Washington - A Life Part 11

The French partnership, however useful most of the time, was awkward at others, requiring Washington to pay homage to the French monarchy even as Americans fought against King George III. In the spring of 1782, when Louis XVI had a male heir, Washington was duty-bound to celebrate "the auspicious birth of a dauphin" and hope divine providence would "shed its choicest blessings upon the King of France and his royal consorts and favor them with a long, happy, and glorious reign."14 Having fought for independence, Americans still had no idea what sort of government would emerge in the aftermath of a successful war. Thus far the new nation had no real executive branch, just a few departments; no independent judiciary; and only an ineffectual Congress. For most Americans, the idea of royalty was still anathema. On the other hand, at least a few Americans feared chaos and touted monarchy as a possible way to fill the dangerous vacuum of executive power. Having fought for independence, Americans still had no idea what sort of government would emerge in the aftermath of a successful war. Thus far the new nation had no real executive branch, just a few departments; no independent judiciary; and only an ineffectual Congress. For most Americans, the idea of royalty was still anathema. On the other hand, at least a few Americans feared chaos and touted monarchy as a possible way to fill the dangerous vacuum of executive power.

On May 22, 1782, Colonel Lewis Nicola of the Continental Army had the effrontery to suggest to Washington that he reign as America's first monarch. He sent him a seven-page diatribe, citing "the weakness of republics" and the Continental Army's privations at the hands of a f.e.c.kless Congress, then conjured up a benevolent monarchy with Washington seated splendidly on the throne. "Some people have so connected the ideas of tyranny and monarchy as to find it very difficult to separate them . . . but if all other things are once adjusted, I believe strong arguments might be produced for admitting the t.i.tle of king."15 While he had roundly berated congressional inept.i.tude, Washington had never entertained the idea of a monarchy and was left to wonder whether Nicola was the instrument of a covert army faction that favored a king. His reply, sent the same day, fairly breathed with horror. What makes the letter so impressive is its finality-this serpent must be killed in the egg: "Be a.s.sured, sir, no occurrence in the course of the war has given me more painful sensations than your information of there being such ideas existing in the army as you have expressed and [that] I must view with abhorrence and reprehend with severity."16 He didn't dare tell a soul about Nicola's letter, he said, lest it contaminate men's minds: "I am much at a loss to conceive what part of my conduct could have given encouragement to an address which to me seems big with the greatest mischiefs that can befall my country. If I am not deceived in the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a person to whom your schemes are more disagreeable . . . Let me conjure you then, if you have any regard for your country, concern for yourself or posterity, or respect for me, to banish these thoughts from your mind." He didn't dare tell a soul about Nicola's letter, he said, lest it contaminate men's minds: "I am much at a loss to conceive what part of my conduct could have given encouragement to an address which to me seems big with the greatest mischiefs that can befall my country. If I am not deceived in the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a person to whom your schemes are more disagreeable . . . Let me conjure you then, if you have any regard for your country, concern for yourself or posterity, or respect for me, to banish these thoughts from your mind."17 Washington set such store by this momentous letter that, for the only time in the war, he demanded proof from his aides that his response was sealed and posted. Stunned, Nicola stammered out three replies in as many days, offering apologies for broaching the taboo subject. Washington set such store by this momentous letter that, for the only time in the war, he demanded proof from his aides that his response was sealed and posted. Stunned, Nicola stammered out three replies in as many days, offering apologies for broaching the taboo subject.

During the summer of 1782 Washington showed his willingness to accept recognition of a more democratic sort when the newly incorporated Washington College was named in his honor in Chestertown, Maryland. Washington seldom allowed the use of his name, suggesting that he was flattered by this distinction. "I am much indebted for the honor conferred on me by giving my name to the college at Chester," he wrote to the Reverend William Smith, the school's first president, a Scottish Anglican clergyman. Washington donated fifty guineas to the school-promptly used to purchase optical instruments-and also served on its board.18 Always regretting his own lack of a college education, Washington had surrounded himself with college-educated men, and his patronage of Washington College was perhaps a final way of wiping away that ancient stigma. In 1789 he received an honorary degree from the school. Always regretting his own lack of a college education, Washington had surrounded himself with college-educated men, and his patronage of Washington College was perhaps a final way of wiping away that ancient stigma. In 1789 he received an honorary degree from the school.

At times during this uneventful year, Washington sent halfhearted letters to Rochambeau, proposing operations against New York or Charleston-suggestions that came to naught. Suspecting a British ploy, Washington scoffed at rumors of a negotiated peace in the offing and grew especially vigilant after Admiral Rodney defeated de Gra.s.se in the Caribbean in April, sending London into a delirium of joy. Even when official word came in August from the British command in New York that peace talks had been opened in Paris, Washington still couldn't conquer his ingrained suspicion. "That the King will push the war as long as the nation will find men or money admits not of a doubt in my mind," he said flatly.19 A thoroughgoing skeptic in foreign policy, Washington denigrated the British as devoid of idealism and driven only by pride and self-interest. Before setting aside arms, he wanted nothing less than "an absolute, unequivocal admission of American independence," he told Thomas Paine. A thoroughgoing skeptic in foreign policy, Washington denigrated the British as devoid of idealism and driven only by pride and self-interest. Before setting aside arms, he wanted nothing less than "an absolute, unequivocal admission of American independence," he told Thomas Paine.20 After all these years of war, Washington was still a hot-blooded militant and railed against "the persevering obstinacy of the king, the wickedness of his ministry and the haughty pride" of the British nation. After all these years of war, Washington was still a hot-blooded militant and railed against "the persevering obstinacy of the king, the wickedness of his ministry and the haughty pride" of the British nation.21 Such moral fervor had sustained him during the prolonged conflict. Such moral fervor had sustained him during the prolonged conflict.

