new president had long been famous for his physical grace, but the sole gesture he used for emphasis in his speech seemed clumsy-"a flourish with his right hand," said Maclay, "which left rather an ungainly impression."53 For the next few years Maclay would be a close, unsparing observer of the new president's quirks and tics. For the next few years Maclay would be a close, unsparing observer of the new president's quirks and tics.

In the first line of his inaugural address, Washington expressed anxiety about his fitness for the presidency, saying that "no event could have filled me with greater anxieties" than the news brought to him by Charles Thomson.54 He had grown despondent, he said candidly, as he considered his own "inferior endowments from nature" and his lack of practice in civil government. He had grown despondent, he said candidly, as he considered his own "inferior endowments from nature" and his lack of practice in civil government.55 He drew comfort, however, from the fact that the "Almighty Being" had overseen America's birth: "No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States." He drew comfort, however, from the fact that the "Almighty Being" had overseen America's birth: "No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States."56 Perhaps referring obliquely to the fact that he suddenly seemed older, he called Mount Vernon "a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary, as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time." Perhaps referring obliquely to the fact that he suddenly seemed older, he called Mount Vernon "a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary, as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time."57 In the earlier inaugural address drafted with David Humphreys, Washington had included a disclaimer about his health, telling how he had "prematurely grown old in the service of my country." In the earlier inaugural address drafted with David Humphreys, Washington had included a disclaimer about his health, telling how he had "prematurely grown old in the service of my country."58 Setting the pattern for future inaugural speeches, Washington did not delve into minute policy matters but outlined the big themes that would govern his administration, the foremost being the triumph of national unity over "local prejudices or attachments" that might subvert the country or even tear it apart.59 National policy needed to be rooted in private morality, which relied on the "eternal rules of order and right" ordained by heaven itself. National policy needed to be rooted in private morality, which relied on the "eternal rules of order and right" ordained by heaven itself.60 On the other hand, Washington refrained from endorsing any particular form of religion. Knowing how much was riding on this attempt at republican government, he said that "the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly considered as On the other hand, Washington refrained from endorsing any particular form of religion. Knowing how much was riding on this attempt at republican government, he said that "the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly considered as deeply, deeply, perhaps as perhaps as finally finally staked, on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people." staked, on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people."61 After this speech, Washington led a broad procession of delegates up Broadway, along streets flanked by armed militia, to an Episcopal prayer service at St. Paul's Chapel, where he was given his own canopied pew. After these devotions ended, Washington had his first chance to relax until the evening festivities. That night lower Manhattan was converted into a shimmering fairyland of lights. From the residences of Chancellor Livingston and General Knox, Washington observed the fireworks at Bowling Green, a pyrotechnic display that flashed in the sky for two hours. Washington's image was displayed in transparencies hung in many windows, throwing glowing images into the night. Such a celebration, ironically, would have been familiar to Washington from the days when new royal governors arrived in Williamsburg and were greeted by bonfires, fireworks, and illuminations in every window.

All of New York was astir with the evening festivities, and Washington had trouble returning to Cherry Street with Tobias Lear and David Humphreys. "We returned home at ten on foot," wrote Lear, "the throng of people being so great as not to permit a carriage to pa.s.s through it."62 The comment shows how closely people pressed against Washington in the thickly peopled streets. By the time he went to bed, he had initiated many enduring customs for presidential inaugurations, including the procession to the swearing-in venue, taking the oath of office The comment shows how closely people pressed against Washington in the thickly peopled streets. By the time he went to bed, he had initiated many enduring customs for presidential inaugurations, including the procession to the swearing-in venue, taking the oath of office en plein air, en plein air, delivering an inaugural speech, and holding a gigantic celebration that evening. Because Martha was still absent, the inaugural ball was deferred until May. delivering an inaugural speech, and holding a gigantic celebration that evening. Because Martha was still absent, the inaugural ball was deferred until May.

