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WHEREIN IS SHOWED THE DAY AND TIME OF OUR DEPARTURE FROM THE COAST OF AFRICA, WITH THE DAY AND TIME OF OUR ARRIVAL IN THE WEST INDIES, ALSO OF OUR TRADE AND TRAFFIC THERE, AND ALSO OF THE GREAT CRUELTY THAT THE SPANIARDS USED TOWARDS US, BY THE VICEROY HIS DIRECTION AND APPOINTMENT, FALSIFYING HIS FAITH AND PROMISE GIVEN, AND SEEKING TO HAVE ENTRAPPED US.

All things being made in a readiness at our General his appointment, upon the 3rd day of February, 1568, we departed from the coast of Africa, having the weather somewhat tempestuous; which made our pa.s.sage the more hard, and sailing so for the s.p.a.ce of twenty-five days, upon the 27th March, 1568, we came in sight of an island called Dominique, upon the coast of America, in the West Indies, situated in fourteen degrees of lat.i.tude, and two hundred and twenty-two of longitude. From thence our General coasted from place to place, ever making traffic with the Spaniards and Indians, as he might, which was somewhat hardly obtained, for that the king had straitly charged all his governors in those parts not to trade with any. Yet notwithstanding, during the months of April and May, our General had reasonable trade and traffic, and courteous entertainment in sundry places, as at Marguerite, Cora.s.soa, and elsewhere, until we came to Cape de la Vela, and Rio de la Hacha (a place from whence all the pearls do come). The governor there would not by any means permit us to have any trade or traffic, nor yet suffer us to take in fresh water; by means whereof our General, for the avoiding of famine and thirst, about the beginning of June was enforced to land 200 of our men, and so by main force and strength to obtain that which by no fair means he could procure; and so recovering the town with the loss of two of our men, there was a secret and peaceable trade admitted, and the Spaniards came in by night, and bought of our negroes to the number of 200 and upwards, and of our other merchandise also. From thence we departed for Cartagena, where the governor was so strait that we could not obtain any traffic there, and so for that our trade was near finished, our General thought it best to depart from thence the rather for the avoiding of certain dangerous storms called the huricanoes, which accustomed to begin there about that time of the year, and so the 24th of July, 1568, we departed from thence, directing our course north, leaving the islands of Cuba upon our right hand, to the eastward of us, and so sailing towards Florida, upon the 12th of August an extreme tempest arose, which dured for the s.p.a.ce of eight days, in which our ships were most dangerously tossed, and beaten hither and thither, so that we were in continual fear to be drowned, by reason of the shallowness of the coast, and in the end we were constrained to flee for succour to the port of St. John de Ullua, or Vera Cruz, situated in nineteen degrees of lat.i.tude, and in two hundred and seventy-nine degrees of longitude, which is the port that serveth for the city of Mexico. In our seeking to recover this port our General met by the way three small ships that carried pa.s.sengers, which he took with him, and so the 16th of September, 1568, we entered the said port of St. John de Ullua. The Spaniards there, supposing us to have been the King of Spain's fleet, the chief officers of the country thereabouts came presently aboard our General, where perceiving themselves to have made an unwise adventure, they were in great fear to have been taken and stayed; howbeit our General did use them all very courteously. In the said port there were twelve ships, which by report had in them in treasure, to the value of two hundred thousand pounds, all which being in our General his power, and at his devotion, he did freely set at liberty, as also the pa.s.sengers which he had before stayed, not taking from any of them all the value of one groat, only we stayed two men of credit and account, the one named Don Lorenzo de Alva, and the other Don Pedrode Revera, and presently our General sent to the Viceroy to Mexico, which was threescore leagues off, certifying him of our arrival there by force of weather, desiring that forasmuch as our Queen, his Sovereign, was the King of Spain his loving sister and friend, that therefore he would, considering our necessities and wants, furnish us with victuals for our navy, and quietly to suffer us to repair and amend our ships. And furthermore that at the arrival of the Spanish fleet, which was there daily expected and looked for, to the end that there might no quarrel arise between them and our General and his company for the breach of amity, he humbly requested of his excellency that there might in this behalf some special order be taken. This message was sent away the 16th of September, 1568, it being the very day of our arrival there. The next morning, being the 17th of the same month, we descried thirteen sail of great ships; and after that our General understood that it was the King of Spain's fleet then looked for, he presently sent to advertise the General hereof of our being in the said port, and giving him further to understand, that before he should enter there into that harbour, it was requisite that there should pa.s.s between the two Generals some orders and conditions, to be observed on either part, for the better contriving of peace between them and theirs, according to our General's request made unto the Viceroy. And at this instant our General was in a great perplexity of mind, considering with himself that if he should keep out that fleet from entering into the port, a thing which he was very well able to do with the help of G.o.d, then should that fleet be in danger of present shipwreck and loss of all their substance, which amounted unto the value of one million and eight hundred thousand crowns. Again, he saw that if he suffered them to enter, he was a.s.sured they would practise all manner of means to betray him and his, and on the other side the haven was so little, that the other fleet entering, the ships were to ride one hard aboard of another; also he saw that if their fleet should perish by his keeping them out, as of necessity they must if he should have done so, then stood he in great fear of the Queen our Sovereign's displeasure; in so weighty a cause, therefore, did he choose the least evil, which was to suffer them to enter under a.s.surance, and so to stand upon his guard, and to defend himself and his from their treasons, which we were all a.s.sured they would practise, and so the messenger being returned from Don Martine de Henriquez, the new Viceroy, who came in the same fleet, and had sufficient authority to command in all cases both by sea and land in this province of Mexico or New Spain, did certify our General, that for the better maintenance of amity between the King of Spain and our Sovereign, all our requests should be both favourably granted and faithfully performed; signifying further that he heard and understood of the honest and friendly dealing of our General towards the King of Spain's subjects in all places where he had been, as also in the said port; so that to be brief our requests were articled and set down in writing, viz.--