Afraid that his army might relax its guard prematurely, he kept drilling troops on the parade ground, demanded that his men look sharp, and barked out a steady stream of instructions: "The commander in chief recommends to the officers to pay particular attention to the carriage of their men either upon parade or marching . . . Nothing contributes so much to the appearance of a soldier, or so plainly indicates discipline, as an erect carriage, firm step, and steady countenance."22 He indicated his displeasure that soldiers didn't "step boldly and freely, but short and with bent knees." He indicated his displeasure that soldiers didn't "step boldly and freely, but short and with bent knees."23 Not only did he want his men to look bright and snappy, but he wanted them housed in style, insisting that " Not only did he want his men to look bright and snappy, but he wanted them housed in style, insisting that "regularity, convenience, and even some degree of and even some degree of elegance elegance should be attended to in the construction of their huts." should be attended to in the construction of their huts."24 To maintain the fighting spirit of his army, Washington introduced a decoration that came to be known as the "Purple Heart." In cases of "unusual gallantry" or "extraordinary fidelity and essential service," soldiers would receive a purple heart-shaped cloth, to be worn over the left breast.25 Since it was to be conferred on noncommissioned officers and ordinary soldiers, the decoration supplied further proof of Washington's growing egalitarian spirit during the war. (After a lapse in its use, the Purple Heart was revived by presidential order in 1932, and anyone in the U.S. Army became eligible for it.) At the time when Washington inaugurated the honor, fighting had largely ceased, and only isolated deaths remained in the war. One of the last victims was his sparkling young aide John Laurens, who had hoped to raise black troops in the South. "Poor Laurens is no more," Washington wrote glumly to Lafayette that October. "He fell in a trifling skirmish in South Carolina, attempting to prevent the enemy from plundering the country of rice." Since it was to be conferred on noncommissioned officers and ordinary soldiers, the decoration supplied further proof of Washington's growing egalitarian spirit during the war. (After a lapse in its use, the Purple Heart was revived by presidential order in 1932, and anyone in the U.S. Army became eligible for it.) At the time when Washington inaugurated the honor, fighting had largely ceased, and only isolated deaths remained in the war. One of the last victims was his sparkling young aide John Laurens, who had hoped to raise black troops in the South. "Poor Laurens is no more," Washington wrote glumly to Lafayette that October. "He fell in a trifling skirmish in South Carolina, attempting to prevent the enemy from plundering the country of rice."26 Washington didn't know that on November 30, 1782, a preliminary peace treaty had been signed in Paris and that the American side had won everything it could have wished, including recognition of independence and broad borders stretching north to the Great Lakes and west to the Mississippi. Washington got a glimmer of the truth in mid-December when the British general Alexander Leslie and his troops sailed from Charleston, South Carolina; a few hours later Nathanael Greene entered the city, bringing the southern war to a close. Washington congratulated Greene "on the glorious end you have put to hostilities in the southern states."27 Whenever Washington lauded Greene, his praise never contained even a twinge of envy, only unmistakable pride. In marking the conclusion of southern combat, he paid lavish tribute to Greene, stating that "this happy change has been wrought, almost solely, by the personal abilities of Major Gen[era]l Greene." Whenever Washington lauded Greene, his praise never contained even a twinge of envy, only unmistakable pride. In marking the conclusion of southern combat, he paid lavish tribute to Greene, stating that "this happy change has been wrought, almost solely, by the personal abilities of Major Gen[era]l Greene."28 This rosey outcome justified the faith Washington had shown early in the war, when Greene had blundered at Fort Washington and another commander might have lost all confidence in him. This rosey outcome justified the faith Washington had shown early in the war, when Greene had blundered at Fort Washington and another commander might have lost all confidence in him.

What should have been a joyous moment for Washington turned into a troubled one. The national treasury had again run empty, the states having failed to make their requisite payments. As another icy winter loomed, Washington sensed deep discontent roiling his troops. Suddenly reluctant to leave them alone in Newburgh, he relinquished his cherished hope of returning to Mount Vernon. At first he even declined to ask Martha to make her annual pilgrimage to the camp, although he relented and she arrived in December. "The temper of the army is much soured," he told one congressman in mid-November, "and has become more irritable than at any period since the commencement of the war."29 Girding himself for disturbances, he vowed to stick close to his men and "try like a careful physician to prevent if possible the disorders getting to an incurable height." Girding himself for disturbances, he vowed to stick close to his men and "try like a careful physician to prevent if possible the disorders getting to an incurable height."30 Sitting in his s...o...b..und Newburgh quarters, Washington wouldn't hear about the provisional peace treaty until February. In the meantime, he knew the time "will pa.s.s heavily on in this dreary mansion in which we are fast locked by frost and snow."31 Affected by the frigid weather and isolation of Newburgh, Washington sounded a somber note in his letters. He wrote to General Heath, "Without amus.e.m.e.nts or avocations, I am spending another winter (I hope it will be the last that I shall be kept from returning to domestic life) among these rugged and dreary mountains." Affected by the frigid weather and isolation of Newburgh, Washington sounded a somber note in his letters. He wrote to General Heath, "Without amus.e.m.e.nts or avocations, I am spending another winter (I hope it will be the last that I shall be kept from returning to domestic life) among these rugged and dreary mountains."32 The army's sullen discontent revolved around the same stale complaints that had beset Washington throughout the war. As he recounted them to Major General John Armstrong, "The army, as usual, are without pay and a great part of the soldiery without shirts. And tho[ugh] the patience of them is equally threadbare, the states seem perfectly indifferent to their cries."33 The soldiers were so famished that when local vendors peddled produce at their huts, they often plundered these simple country folk. Once again Washington couldn't locate forage for his starving horses, complaining at Christmas that they "have been four days without a handful of hay and three of the same without a mouthful of grain." The soldiers were so famished that when local vendors peddled produce at their huts, they often plundered these simple country folk. Once again Washington couldn't locate forage for his starving horses, complaining at Christmas that they "have been four days without a handful of hay and three of the same without a mouthful of grain."34 The upshot of this outrageous situation was that officers canceled business that could be conducted only on horseback and found it impossible to confer with Washington at headquarters. The upshot of this outrageous situation was that officers canceled business that could be conducted only on horseback and found it impossible to confer with Washington at headquarters.

Dissatisfaction in the ranks was only sharpened by talk of demobilizing the army, which was rattled by the possible outbreak of peace. As long as soldiers remained together, they shared a common sense of purpose; once sent home, they would contrast their own impecunious state with that of the well-fed civilian population. As Washington explained to General Benjamin Lincoln, they were "about to be turned into the world, soured by penury and what they call the ingrat.i.tude of the public, involved in debts, without one farthing of money to carry them home."35 What made the disaffection most disturbing was that it stemmed from the officers, who subsisted on such meager rations that, even when entertaining French officers, they could offer little more than "stinking whiskey" and "a bit of beef without vegetables." What made the disaffection most disturbing was that it stemmed from the officers, who subsisted on such meager rations that, even when entertaining French officers, they could offer little more than "stinking whiskey" and "a bit of beef without vegetables."36 Many doubted they would receive years of back pay owed to them or that Congress would redeem its 1780 pledge to provide veterans with half pay for life. Washington wondered darkly what would happen if the officers who had suppressed previous mutinies turned mutinous themselves. Many doubted they would receive years of back pay owed to them or that Congress would redeem its 1780 pledge to provide veterans with half pay for life. Washington wondered darkly what would happen if the officers who had suppressed previous mutinies turned mutinous themselves.