The odyssey of George Washington from insecure young colonel in the French and Indian War, through his tenure as commander in chief of the Continental Army, and now to president of the new government, must have seemed an almost dream-like progression to him. Perhaps nothing underlined this improbable turn of events more than the extraordinary fact that while Washington had debated whether to become president that winter, on the other side of the ocean King George III had descended into madness. In late January Samuel Powel conveyed this startling piece of news to Washington: "I do not recollect any topic which, at present, occupies the conversation of men so much as the insanity of the king of Great Britain. I am told . . . that Dr. Franklin's observation upon hearing the report was that he had long been of opinion that the King of Great Britain was insane, tho[ugh] it had not been declared to the world till now."63 There was nothing vindictive in Washington's nature, no itching for retribution, and he reacted with sympathy to news of the king's malady. "Be the cause of the British king's insanity what it may," he told Powel, "his situation . . . merits commiseration."64 The strangely contrasting fates of the two Georges grew stranger still in late February, when Gouverneur Morris reported from Paris an unlikely development in the king's madness. "By the bye," he wrote to Washington, "in the melancholy situation to which the poor King of England has been reduced, there were, I am told, in relation to you, some whimsical circ.u.mstances." In a deranged fit, wrote Morris, the king had "conceived himself to be no less a personage than George Washington at the head of the American Army. This shows that you have done something or other which sticks most terribly in his stomach." The strangely contrasting fates of the two Georges grew stranger still in late February, when Gouverneur Morris reported from Paris an unlikely development in the king's madness. "By the bye," he wrote to Washington, "in the melancholy situation to which the poor King of England has been reduced, there were, I am told, in relation to you, some whimsical circ.u.mstances." In a deranged fit, wrote Morris, the king had "conceived himself to be no less a personage than George Washington at the head of the American Army. This shows that you have done something or other which sticks most terribly in his stomach."65 The delusion proved fleeting. On April 23, 1789, exactly one week before George Washington was sworn in to cheering crowds, George III recovered so miraculously from his delusional state that a thanksgiving service was conducted at St. Paul's Cathedral in London. It is hypothesized by some that he had suffered from a rare hereditary disorder called porphyria, a condition not properly diagnosed until the twentieth century. Restored to his senses, he had to contemplate the sobering reality that the upstart George Washington, who had once scrounged for advancement in his royal army, now served as president of an independent American republic. The delusion proved fleeting. On April 23, 1789, exactly one week before George Washington was sworn in to cheering crowds, George III recovered so miraculously from his delusional state that a thanksgiving service was conducted at St. Paul's Cathedral in London. It is hypothesized by some that he had suffered from a rare hereditary disorder called porphyria, a condition not properly diagnosed until the twentieth century. Restored to his senses, he had to contemplate the sobering reality that the upstart George Washington, who had once scrounged for advancement in his royal army, now served as president of an independent American republic.

MARTHA WASHINGTON WASN'T THRILLED at being first lady and, like her husband, talked about the presidency as an indescribable calamity that had befallen her. She professed a lack of interest in politics, having told her niece f.a.n.n.y the previous year that "we have not a single article of news but politic[s], which I do not concern myself about."66 Whether she was really so blase about politics, or merely preferred not to express her opinions, is unclear. The tone of her letters grew wistful as she thought about New York. She and her husband had already sacrificed more than eight years to the war, and after so much hardship Mount Vernon had seemed like their long-deserved sanctuary. Now Washington's presidency would likely eliminate any chance for a private final phase of their lives. Martha couldn't have found it easy to be married to a man who was also married to the nation, but she understood his reasoning in becoming president, telling Mercy Otis Warren that she could not blame him "for having acted according to his ideas of duty in obeying the voice of his country." Whether she was really so blase about politics, or merely preferred not to express her opinions, is unclear. The tone of her letters grew wistful as she thought about New York. She and her husband had already sacrificed more than eight years to the war, and after so much hardship Mount Vernon had seemed like their long-deserved sanctuary. Now Washington's presidency would likely eliminate any chance for a private final phase of their lives. Martha couldn't have found it easy to be married to a man who was also married to the nation, but she understood his reasoning in becoming president, telling Mercy Otis Warren that she could not blame him "for having acted according to his ideas of duty in obeying the voice of his country."67 Martha Washington never defied her husband openly, but when forced to do anything against her will, she could be quietly willful. She would pout and sulk and drag her feet in silence. In one letter Washington said that he wanted to be "well fixed at New York" before he sent for her, but one suspects that Martha's delay reflected her disinclination to leave Virginia.68 A few days after his inauguration, Washington wrote with some urgency to George Augustine, asking him to hasten Martha's departure, "for we are extremely desirous of seeing her here." A few days after his inauguration, Washington wrote with some urgency to George Augustine, asking him to hasten Martha's departure, "for we are extremely desirous of seeing her here."69 This suggests that her delay had lasted longer than expected. By that point, Washington knew that she would miss the ceremonial ball planned for May 7 at the a.s.sembly Rooms on Broadway. Evidently Martha's presence had been antic.i.p.ated, for a special elevated sofa had been created that would enable the president and first lady to preside in state over the celebration. This suggests that her delay had lasted longer than expected. By that point, Washington knew that she would miss the ceremonial ball planned for May 7 at the a.s.sembly Rooms on Broadway. Evidently Martha's presence had been antic.i.p.ated, for a special elevated sofa had been created that would enable the president and first lady to preside in state over the celebration.