As he dealt with this discontent, Washington again had to deal with his disgruntled mother. Mary Washington had written to apprise him that the overseer at her Little Falls Quarter farm was pocketing all the profits for himself, and this made George no less upset than his mother. As he told brother Jack, he had maintained this place for her with "no earthly inducement to meddle with it, but to comply with her wish and to free her from care," but he hadn't received a penny in return. He protested that it was "too much while I am suffering in every other way (and hardly able to keep my own estate from sale), to be saddled with all the expense of hers and not be able to derive the smallest return from it."37 This parenthetical statement-that he could hardly keep Mount Vernon safe from sale again-reveals the dreadful toll that his neglected business interests had taken on his personal fortune. This parenthetical statement-that he could hardly keep Mount Vernon safe from sale again-reveals the dreadful toll that his neglected business interests had taken on his personal fortune.

After asking Jack to stop by Little Falls to replace the overseer, Washington mentioned that he had heard nothing further of their mother's pet.i.tion for a pension from the Virginia a.s.sembly. But it turned out that Mary was still up to her old antics and broadcasting her financial grievances to anyone who cared to listen. As Washington worried anew that she would blacken his reputation, his repressed anger toward her, long tamped down, spilled out. He told his brother that he had learned "from very good authority that she is upon all occasions and in all companies complaining of the hardness of the times, of her wants and distresses; and if not in direct terms, at least by strong innuendoes, inviting favors which not only makes her her appear in an unfavorable point of view, but appear in an unfavorable point of view, but those those also who are connected with her." also who are connected with her."38 As someone who jealously guarded his reputation, Washington was crestfallen by Mary's unending torrent of abuse, and he dispatched Jack on a private mission to visit her and "inquire into her real wants and see what is necessary to make her comfortable." As someone who jealously guarded his reputation, Washington was crestfallen by Mary's unending torrent of abuse, and he dispatched Jack on a private mission to visit her and "inquire into her real wants and see what is necessary to make her comfortable."39 As always, Washington was ready to pay what she needed, but he demanded that she halt the character a.s.sa.s.sination: "I wish you to represent to her in delicate terms the impropriety of her complaints and acceptance of favors, even where they are voluntarily offered, from any but relations." As always, Washington was ready to pay what she needed, but he demanded that she halt the character a.s.sa.s.sination: "I wish you to represent to her in delicate terms the impropriety of her complaints and acceptance of favors, even where they are voluntarily offered, from any but relations."40 As always, the headstrong mother and son were locked in a fierce contest of wills in which both sides refused to yield an inch. As always, the headstrong mother and son were locked in a fierce contest of wills in which both sides refused to yield an inch.

Around this time Washington discovered that his vision had grown slightly blurry and that it cleared when he borrowed spectacles from his colleagues. He had become older and wearier during this long war, and the eyestrain caused by reading his copious correspondence had been enormous. He ordered a pair of handsome silver-framed reading gla.s.ses from David Rittenhouse of Philadelphia, a renowned astronomer and optical expert. Washington sampled the lenses of various people, then asked Rittenhouse to duplicate the ones that worked best. By mid-February he had the new reading gla.s.ses in hand but had to keep tilting them at different angles until his eyes adjusted to the novel experience. "At present, I find some difficulty in coming at the proper focus," he informed Rittenhouse, "but when I do obtain it, they magnify properly and show those objects very distinctly which at first appear like a mist, blended together and confused."41 Little did Rittenhouse know, as he fashioned these spectacles, that they would soon serve as a key prop in one of the most emotionally charged scenes in American history. Little did Rittenhouse know, as he fashioned these spectacles, that they would soon serve as a key prop in one of the most emotionally charged scenes in American history.

IN EARLY JANUARY, amid rumors of ma.s.s resignations, a three-man delegation of officers went to Philadelphia to lay before Congress a pet.i.tion that catalogued their pent-up grievances: "We have borne all that men can bear-our property is expended-our private resources are at an end."42 This delegation met with two dynamic young members of Congress: James Madison of Virginia, a member since 1780, and Alexander Hamilton of New York, who had joined Congress a little more than a month earlier. However alarmed by the prospect of an officer mutiny, Hamilton believed it might represent a handy lever with which to budge a lethargic Congress from inaction, leading to expanded federal powers. This delegation met with two dynamic young members of Congress: James Madison of Virginia, a member since 1780, and Alexander Hamilton of New York, who had joined Congress a little more than a month earlier. However alarmed by the prospect of an officer mutiny, Hamilton believed it might represent a handy lever with which to budge a lethargic Congress from inaction, leading to expanded federal powers.