On May 14 Washington's nephew, nineteen-year-old Robert Lewis, arrived at Mount Vernon to escort his aunt to New York and discovered with amazement that "everything appeared to be in confusion."70 Martha was still supervising the packing in an unusually chaotic scene for this well-organized woman. Finally on May 16, with one wagon heaped with nothing but baggage, she piled into her coach with her two grandchildren, Nelly and Washy, accompanied by a retinue of six slaves. As a crowd of slaves cl.u.s.tered around the departing group, emotions ran high. "The servants of the house and a number of the field Negroes made their appearance to take leave of their mistress," Robert Lewis recorded in his journal. "Numbers of these poor wretches seemed greatly Martha was still supervising the packing in an unusually chaotic scene for this well-organized woman. Finally on May 16, with one wagon heaped with nothing but baggage, she piled into her coach with her two grandchildren, Nelly and Washy, accompanied by a retinue of six slaves. As a crowd of slaves cl.u.s.tered around the departing group, emotions ran high. "The servants of the house and a number of the field Negroes made their appearance to take leave of their mistress," Robert Lewis recorded in his journal. "Numbers of these poor wretches seemed greatly agitated, much affected agitated, much affected. My aunt equally so."71 The slaves' tears were surely genuine, but one wonders whether they were shed for the six friends and family members being forcibly relocated to New York; perhaps the remaining slaves feared mistreatment at the hands of overseers in the Washingtons' absence. Martha decided to take two personal slaves, Molly (or Moll) and a sixteen-year-old mulatto girl named Ona (or Oney) Judge, who had become her favorite. Two other slaves, Austin and Christopher Sheels, would act as waiters in New York, while Giles and Paris, who had accompanied Washington to the Const.i.tutional Convention, would reprise their roles as coachmen. The slaves' tears were surely genuine, but one wonders whether they were shed for the six friends and family members being forcibly relocated to New York; perhaps the remaining slaves feared mistreatment at the hands of overseers in the Washingtons' absence. Martha decided to take two personal slaves, Molly (or Moll) and a sixteen-year-old mulatto girl named Ona (or Oney) Judge, who had become her favorite. Two other slaves, Austin and Christopher Sheels, would act as waiters in New York, while Giles and Paris, who had accompanied Washington to the Const.i.tutional Convention, would reprise their roles as coachmen.

The Martha Washington who set out for New York was a more matronly woman than the doughty wife who showed up regularly at the Continental Army camp each winter. Like her husband, she now wore spectacles on occasion. Ever dutiful, she did her best to live up to her new station on the national scene. With political instincts to rival her husband's, she had ordered green and brown wool from Hartford to make riding costumes for herself and was lauded in the press for being "clothed in the manufacture of our country."72 En route to New York, Martha had no better luck than her husband in escaping the hordes who competed to greet her. Nevertheless, as she got her first taste of being first lady-the term was not adopted until later administrations-she experienced a rising sense of excitement. Upon reaching the outskirts of Philadelphia, she was hailed by the state's chief executive, and a cavalry honor guard conducted her into town. On May 27 the new president took time out from his duties to receive his wife at Elizabethtown, where she got the same tumultuous reception bestowed on him a month earlier. As Martha wrote appreciatively to f.a.n.n.y, the welcoming committee had come "with the fine barge you have seen so much said of in the papers, with the same oarsmen that carried the P[resident] to New York."73 Little Washy Custis was flabbergasted by the boat ride and by the grand parade that swept up the entire party the moment the big, burly governor of New York, George Clinton, received them on the Manhattan side. Meanwhile sister Nelly spent hours at the window on Cherry Street, transfixed by the fancy carriages pa.s.sing down below. Little Washy Custis was flabbergasted by the boat ride and by the grand parade that swept up the entire party the moment the big, burly governor of New York, George Clinton, received them on the Manhattan side. Meanwhile sister Nelly spent hours at the window on Cherry Street, transfixed by the fancy carriages pa.s.sing down below.