On February 13 Hamilton wrote to Washington in a candid tone that presupposed that a profound understanding still existed between them. He talked of the critical state of American finances and suggested that the officer revolt could be helpful: "The claims of the army, urged with moderation but with firmness, may operate on those weak minds which are influenced by their apprehensions rather than their judgment . . . But the difficulty will be to keep a complaining complaining and and suffering suffering army within the bounds of moderation." army within the bounds of moderation."43 In suggesting that Washington exploit the situation to influence Congress, Hamilton toyed with combustible chemicals. He also tried to awaken anxiety in Washington by telling him that officers were whispering that he didn't stand up for their rights with sufficient zeal. "The falsehood of this opinion no one can be better acquainted with than myself," Hamilton emphasized, "but it is not the less mischievous for being false." In suggesting that Washington exploit the situation to influence Congress, Hamilton toyed with combustible chemicals. He also tried to awaken anxiety in Washington by telling him that officers were whispering that he didn't stand up for their rights with sufficient zeal. "The falsehood of this opinion no one can be better acquainted with than myself," Hamilton emphasized, "but it is not the less mischievous for being false."44 On March 4 Washington sent Hamilton a thoughtful response and disclosed grave premonitions about the crisis. "It has been the subject of many contemplative hours," he told Hamilton. "The sufferings of a complaining army, on one hand, and the inability of Congress and tardiness of the states on the other, are the forebodings of evil."45 He voiced concern at America's financial plight and told of his periodic frustration at being excluded from congressional decisions. If Congress didn't receive enlarged powers, he maintained, revolutionary blood would have been spilled in vain. After spelling out areas of agreement with Hamilton, however, Washington said he refused to deviate from the "steady line of conduct" he had pursued and insisted that the "sensible and discerning" officers would listen to reason. He also a.s.serted that any attempt to exploit officer discontent might only "excite jealousy and bring on its concomitants." He voiced concern at America's financial plight and told of his periodic frustration at being excluded from congressional decisions. If Congress didn't receive enlarged powers, he maintained, revolutionary blood would have been spilled in vain. After spelling out areas of agreement with Hamilton, however, Washington said he refused to deviate from the "steady line of conduct" he had pursued and insisted that the "sensible and discerning" officers would listen to reason. He also a.s.serted that any attempt to exploit officer discontent might only "excite jealousy and bring on its concomitants."46 It was a n.o.ble letter: Washington refused to pander to any political agenda, even one he agreed with, and he would never encroach upon the civilian prerogatives of Congress. In a later letter Washington was even blunter with Hamilton, warning him that soldiers weren't "mere puppets" and that the army was "a dangerous instrument to play with." It was a n.o.ble letter: Washington refused to pander to any political agenda, even one he agreed with, and he would never encroach upon the civilian prerogatives of Congress. In a later letter Washington was even blunter with Hamilton, warning him that soldiers weren't "mere puppets" and that the army was "a dangerous instrument to play with."47 The officers continued to believe that Philadelphia politicians remained deaf to their pleas, and Washington had no inkling that they would soon resort to more muscular measures. In his general orders for March 10, he dwelt on a mundane topic, the need for uniform haircuts among the troops. Then he learned of an anonymous paper percolating through the camp, summoning officers to a ma.s.s meeting the next day to air their grievances-a brazen affront to Washington's authority and, to his mind, little short of outright mutiny. Then a second paper made the rounds, further stoking a sense of injustice. Its anonymous author was, in all likelihood, John Armstrong, Jr., an aide-de-camp to Horatio Gates, who mocked the peaceful pet.i.tions drawn up by the officers and warned that, come peace, they might "grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt."48 Before being stripped of their weapons by an armistice, they should now take direct action: "Change the milk and water style of your last memorial-a.s.sume a bolder tone . . . And suspect the man who would advise to more moderation and longer forbearance." Before being stripped of their weapons by an armistice, they should now take direct action: "Change the milk and water style of your last memorial-a.s.sume a bolder tone . . . And suspect the man who would advise to more moderation and longer forbearance."49 The man of moderation was, of course, George Washington. When handed a copy of this manifesto, he conceded its literary power, later saying that "in point of composition, in elegance and force of expression" it had "rarely been equaled in the English language." The man of moderation was, of course, George Washington. When handed a copy of this manifesto, he conceded its literary power, later saying that "in point of composition, in elegance and force of expression" it had "rarely been equaled in the English language."50 That only made it the more threatening, for it aroused the prospect of a military putsch. That only made it the more threatening, for it aroused the prospect of a military putsch.

Washington banned the outlaw meeting. In announcing the measure, he subtly tried to shame the officers by saying that their good sense would lead them to " pay very little attention to such an irregular invitation."51 Instead of negating their grievances, he tried to champion and divert them into orderly channels and called his own meeting at noon on March 15. Suspicious of how quickly events had moved, Washington voiced his fears to Hamilton the next day. A nameless gentleman-Colonel Walter Stewart-had come to the Newburgh camp, he said, and told the officers that public creditors would support their mutiny as a way to guarantee repayment of their loans. Stewart further suggested that certain congressmen supported the mutiny as a way of prodding delinquent states into paying promised taxes to the central government. There is no overt sense in this letter of Washington accusing Hamilton of orchestrating the plot from Philadelphia. Rather, he exhorted him to take timely action to redress the officers' complaints, contending that many were so short of funds that they might be clapped into debtors' prisons upon release from the army. The failure to take appropriate measures, Washington forewarned, would plunge the country "into a gulf of civil horror from which there might be no receding." Instead of negating their grievances, he tried to champion and divert them into orderly channels and called his own meeting at noon on March 15. Suspicious of how quickly events had moved, Washington voiced his fears to Hamilton the next day. A nameless gentleman-Colonel Walter Stewart-had come to the Newburgh camp, he said, and told the officers that public creditors would support their mutiny as a way to guarantee repayment of their loans. Stewart further suggested that certain congressmen supported the mutiny as a way of prodding delinquent states into paying promised taxes to the central government. There is no overt sense in this letter of Washington accusing Hamilton of orchestrating the plot from Philadelphia. Rather, he exhorted him to take timely action to redress the officers' complaints, contending that many were so short of funds that they might be clapped into debtors' prisons upon release from the army. The failure to take appropriate measures, Washington forewarned, would plunge the country "into a gulf of civil horror from which there might be no receding."52 In calling his meeting, Washington waited a few days to allow cooler heads to prevail. For its venue, he chose the same place as that proposed for the subversive gathering, a new building nicknamed the Temple of Virtue, a cavernous wooden structure completed a month earlier for Sunday services, dances, and Masonic meetings. Although this meeting proceeded under Washington's auspices, he was not expected to attend, heightening the dramatic effect when he slipped through a side door into the packed hall. It was one of the infrequent occasions when his self-control crumbled and an observer described him as "sensibly agitated."53 It was the first and only time Washington ever confronted a hostile a.s.sembly of his own officers. Mounting the podium, he drew out his prepared remarks, written on nine long sheets covered with exclamation points and dashes for pauses, revealing the strong sense of cadence he gave to his speeches. He began by chastising the officers for improper conduct in calling an irregular meeting and disputed that Congress was indifferent to their plight, stressing the need for making dispa.s.sionate decisions. Then, with considerable agility, he cast aside the stern tone and stressed his personal bond with his fellow officers, speaking as a man as well as a general and building rhetorical force through repet.i.tion: If my conduct heretofore has not evinced to you that I have been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration of it at this time w[oul]d be equally unavailing and improper. But as I was among the first who embarked in the cause of our common country. As I have never left your side one moment, but when called from you on public duty. As I have been the constant companion and witness of your distresses and not among the last to feel and acknowledge your merits . . . it can scarcely be supposed scarcely be supposed at this late stage of the war that I am indifferent to [your] interests. at this late stage of the war that I am indifferent to [your] interests.54 Instead of elevating himself above his men, Washington portrayed himself as their friend and peer.

Having softened them up with personal history, he delivered an impa.s.sioned appeal to their deep-seated patriotism. The idea floated by the anonymous pamphleteer that they should take up arms against their country "has something so shocking in it that humanity revolts at the idea. My G.o.d! What can this writer have in view by recommending such measures? Can he be a friend to the army? Can he be a friend to this country? Rather, is he not an insidious foe? Some emissary, perhaps, from New York, plotting the ruin of both by sowing the seeds of discord and separation between the civil and military powers of the continent?"55 He pleaded with them to oppose any man "who wickedly attempts to open the floodgates of civil discord and deluge our rising empire in blood."56 Give Congress a chance to address your grievances, he implored the officers, saying he would do everything in his power to help them. Then, in ringing tones, he said that if they trusted Congress to take action, "you will, by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to mankind, 'Had this day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining.'" Give Congress a chance to address your grievances, he implored the officers, saying he would do everything in his power to help them. Then, in ringing tones, he said that if they trusted Congress to take action, "you will, by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to mankind, 'Had this day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining.'"57 It was an exemplary performance from a man uncomfortable with public speaking. He had castigated his officers but also lifted them to a higher plane, reawakening a sense of their exalted role in the Revolution and reminding them that illegal action would tarnish that grand legacy. For all his eloquence, Washington achieved his greatest impact with a small symbolic gesture. To rea.s.sure the men of congressional good faith, he read aloud a letter from Congressman Joseph Jones of Virginia and tripped over the first few sentences because he couldn't discern the words. Then he pulled out his new spectacles, shocking his fellow officers: they had never seen him wearing gla.s.ses. "Gentlemen, you must pardon me," he said. "I have grown gray in your service and now find myself growing blind."58 These poignant words exerted a powerful influence. Washington at fifty-one was much older and more haggard than the young planter who had taken charge of the Continental Army in 1775. The disarming gesture of putting on the gla.s.ses moved the officers to tears as they recalled the legendary sacrifices he had made for his country. When he left the hall moments later, the threatened mutiny had ended, and his victory was complete. The officers approved a unanimous resolution stating they "reciprocated [Washington's] affectionate expressions with the greatest sincerity of which the human heart is capable." These poignant words exerted a powerful influence. Washington at fifty-one was much older and more haggard than the young planter who had taken charge of the Continental Army in 1775. The disarming gesture of putting on the gla.s.ses moved the officers to tears as they recalled the legendary sacrifices he had made for his country. When he left the hall moments later, the threatened mutiny had ended, and his victory was complete. The officers approved a unanimous resolution stating they "reciprocated [Washington's] affectionate expressions with the greatest sincerity of which the human heart is capable."59 Luckily, Congress delivered on Washington's promise and, instead of half pay for life, granted the officers payment equal to five years of full pay. The threat of a military takeover had been averted by Washington's succinct but brilliant, well-timed oratory. Luckily, Congress delivered on Washington's promise and, instead of half pay for life, granted the officers payment equal to five years of full pay. The threat of a military takeover had been averted by Washington's succinct but brilliant, well-timed oratory.

Making good on his pledges, Washington wrote impa.s.sioned letters to Congress on behalf of the officers' finances. In one to Joseph Jones, he said that Congress shouldn't rely on him again to "dispel other clouds, if any should arise, from the causes of the last."60 Perhaps he sensed that a deity couldn't step down from the clouds more than once without dispelling his mystique. He had tamed his mutinous officers and established congressional supremacy in the nick of time. A few days later he received word that a preliminary peace treaty had been signed in Paris. In mid-April Congress ratified the treaty, leading to a formal cessation of hostilities eight years after the first shots rang out in Lexington and Concord. Perhaps he sensed that a deity couldn't step down from the clouds more than once without dispelling his mystique. He had tamed his mutinous officers and established congressional supremacy in the nick of time. A few days later he received word that a preliminary peace treaty had been signed in Paris. In mid-April Congress ratified the treaty, leading to a formal cessation of hostilities eight years after the first shots rang out in Lexington and Concord.

The man who had pulled off the exemplary feat of humbling the most powerful military on earth had not been corrupted by fame. Though quietly elated and relieved, he was neither intoxicated by power nor puffed up with a sense of his own genius. On April 15 a Jamaican visitor dined with Washington at his Newburgh headquarters and was amazed at the simplicity of the scene: "The dinner was good, but everything was quite plain. We all sat on camp stools . . . Mrs. W[ashington] was as plain, easy, and affable as [the general] was and one would have thought from the familiarity which prevailed here that he saw a respectable private gentleman dining at the head of his own family."61 Washington shunned the conqueror's bravado. "In his dress he was perfectly plain-an old blue coat faced with buff, waistcoat and britches . . . seemingly of the same age and without any lace upon them composed his dress," the visitor wrote. "His shirt had no ruffles at the wrists, but [was] of very fine linen . . . His hair is a little gray and combed smoothly back from the forehead and in a small queue-no curls and but very little powder to it. Such is the man, but his character I cannot presume to describe-it is held in the highest veneration over the whole continent." Washington shunned the conqueror's bravado. "In his dress he was perfectly plain-an old blue coat faced with buff, waistcoat and britches . . . seemingly of the same age and without any lace upon them composed his dress," the visitor wrote. "His shirt had no ruffles at the wrists, but [was] of very fine linen . . . His hair is a little gray and combed smoothly back from the forehead and in a small queue-no curls and but very little powder to it. Such is the man, but his character I cannot presume to describe-it is held in the highest veneration over the whole continent."62

CHAPTER THIRTY-SIX.

Closing the Drama with Applause BY THE SPRING OF 1783 George Washington had visibly aged, as evidenced by his gray hair and failing eyesight. "He was fine-looking until three years ago," an aide to Rochambeau had reported a year earlier, adding that "those who have been constantly with him since that time say that he seems to have grown old fast." 1 1 It could only have saddened a man of his athletic vitality to feel his powers begin to ebb. One great blow to Washington's sense of well-being was the steady deterioration of his teeth. While in the eyes of posterity his dental problems rank among his best-known attributes, he did everything he could to screen the trouble from contemporaries. An air of extreme secrecy shrouded his dealings with dentists, as if he were dabbling in a dark, shameful art. Perhaps he sensed that nothing could subvert his heroic image more unalterably than derisory sn.i.g.g.e.rs about his teeth. It could only have saddened a man of his athletic vitality to feel his powers begin to ebb. One great blow to Washington's sense of well-being was the steady deterioration of his teeth. While in the eyes of posterity his dental problems rank among his best-known attributes, he did everything he could to screen the trouble from contemporaries. An air of extreme secrecy shrouded his dealings with dentists, as if he were dabbling in a dark, shameful art. Perhaps he sensed that nothing could subvert his heroic image more unalterably than derisory sn.i.g.g.e.rs about his teeth.