No sooner had she arrived in the capital than Martha learned that she would be a prop in an elaborate piece of political theater. One day after her arrival, she had to host a dinner for congressional leaders, and the day after that, all of New York society seemed to cram into the Cherry Street mansion for her first reception-a function for which she had not been consulted. She was plunged into a giddy whirl of activity. "I have not had one half hour to myself since the day of my arrival," she told f.a.n.n.y in early June.74 She narrated this abrupt transformation with a note of quiet wonder: the woman who had been dubious about this new life sounded positively breathless with amazement. She had been taken in hand by a professional hairdresser, a novel experience for her. "My hair is set and dressed every day and I have put on white muslin habits for the summer," she wrote home in early June. "You would, I fear, think me a good deal in the fashion if you could but see me." She narrated this abrupt transformation with a note of quiet wonder: the woman who had been dubious about this new life sounded positively breathless with amazement. She had been taken in hand by a professional hairdresser, a novel experience for her. "My hair is set and dressed every day and I have put on white muslin habits for the summer," she wrote home in early June. "You would, I fear, think me a good deal in the fashion if you could but see me."75 The town was enchanted with Martha Washington, whose conviviality offset her husband's reserve. She won over the toughest critic: the wife of the vice president, who found her the perfect republican counterpart of her husband. "I took the earliest opportunity . . . to go and pay my respects to Mrs. Washington," Abigail Adams informed her sister. "She received me with great ease and politeness. She is plain in her dress, but that plainness is the best of every article . . . Her hair is white, her teeth beautiful, her person rather short than otherwise."76 The favorable impression grew upon second viewing: "Mrs. Washington is one of those una.s.suming characters which create love and esteem. A most becoming pleasantness sits upon her countenance and an unaffected deportment which renders her the object of veneration and respect." The favorable impression grew upon second viewing: "Mrs. Washington is one of those una.s.suming characters which create love and esteem. A most becoming pleasantness sits upon her countenance and an unaffected deportment which renders her the object of veneration and respect."77 A pragmatic woman, Martha Washington resigned herself to the duties of a presidential wife, but a distinct touch of discontent lingered. She was quietly rebellious, chafing at her restricted freedom. In late October she unburdened herself to f.a.n.n.y: "I live a very dull life here and know nothing that pa.s.ses in the town. I never go to the public place. Indeed, I think I am more like a state prisoner than anything else." She complained of "certain bounds set for me which I must not depart from. And as I cannot do as I like, I am obstinate and stay at home a great deal."78 Obviously there were limits to her acquiescence, and she adopted an increasingly satiric tone when talking about the fashionable people of New York. When she sent f.a.n.n.y a watch, she described it as "of the newest fashion, if that has any influence on your taste." Then she added tartly: "It will last as long as the fashion-and by that time you can get another of a fashionable kind." Obviously there were limits to her acquiescence, and she adopted an increasingly satiric tone when talking about the fashionable people of New York. When she sent f.a.n.n.y a watch, she described it as "of the newest fashion, if that has any influence on your taste." Then she added tartly: "It will last as long as the fashion-and by that time you can get another of a fashionable kind."79 At year's end Martha Washington aired her frustrations to Mercy Otis Warren, pointing out that her grandchildren and Virginia family const.i.tuted the major source of her happiness: "I shall hardly be able to find any subst.i.tute that would indemnify me for the loss of a part of such endearing society."80 She knew other women would gladly swap places with her: "With respect to myself, I sometimes think the arrangement is not quite as it ought to have been-that I, who had much rather be at home, should occupy a place with which a great many younger and gayer women would be prodigiously pleased." She knew other women would gladly swap places with her: "With respect to myself, I sometimes think the arrangement is not quite as it ought to have been-that I, who had much rather be at home, should occupy a place with which a great many younger and gayer women would be prodigiously pleased."81 But she would not rail against her destiny: "I am still determined to be cheerful and to be happy in whatever situation I may be, for I have also learned from experience that the greater part of our happiness or misery depends upon our dispositions and not upon our circ.u.mstances." But she would not rail against her destiny: "I am still determined to be cheerful and to be happy in whatever situation I may be, for I have also learned from experience that the greater part of our happiness or misery depends upon our dispositions and not upon our circ.u.mstances."82 To the end of her life, Martha Washington would speak forlornly of the presidential years as her "lost days." To the end of her life, Martha Washington would speak forlornly of the presidential years as her "lost days."83

CHAPTER FORTY-SEVEN.

Acting the Presidency WHEN GEORGE WASHINGTON BECAME PRESIDENT, the executive departments had not yet been formed or their chieftains installed, so he placed unusual reliance on his personal secretaries, whom he dubbed "the gentlemen of the household." 1 1 He put a premium on efficiency, good manners, discretion, and graceful writing. The staff mainstay was Harvard-educated Tobias Lear, the agreeable young man brought up from Mount Vernon. In these early days Lear was a man for all seasons: dashing off private letters for Washington, cranking out dinner invitations, tending files, tutoring grandchildren, accompanying Washington on afternoon strolls or Martha on shopping sprees. So trusted was Lear that he kept the household accounts, and Washington turned to him for petty cash. His loyalty had no limits. "I have never found a single thing that could lessen my respect for him," Lear remarked of Washington. "A complete knowledge of his honesty, uprightness, and candor in all his private transactions has sometimes led me to think him more than a man." He put a premium on efficiency, good manners, discretion, and graceful writing. The staff mainstay was Harvard-educated Tobias Lear, the agreeable young man brought up from Mount Vernon. In these early days Lear was a man for all seasons: dashing off private letters for Washington, cranking out dinner invitations, tending files, tutoring grandchildren, accompanying Washington on afternoon strolls or Martha on shopping sprees. So trusted was Lear that he kept the household accounts, and Washington turned to him for petty cash. His loyalty had no limits. "I have never found a single thing that could lessen my respect for him," Lear remarked of Washington. "A complete knowledge of his honesty, uprightness, and candor in all his private transactions has sometimes led me to think him more than a man."2 When Lear married Polly Long in April 1790-Martha called her "a pretty, sprightly woman"-the Washingtons invited the young couple to share their household, enriching their lives with an extended family as they had done at Mount Vernon. When Lear married Polly Long in April 1790-Martha called her "a pretty, sprightly woman"-the Washingtons invited the young couple to share their household, enriching their lives with an extended family as they had done at Mount Vernon.3 For a second secretary, Washington retained David Humphreys, with his agile pen. Now seasoned by diplomatic experience in Paris with Jefferson, Humphreys advised Washington on questions of etiquette and was anointed chamberlain, or master of ceremonies, for the administration. The third team member was Major William Jackson, an orphan from South Carolina who had won high marks as secretary of the Const.i.tutional Convention, having taken notes of the deliberations while preserving their secrecy-a man of discretion after Washington's own heart. The closest that Washington came to a security guard, Jackson remained a protective presence at his side, whether he was out walking, riding, or performing official duties. Rounding out the group were Thomas Nelson, Jr., son of the late Virginia governor, and Washington's young nephew Robert Lewis, who had escorted his aunt Martha to New York.