As early as the French and Indian War, Washington had had a tooth pulled, and thereafter his papers are replete with allusions to dental tribulations. From one London apothecary, he ordered "sponge" toothbrushes and bottles of tincture designed to soothe toothaches. A typical complaint in his diaries reads: "indisposed with an aching tooth and swelled and inflamed gums."2 By 1773 he found it agonizing to chew meals. His customary solution was to pull troublesome teeth, and, while sitting in the House of Burgesses, he kept busy a Williamsburg dentist, Dr. John Baker. When he painted Washington in 1779, the observant Charles Willson Peale spotted an indentation just below Washington's left cheekbone, the by-product of an abscessed tooth. By 1773 he found it agonizing to chew meals. His customary solution was to pull troublesome teeth, and, while sitting in the House of Burgesses, he kept busy a Williamsburg dentist, Dr. John Baker. When he painted Washington in 1779, the observant Charles Willson Peale spotted an indentation just below Washington's left cheekbone, the by-product of an abscessed tooth.

By 1781 Washington had partial dentures made with a bone and ivory framework, secured to natural teeth and held together by a primitive mesh of wires. Before marching south to Yorktown, he wrote with some urgency to Dr. Baker, asking for "a pair of pincers to fasten the wire of my teeth" and also "one of your sc.r.a.pers, as my teeth stand in need of cleaning." 3 3 At this point Washington had a small a.r.s.enal of devices to keep his aching mouth in working order. In a secret, locked drawer of his desk at Mount Vernon, he preserved a pair of pulled teeth and not long before the Newburgh mutiny asked Lund to wrap them up carefully and send them along. His objective was to have Dr. Baker insert them into a partial bridge; the dentist was to send him plaster of paris or some other powder to create a model of his mouth. When this letter was intercepted by the British, it occasioned some s.a.d.i.s.tic merriment while leaving poor Washington in considerable distress. The episode could only have strengthened his self-consciousness about his dental problems. At this point Washington had a small a.r.s.enal of devices to keep his aching mouth in working order. In a secret, locked drawer of his desk at Mount Vernon, he preserved a pair of pulled teeth and not long before the Newburgh mutiny asked Lund to wrap them up carefully and send them along. His objective was to have Dr. Baker insert them into a partial bridge; the dentist was to send him plaster of paris or some other powder to create a model of his mouth. When this letter was intercepted by the British, it occasioned some s.a.d.i.s.tic merriment while leaving poor Washington in considerable distress. The episode could only have strengthened his self-consciousness about his dental problems.

As it turned out, deliverance lay at hand in the person of an eminent French dentist, Dr. Jean-Pierre Le Mayeur, who had worked in occupied New York, treating Sir Henry Clinton and other British generals. One day a British officer made a cutting remark about the French alliance with America, and the dentist rushed indignantly to his country's defense, ending the honeymoon with the British. Having established his patriotic credentials, Dr. Le Mayeur pa.s.sed over to the American side, where his reputation preceded him. Washington was eager to consult the Frenchman, "of whose skill much has been said," but he wanted the matter treated with utmost discretion, telling his intermediary categorically that "I would not wish that this matter should be made a parade of."4 Thorough in all things, Washington demanded "a private investigation of this man's character and knowledge of his profession" before he opened up his mouth to his ministrations. Thorough in all things, Washington demanded "a private investigation of this man's character and knowledge of his profession" before he opened up his mouth to his ministrations.5 In June 1783, when Washington consulted the urbane Le Mayeur in confidence at Newburgh, he handled their relationship as furtively as if he were meeting a master spy. (He seemed mystified by the spelling of the Frenchman's name, calling him La Moyuer at one point, as if he dared not check the spelling with a potentially indiscreet third party.) Evidently, the dentist agreed to craft a pair of partial dentures. Washington responded with an elliptical letter that resorted to euphemisms, never mentioning such explosive words as dental dental or or dentures dentures in case unfriendly eyes stumbled upon it. "The valise arrived safe, as did the three articles which accompanied your card," Washington wrote cryptically. ". . . The small matters [his teeth?] which were expected from Virginia are not yet received, and it is to be feared will never be found." in case unfriendly eyes stumbled upon it. "The valise arrived safe, as did the three articles which accompanied your card," Washington wrote cryptically. ". . . The small matters [his teeth?] which were expected from Virginia are not yet received, and it is to be feared will never be found."6 Always a tough, leery customer, Washington was skeptical about claims made for transplanted teeth. The following year, when Le Mayeur performed a successful transplant upon Richard Varick, it made a convert of Washington. According to Mary Thompson, Washington bought nine teeth in 1784 from certain nameless "Negroes" for thirteen shillings apiece.7 Whether he wanted the teeth implanted directly in his mouth or incorporated into dentures, we cannot say. However ghoulish this trade sounds to modern readers, it was then standard practice for rich people to purchase teeth from the poor. In his advertis.e.m.e.nts, Dr. Le Mayeur offered to buy teeth from willing vendors and bid "three guineas for good front teeth from anyone but slaves." Whether he wanted the teeth implanted directly in his mouth or incorporated into dentures, we cannot say. However ghoulish this trade sounds to modern readers, it was then standard practice for rich people to purchase teeth from the poor. In his advertis.e.m.e.nts, Dr. Le Mayeur offered to buy teeth from willing vendors and bid "three guineas for good front teeth from anyone but slaves."8 This suggests a stigma among white people about having slaves' teeth. We can deduce that Washington's dental transplant miscarried, since by the time of his presidential inauguration in 1789, he had only a single working tooth remaining. This suggests a stigma among white people about having slaves' teeth. We can deduce that Washington's dental transplant miscarried, since by the time of his presidential inauguration in 1789, he had only a single working tooth remaining.