Among members of Congress, James Madison stood in a cla.s.s by himself in his advisory capacity to Washington. When he ran for Congress, Madison had consulted Washington about how to campaign without descending to cra.s.s electioneering. It is not surprising that Washington leaned on Madison early in his presidency, since n.o.body possessed a more nuanced grasp of the Const.i.tution. In 1789 Congress had to shape both the executive and the judicial branches, which would act to enhance Madison's prestige. Gradually, as the three branches of government a.s.sumed more separate characters and political differences between the two men surfaced, Madison shed his advisory role.

By the time Washington was sworn in, the federal government had already been set in motion; the first order of business was to generate money to guarantee the new government's survival. Three weeks before the inauguration, Madison introduced in the House a schedule of duties on imported goods to provide revenues. Nothing better proclaimed the new government's autonomy: the impotent Confederation Congress had never commanded an independent revenue stream.

Washington's first days in office were dominated by seemingly trivial symbolic issues that spoke to larger questions about the character of the new government. "Many things which appear of little importance in themselves . . . at the beginning may have great and durable consequences, from their having been established at the commencement of a new general government," Washington instructed Vice President Adams.4 Every action, he knew, would be subjected to exhaustive scrutiny: "My political conduct . . . must be exceedingly circ.u.mspect and proof against just criticism, for the eyes of Argus [the hundred-eyed monster in Greek mythology] are upon me and no slip will pa.s.s unnoticed." Every action, he knew, would be subjected to exhaustive scrutiny: "My political conduct . . . must be exceedingly circ.u.mspect and proof against just criticism, for the eyes of Argus [the hundred-eyed monster in Greek mythology] are upon me and no slip will pa.s.s unnoticed."5 Washington had long felt those searching eyes trained upon him and would try hard as president to be a paragon. Washington had long felt those searching eyes trained upon him and would try hard as president to be a paragon.

Of the various government posts, it was the presidency that had the potential to slip into monarchy and subvert republican government, so every decision made about it aroused a firestorm of controversy. For many Americans, presidential etiquette seemed like the back door through which aristocratic corruption might infiltrate the system. On April 23 the Senate appointed a committee to devise suitable t.i.tles for addressing the president. Vice President Adams favored highfalutin ones. "A royal, or at least a princely, t.i.tle, will be found indispensably necessary to maintain the reputation, authority, and dignity of the president," he insisted.6 The final Senate recommendation was absurdly pretentious: "His Highness, the President of the United States of America, and Protector of their Liberties." The final Senate recommendation was absurdly pretentious: "His Highness, the President of the United States of America, and Protector of their Liberties."7 Sensitive to criticism that high-flown t.i.tles were reminiscent of monarchy, Washington gladly accepted the simpler form adopted by the House: "The President of the United States." An approving Madison later noted that Washington had been irritated by efforts to "bedizen him with a superb but spurious t.i.tle." Sensitive to criticism that high-flown t.i.tles were reminiscent of monarchy, Washington gladly accepted the simpler form adopted by the House: "The President of the United States." An approving Madison later noted that Washington had been irritated by efforts to "bedizen him with a superb but spurious t.i.tle."8 The controversy served notice on Washington that such matters had powerful resonance as the new republic tried to find dignified forms that didn't smack of European decadence. "Nothing could equal the ferment and disquietude occasioned by the proposition respecting t.i.tles," David Stuart wrote from Virginia. "As it is believed to have originated from Mr. Adams and [Richard Henry] Lee, they are not only unpopular to an extreme, but highly odious. The controversy served notice on Washington that such matters had powerful resonance as the new republic tried to find dignified forms that didn't smack of European decadence. "Nothing could equal the ferment and disquietude occasioned by the proposition respecting t.i.tles," David Stuart wrote from Virginia. "As it is believed to have originated from Mr. Adams and [Richard Henry] Lee, they are not only unpopular to an extreme, but highly odious.9 For Washington, the etiquette issue was also related to how he would preserve his privacy and sanity as president. From the time he occupied the Cherry Street mansion, he found himself hounded by legislators, office seekers, veterans, and well-wishers. Before long, he felt himself under siege, unable to accomplish any work. After making inquiries, he learned that presidents of the Confederation Congress had been "considered in no better light than as a maitre d'hotel . . . for their table was considered as a public one."10 As in everything else, Washington operated in uncharted waters. "I was unable to attend to any business whatsoever," he told Stuart, "for gentlemen, consulting their own convenience rather than mine, were calling from the time I rose from breakfast-often before-until I sat down to dinner." As in everything else, Washington operated in uncharted waters. "I was unable to attend to any business whatsoever," he told Stuart, "for gentlemen, consulting their own convenience rather than mine, were calling from the time I rose from breakfast-often before-until I sat down to dinner." 11 11 With his days cluttered with ceremonial visits, Washington complained, "I had no leisure to read or answer the dispatches which were pouring in from all quarters." With his days cluttered with ceremonial visits, Washington complained, "I had no leisure to read or answer the dispatches which were pouring in from all quarters."12 As he tried to barricade himself from strangers, he wondered how he could avoid the extremes of either rebuffing visitors in a "mimickry of royalty" or becoming so secluded that he would shut out important communications. In short, how to find the "discriminating medium"? As he tried to barricade himself from strangers, he wondered how he could avoid the extremes of either rebuffing visitors in a "mimickry of royalty" or becoming so secluded that he would shut out important communications. In short, how to find the "discriminating medium"?13 As he had always done, Washington solicited written opinions from several advisers, including Adams, Madison, Hamilton, Jay, and Robert R. Livingston, from which he would distill his preferred policy. The hallmark of his administration would be an openness to conflicting ideas. In wartime Washington had urged officers to find a happy medium between being too close to and too remote from their men. Now, in remarkably similar language, he told Madison that he wanted to avoid the "charge of superciliousness" if he held himself too aloof, as well as the diminished presidential dignity that might arise from "too free an intercourse and too much familiarity."14 In many ways, Washington's solution borrowed from two worlds, adapting kingly traditions to a republican ethos. Presidential conduct would be true to revolutionary principles but imbued with the forms of polite society that Washington had known his entire life. In many ways, Washington's solution borrowed from two worlds, adapting kingly traditions to a republican ethos. Presidential conduct would be true to revolutionary principles but imbued with the forms of polite society that Washington had known his entire life.

To strike a proper balance, Hamilton suggested that Washington hold weekly levees-the term was borrowed from royal receptions-in which visitors could chat with him. The president would enter, remain half an hour, make small talk with guests, then disappear. A man of congenital formality, who kept an impenetrable zone of privacy around himself, Washington did not enjoy socializing with strangers, so Hamilton's scenario held an obvious appeal. The latter also suggested dinners with small groups of legislators, especially senators who shared with the president const.i.tutional responsibilities, such as concluding foreign treaties and approving major appointments. "This makes them, in a degree, his const.i.tutional counselors," Hamilton noted.15 He also recommended that Washington refuse invitations to dine elsewhere, lest it impair presidential authority. Washington sympathized with any proposal that curtailed his social obligations. "I have no relish for formal and ceremonious engagements," he explained to James McHenry, "and only give in to them when they cannot be avoided." He also recommended that Washington refuse invitations to dine elsewhere, lest it impair presidential authority. Washington sympathized with any proposal that curtailed his social obligations. "I have no relish for formal and ceremonious engagements," he explained to James McHenry, "and only give in to them when they cannot be avoided."16 To handle the stampede of people wishing to see him, Washington decided to hold his levees every Tuesday afternoon at three P.M. The newspapers let it be known that, on other days, visits would "not be agreeable" to the president.17 Guests would need introductions from suitable personages. Ordinarily Washington's secretaries would a.s.sist them from their carriages, but the president was capable of performing this courtesy when ladies and old comrades came calling. When the widows of Nathanael Greene and Richard Montgomery appeared, for instance, Washington went outside to help them down from their carriages. Guests would need introductions from suitable personages. Ordinarily Washington's secretaries would a.s.sist them from their carriages, but the president was capable of performing this courtesy when ladies and old comrades came calling. When the widows of Nathanael Greene and Richard Montgomery appeared, for instance, Washington went outside to help them down from their carriages.

The president was a punctual man, and, precisely at three, the folding doors of his dining room were flung open to guests; at three-fifteen, they were shut to further visitors. By the time guests arrived, Washington had struck a stately pose by the fireplace, encased in rigid protocol. The room was largely empty, most of the furniture having been cleared to make s.p.a.ce. Since Washington's hearing was failing, David Humphreys announced him and his visitors in a raised voice. At the first levee Humphreys announced Washington in such a loud, pompous voice that, according to Madison, Washington shot him a reproachful look.