ON APRIL 18 , 1783 , Washington announced the cessation of hostilities between America and Great Britain and seemed to pinch himself with wonder as he evoked "the almost infinite variety of scenes thro[ugh] which we have pa.s.sed with a mixture of pleasure, astonishment, and grat.i.tude."9 The normally prudent Washington, throwing caution to the winds, rhapsodized about America's future, saying of the patriotic soldiers who had wrested freedom from Great Britain that "happy, thrice happy shall they be p.r.o.nounced hereafter . . . in erecting this stupendous The normally prudent Washington, throwing caution to the winds, rhapsodized about America's future, saying of the patriotic soldiers who had wrested freedom from Great Britain that "happy, thrice happy shall they be p.r.o.nounced hereafter . . . in erecting this stupendous fabric of freedom and empire fabric of freedom and empire on the broad basis of independence . . . and establishing an asylum for the poor and oppressed of all nations and religions." on the broad basis of independence . . . and establishing an asylum for the poor and oppressed of all nations and religions."10 As always when casting events in grandiose historical terms, he fell back on a theatrical metaphor: "Nothing now remains but for the actors of this mighty scene to preserve a perfect, unvarying consistency of character through the very last act" and then "close the drama with applause." As always when casting events in grandiose historical terms, he fell back on a theatrical metaphor: "Nothing now remains but for the actors of this mighty scene to preserve a perfect, unvarying consistency of character through the very last act" and then "close the drama with applause."11 Washington ordered his quartermaster general to gather up discharges so he could begin sending soldiers home. In a wonderful tribute to his men, he personally signed thousands of these doc.u.ments. His hand surely ached from this gesture, which spoke volumes about the affection and empathy he had developed for them. Washington ordered his quartermaster general to gather up discharges so he could begin sending soldiers home. In a wonderful tribute to his men, he personally signed thousands of these doc.u.ments. His hand surely ached from this gesture, which spoke volumes about the affection and empathy he had developed for them.

Unwilling to abandon his command until the final peace treaty was signed and the British had evacuated New York, Washington still had no firm plans to return to Virginia. He had to cope with nettlesome racial issues, as the armistice reopened questions about the status of former slaves. When a slaveholder named Jonathan Hobby tried to recapture a runaway slave serving in the Third Ma.s.sachusetts Regiment, Washington shunted the matter to a board of inquiry, which ruled that the soldier in question hadn't yet served out his term. Refusing to release the black soldier, Washington dodged the deeper issue of whether a slave master could reclaim a fugitive slave in the Continental Army. Hardly an abolitionist, Washington fielded messages from incensed southern slaveholders inquiring about the fate of slaves who had dashed to freedom behind British lines. Washington seemed caught off guard. "Although I have several servants in like predicament with yours," he told one Virginia slaveholder, "I have not yet made any attempt for their recovery."12 During the war, encouraged by the idealistic camaraderie of Laurens, Hamilton, and Lafayette, Washington may have entertained occasional thoughts of abolishing slavery. Now the war's imminent end turned the question of runaway slaves into an urgent practical matter. Deeply ambivalent, he straddled both sides of the issue. That April, when Governor Benjamin Harrison of Virginia sent him a list of his slaves who had defected to the British side, Washington forwarded it to a Daniel Parker, who was deputized to recapture them. Washington feigned a cavalier indifference toward the fate of his own slaves who had found refuge aboard the Savage Savage. "I scarce ever bestowed a thought on them," he a.s.sured Harrison. "They have so many doors through which they can escape from New York that scarce anything but an inclination to return or voluntarily surrender of themselves will restore many to their former masters."13 Did Washington, after eight years of fighting for freedom, feel vaguely guilty about reclaiming fugitive slaves? Did that clash with the way he had presented himself as a potential abolitionist in wartime discussions with his devoted young aides? When he contacted Parker in late April, Washington expressed skepticism that his own fugitive slaves would be found, while leaving no doubt he yearned for their recapture: "If by chance you should come at the knowledge of any of them, I will be much obliged by your securing them, so that I may obtain them again." Did Washington, after eight years of fighting for freedom, feel vaguely guilty about reclaiming fugitive slaves? Did that clash with the way he had presented himself as a potential abolitionist in wartime discussions with his devoted young aides? When he contacted Parker in late April, Washington expressed skepticism that his own fugitive slaves would be found, while leaving no doubt he yearned for their recapture: "If by chance you should come at the knowledge of any of them, I will be much obliged by your securing them, so that I may obtain them again."14 By now Washington had opened a civilized correspondence with Sir Guy Carleton about enforcing the peace treaty. No vengeance was apparent in Washington's letters, only a humane spirit of wishing to retire any residual bitterness. This goodwill was soon threatened by the fate of three thousand escaped slaves in New York, many eking out a desperate existence as they squatted in camps of makeshift huts roofed with sailcloth. The city swarmed with slave catchers hired by southern masters to nab runaway slaves before they left aboard British ships. Even though one article of the peace treaty stipulated that Americans would be allowed to reclaim their slaves, Carleton balked at relinquishing these black refugees, claiming they had won their freedom when they reached British lines. To b.u.t.tress this ruling, he issued three thousand certificates to protect the former slaves, making it a crime for anyone to abduct them.

Under mounting pressure from southern slave masters, Washington arranged a meeting with Carleton in early May at his own temporary headquarters on the Hudson River at Tappan, New York. Although they also discussed prisoner exchanges and evacuating British posts, slavery formed the crux of the meeting. Washington conducted himself with impeccable ceremony, greeting Carleton's frigate Perseverance Perseverance by the river, then proceeding with him by carriage up to a quaint little gabled house with beamed ceilings. Though suffering from a slight fever, Carleton sat tall and ramrod-straight, a man of inflexible integrity. In their talks, Washington's demeanor was gravely cordial, and one of Carleton's aides said that he "delivered himself without animation, with great slowness, and a low tone of voice." by the river, then proceeding with him by carriage up to a quaint little gabled house with beamed ceilings. Though suffering from a slight fever, Carleton sat tall and ramrod-straight, a man of inflexible integrity. In their talks, Washington's demeanor was gravely cordial, and one of Carleton's aides said that he "delivered himself without animation, with great slowness, and a low tone of voice."15 Refusing to shrink from his unpleasant task, Washington said he intended to take possession "of all negroes and other property of the inhabitants of these states" being held by the British.16 When Carleton retorted that he had just evacuated six thousand people from New York to Nova Scotia, many of them black, Washington bridled at this apparent violation of the treaty. "Already embarked!" he exclaimed. When Carleton retorted that he had just evacuated six thousand people from New York to Nova Scotia, many of them black, Washington bridled at this apparent violation of the treaty. "Already embarked!" he exclaimed.17 One internal British memo portrayed Washington as demanding the slaves' return "with all the grossness and ferocity of a captain of banditti." One internal British memo portrayed Washington as demanding the slaves' return "with all the grossness and ferocity of a captain of banditti."18 Although Washington didn't know it at the time, four of his slaves were among those being protected by the British. A former slave named Henry Washington had escaped from Mount Vernon in 1776 and would ultimately wind up in Sierra Leone, where he would apply agricultural techniques learned from George Washington. Of the seventeen slaves who found refuge on the Although Washington didn't know it at the time, four of his slaves were among those being protected by the British. A former slave named Henry Washington had escaped from Mount Vernon in 1776 and would ultimately wind up in Sierra Leone, where he would apply agricultural techniques learned from George Washington. Of the seventeen slaves who found refuge on the Savage Savage in 1781, Washington regained two of the women at Yorktown and at least six of the men in Philadelphia. in 1781, Washington regained two of the women at Yorktown and at least six of the men in Philadelphia.