In a well-directed sequence, visitors came in and bowed to Washington, who then bowed in return before they took their place in a standing circle. With an excellent memory for names, Washington seldom required a second introduction. In a manner that reminded some of European kings, Washington never shook hands, holding on to a sword or a hat to avoid direct contact with people. Slowly he made the round of standing visitors, chatting briefly with each, then resuming his original position by the fireplace. Then the guests, moving like so many marionettes, came up to him one by one, bowed, and went their way. The reception concluded promptly at the stroke of four. Like a stage actor leaving nothing to chance, Washington reproduced this ritual exactly each week. Small wonder that John Adams said that if Washington "was not the greatest president, he was the best actor of the presidency we have ever had."18 One guest, describing the president's magnificent presence, recalled the tall manly figure of Washington clad in black velvet; his hair in full dress, powdered and gathered behind in a large silk bag; yellow gloves on his hands; holding a c.o.c.ked hat with a c.o.c.kade in it, and the edges adorned with a black feather about an inch deep. He wore knee and shoe buckles; and a long sword, with a finely wrought and polished steel hilt, which appeared at the left hip; the coat worn over the sword, so that the hilt, and the part below the folds of the coat behind, were in view. The scabbard was white polished leather.19 From the description, one can see how meticulously Washington fashioned the image that he broadcast to the world. Walter Buchanan, a New York physician, left a revealing tale of a visit to the Cherry Street mansion during the president's first Fourth of July in office. When told that a small delegation from the Society of the Cincinnati had appeared on his doorstep, Washington disappeared upstairs, donned his black velvet suit and dress sword, then invited the veterans in for cakes and wine. "On their departure," noted Buchanan, "the general again retired and came down to dinner in his usual costume of pepper-and-salt colored clothes."20 The Tuesday-afternoon levees, wooden and boring, were excruciating affairs, unrelieved by spontaneity. Washington's heroic stature, an essential part of his strength, was turned into a plaster cast that imprisoned him. During these scripted functions, people found it impossible to engage in substantive discussions with him, and perhaps that was the point. The taciturn Washington could see people without worrying that they would solicit him for jobs or pump him for political opinions. In searching for the happy medium between "much state" and "too great familiarity," Washington largely succeeded in finding it.21 Despite the benign look in his eye, he managed to preserve a certain official distance. "He is polite with dignity," Abigail Adams attested that spring, "affable without formality, distant without haughtiness, grave without austerity, modest, wise, and good." Despite the benign look in his eye, he managed to preserve a certain official distance. "He is polite with dignity," Abigail Adams attested that spring, "affable without formality, distant without haughtiness, grave without austerity, modest, wise, and good."22 Since Washington's Tuesday levees were limited to men, he and Martha decided that she would entertain female visitors every Friday evening from seven to ten, serving tea, coffee, ice cream, and lemonade. The plump little Martha, seated on a sofa as guests entered, enjoyed sampling the desserts. She dressed well but avoided jewelry as inappropriate for the new republic and was addressed by the democratic nomenclature of "Mrs. Washington." Never a sparkling talker, she was invariably a capable one, falling easily into conversation with people and making even complete strangers feel welcome. Usually seated at her right elbow was Abigail Adams, who noted how Washington chided anyone who violated protocol: "The president never fails of seeing that [the seat] is relinquished for me, and having removed ladies several times, they have now learnt to rise and give it to me."23 Dispensing with hat and sword, Washington made a minor concession to informality by wearing a brown coat on Friday evenings. More relaxed than at his own levees, he circulated and chatted amiably with guests, displaying "a grace, dignity, and ease that leaves Royal George far behind him," Abigail Adams reported.24 Washington delighted in the company of pretty women, who found his appeal only heightened by the presidency. "The young ladies used to throng around him and engage him in conversation," said one visitor. "There were some of the well-remembered Washington delighted in the company of pretty women, who found his appeal only heightened by the presidency. "The young ladies used to throng around him and engage him in conversation," said one visitor. "There were some of the well-remembered belles belles of that day, who imagined themselves to be favorites with him. As these were the only opportunities which they had of conversing with him, they were disposed to use them." of that day, who imagined themselves to be favorites with him. As these were the only opportunities which they had of conversing with him, they were disposed to use them."25 Another observer noted that Washington seemed less austere at his wife's teas, where he "talks more familiarly with those he knows and sometimes with the ladies." Another observer noted that Washington seemed less austere at his wife's teas, where he "talks more familiarly with those he knows and sometimes with the ladies."26 Washington never engaged in flirtatious looks, but he unquestionably paid special attention to women in attendance. "The company this evening was thin, especially of ladies," he complained in his diary after one Friday soiree. Washington never engaged in flirtatious looks, but he unquestionably paid special attention to women in attendance. "The company this evening was thin, especially of ladies," he complained in his diary after one Friday soiree.27 Because the Washingtons rose early, Martha often terminated the gatherings before the allotted ten o'clock deadline, saying that she and the president had to go to bed. Because the Washingtons rose early, Martha often terminated the gatherings before the allotted ten o'clock deadline, saying that she and the president had to go to bed.