Seizing the moral high ground, the honorable Carleton insisted that the British would not renege on wartime promises to free slaves who had joined their ranks and stated with memorable cert.i.tude that "the national honor . . . must be kept with all colors."19 Returning the former slaves "would be delivering them up, some possibly to execution and others to severe punishment, which in his opinion would be a dishonorable violation of the public faith pledged to the Negroes in the proclamations." Returning the former slaves "would be delivering them up, some possibly to execution and others to severe punishment, which in his opinion would be a dishonorable violation of the public faith pledged to the Negroes in the proclamations."20 Although they didn't say so openly, the British feared that some ex-slaves would commit suicide rather than return to bondage. Trepidation was rampant in the community of ex-slaves at the thought of returning to their masters. "This dreadful rumor filled us all with inexpressible anguish and terror," said a young black carpenter named Boston King, "especially when we saw our old masters coming from Virginia, North Carolina, and other parts and seizing upon their slaves in the streets of New York or even dragging them out of their beds."21 Carleton claimed that the British had pledged not to Carleton claimed that the British had pledged not to carry off carry off slaves but never promised to slaves but never promised to restore restore them to owners. He left open the possibility of compensating the owners of slaves who had fled after hostilities ended and claimed to be keeping a register of former slaves for this purpose. Washington insisted that slaves would give false names and make detection impossible. Both sides agreed to name commissioners to arbitrate the issue and check pa.s.sengers boarding ships in New York, although Washington doubted that former slaves would ever be reclaimed. Whatever his displeasure, he conducted himself like a gentleman. "Washington pulled out his watch, and, observing that it was near dinner time, offered wine and bitters," recalled Carleton's aide. "We all walked out and soon after were called to [a] plentiful repast under a tent." them to owners. He left open the possibility of compensating the owners of slaves who had fled after hostilities ended and claimed to be keeping a register of former slaves for this purpose. Washington insisted that slaves would give false names and make detection impossible. Both sides agreed to name commissioners to arbitrate the issue and check pa.s.sengers boarding ships in New York, although Washington doubted that former slaves would ever be reclaimed. Whatever his displeasure, he conducted himself like a gentleman. "Washington pulled out his watch, and, observing that it was near dinner time, offered wine and bitters," recalled Carleton's aide. "We all walked out and soon after were called to [a] plentiful repast under a tent."22 In the aftermath of the meeting, the British refused to water down Carleton's n.o.ble stand, and King George III indicated "his royal approbation" in "the fullest and most ample manner." In the aftermath of the meeting, the British refused to water down Carleton's n.o.ble stand, and King George III indicated "his royal approbation" in "the fullest and most ample manner."23 Before long the American commissioners in New York City found that they could only watch former slaves boarding ships and lacked any power to detain them. Before long the American commissioners in New York City found that they could only watch former slaves boarding ships and lacked any power to detain them.

AS WASHINGTON CONTEMPLATED the postwar world and wondered how to make America happy, free, and powerful, he was uniquely well positioned to affect the outcome. Adams, Jay, and Franklin were off on diplomatic a.s.signment in Europe, while Hamilton and Madison were too junior to a.s.sume leadership roles. Washington had eliminated or outlived his military rivals, leaving his stature un-equaled. Since the Continental Army had suffered most from the defective Articles of Confederation, Washington was a natural proponent of national unity and worried about anarchy and bloodshed erupting in the war's aftermath. He saw that the states, to protect themselves against European interference, needed to band together in a more effective union and that Congress required an independent revenue source to service wartime debt.

The prospect of peace posed exceptional challenges for Washington. Throughout the war, he had scrupulously respected congressional supremacy and restricted expressing his political opinions to private correspondence. By serving as a blank slate onto which Americans could project their values, he had been able to unify the country and enhance his own power. Now, as he returned to the status of a private citizen, those inhibitions were lifted, and he did not know how far to go in articulating his views openly. His instincts were the ant.i.thesis of a demagogue's: he feared his own influence and agonized over exerting too much power. On March 31 he broached this dilemma to Hamilton, noting that his private letters "teemed" with opinions about political reforms, "but how far any further essay by me might be productive of the wished for end, or appear to arrogate more than belongs to me, depends so much upon popular opinion and the temper and disposition of [the] people that it is not easy to decide."24 A major unresolved issue was whether he should cast off the burdens of public life and return to private citizenship. Writing to Lafayette, he sounded as if he meant to retire permanently to Mount Vernon. Echoing A major unresolved issue was whether he should cast off the burdens of public life and return to private citizenship. Writing to Lafayette, he sounded as if he meant to retire permanently to Mount Vernon. Echoing Hamlet, Hamlet, he stated that henceforth "my mind shall be unbent and I will endeavor to glide down the stream of life 'till I come to that abyss from whence no traveler is permitted to return." he stated that henceforth "my mind shall be unbent and I will endeavor to glide down the stream of life 'till I come to that abyss from whence no traveler is permitted to return."25 In early June the sphinx issued a lengthy valedictory statement about the problems facing the newborn country. In this "Circular to State Governments," Washington emerged emphatically from behind his pose of military neutrality and advised the citizenry in an almost fatherly tone. This enduring doc.u.ment, also known as "Washington's Legacy," codified his views no less memorably than his later farewell address. Reprinted in newspapers and later excerpted in countless school textbooks, it gained a wide readership. So that the circular wouldn't smack of political ambition, Washington started out by rea.s.suring readers that he was about to retire from public life and "pa.s.s the remainder of life in a state of undisturbed repose."26 This pledge gave him license to publish his views: by denying any political ambition, he could dispel charges of self-interest. Striking an oracular note, he envisioned a vibrant future for America: "The citizens of America, placed in the most enviable condition, as th