Even as the Washingtons sought an optimal balance between presidential splendor and republican austerity, an opposition press emerged that accused them of trying to foist a monarchy on the country. For anyone who had seen the opulence of Versailles or Windsor Castle, such accusations would have seemed wildly overblown. But every revolution breeds fears of counterrevolution, and worries about a reversion to monarchism were perhaps predictable after a war against royal absolutism. Each morning as he read the gazettes, Washington was stung by commentary on his receptions. Berating his dinners, the Daily Advertiser Daily Advertiser warned readers that "in a few years we shall have all the paraphernalia yet wanting to give the superb finish to the grandeur of our AMERICAN COURT! The purity of republican principle seems to be daily losing ground . . . We are on the eve of another revolution." warned readers that "in a few years we shall have all the paraphernalia yet wanting to give the superb finish to the grandeur of our AMERICAN COURT! The purity of republican principle seems to be daily losing ground . . . We are on the eve of another revolution."28 Even Martha's rather wholesome Friday-night gatherings were depicted darkly in some quarters as "court-like levees" and "queenly drawing rooms." Even Martha's rather wholesome Friday-night gatherings were depicted darkly in some quarters as "court-like levees" and "queenly drawing rooms."29 When Washington's birthday was celebrated in February 1790 as a national holiday, purists disparaged it as yet another showy monarchical exercise. When Washington's birthday was celebrated in February 1790 as a national holiday, purists disparaged it as yet another showy monarchical exercise.

Among the leading critics of Washingtonian excess was William Maclay, the caustic senator from Pennsylvania with a thin, bony face. The son of Scotch-Irish Presbyterian immigrants, Maclay had a p.r.o.nounced populist streak that predisposed him to spot signs of incipient monarchy. In June 1789 he recorded his private fears that fancy people around town had seduced the president: "Indeed, I entertain not a doubt but many people are aiming, with all their force, to establish a splendid court with all the pomp of majesty. Alas, poor Washington, if you are taken in this snare, how will the gold become dim?"30 In copious diary entries, written with the satirical eye of a gadfly, Maclay left vivid impressions of President Washington in social situations during his first term. An eager purveyor of gossip, Maclay was scarcely objective, taking a mordant, often jaundiced, view of people. Sometimes his tattle was downright mean-spirited, as when Robert Morris's wife told him of a presidential dinner at which she bit into a dessert only to find it full of rancid cream. When informed of it, the president "changed his plate immediately. But, she added with a t.i.tter, Mrs. Washington ate a whole heap of it."31 His observations could be laced with patent envy: "No Virginian can talk on any subject but the perfections of Gen[era]l Washington." His observations could be laced with patent envy: "No Virginian can talk on any subject but the perfections of Gen[era]l Washington."32 Nonetheless, Maclay left some priceless glimpses into the social world of George and Martha Washington, whom he satirized as boors and b.u.mpkins, overshadowed by more elegant couples they were trying to impress. He reported Washington's misery in social settings, picking up little fidgety habits that showed him enduring these occasions rather than enjoying them. He did not realize how much Washington hated dealing with so many strangers. In trying to impart dignity to presidential protocol, Washington sometimes became frozen in this studied role, eliminating the levity and conversational flow that enlivened at least some dinners at Mount Vernon or with his military family during the war.

Every other Thursday the Washingtons held an official dinner at four P.M. The president, seeking geographic diversity, often tried to balance northern and southern legislators on his guest list. If guests were even five minutes late by the hall clock, they found the president and his company already seated. Washington would then explain curtly that the cook was governed by the clock and not by the company. In his diary, Maclay described a dinner on August 27, 1789, in which George and Martha Washington sat in the middle of the table, facing each other, while Tobias Lear and Robert Lewis sat on either end. John Adams, John Jay, and George Clinton were among the a.s.sembled guests. Maclay described a table bursting with a rich a.s.sortment of dishes-roasted fish, boiled meat, bacon, and poultry for the main course, followed by ice cream, jellies, pies, puddings, and melons for dessert. Washington usually downed a pint of beer and two or three gla.s.ses of wine, and his demeanor grew livelier once he had consumed them.

Maclay painted a deadly portrait of Washington at one dinner as a veteran bore, devoid of conversation except plat.i.tudes, and very jittery: "The president kept a fork in his hand when the cloth was taken away-I thought for the purpose of picking nuts. He ate no nuts, but played with the fork, striking o