1. The first was that we might have victuals for our money and license to sell as much wares as might suffice to furnish our wants.

2. The second, that we might be suffered peaceably to repair our ships.

3. The third, that the island might be in our possession during the time of our abode there, in which island our General, for the better safety of him and his, had already planted and placed certain ordnance, which were eleven pieces of bra.s.s; therefore he required that the same might so continue, and that no Spaniard should come to land in the said island having or wearing any kind of weapon about him.



4. The fourth and the last, that for the better and more sure performance and maintenance of peace, and of all the conditions, there might twelve gentlemen of credit be delivered of either part as hostages.

These conditions were concluded and agreed upon in writing by the Viceroy and signed with his hand, and sealed with his seal, and ten hostages upon either part were received. And farther, it was concluded that the two Generals should meet and give faith each to other for the performance of the promises. All which being done, the same was proclaimed by the sound of a trumpet, and commandment was given that none of either part should violate or break the peace upon pain of death. Thus, at the end of three days all was concluded, and the fleet entered the port, the ships saluting each other as the manner of the seas doth require. The morrow after being Friday, we laboured on all sides in placing the English ships by themselves and the Spanish ships by themselves; the captains and inferior persons of either part offering and showing great courtesy one to another, and promising great amity upon all sides. Howbeit, as the sequel showed, the Spaniards meant nothing less upon their parts. For the Viceroy and the governor thereabout had secretly on land a.s.sembled to the number of one thousand chosen men, and well appointed, meaning the next Thursday, being the 24th of September, at dinner time to a.s.sault us, and set upon us on all sides. But before I go any further, I think it not amiss briefly to describe the manner of the island as it then was, and the force and strength that it is now of. For the Spaniards, since the time of our General's being there, for the better fortifying of the same place, have upon the same island built a fair castle and bulwark very well fortified; this port was then, at our being there, a little island of stones, not past three foot above water in the highest place, and not past a bow's shot over any way at the most, and it standeth from the mainland two bow-shots or more, and there is not in all this coast any other place for ships safely to arrive at; also the north winds in this coast are of great violence and force, and unless the ships be safely moored in, with their anchors fastened in this island, there is no remedy, but present destruction and shipwreck. All this our General, wisely foreseeing, did provide that he would have the said island in his custody, or else the Spaniards might at their pleasure have but cut our cables, and so with the first north wind that blew we had had our pa.s.sport, for our ships had gone ash.o.r.e. But to return to the matter.

The time approaching that their treason must be put in practice, the same Thursday morning, some appearance thereof began to show itself, as shifting of weapons from ship to ship, and planting and bending their ordnance against our men that warded upon the land with great repair of people; which apparent shows of breach of the Viceroy's faith caused our General to send one to the Viceroy to inquire of him what was meant thereby, who presently sent and gave order that the ordnance aforesaid and other things of suspicion should be removed, returning answer to our General in the faith of a Viceroy that he would be our defence and safety from all villainous treachery. This was upon Thursday, in the morning. Our General not being therewith satisfied, seeing they had secretly conveyed a great number of men aboard a great hulk or ship of theirs of nine hundred tons, which ship rode hard by the Minion, he sent again to the Viceroy Robert Barret, the master of the Jesus--a man that could speak the Spanish tongue very well, and required that those men might be unshipped again which were in that great hulk. The Viceroy then perceiving that their treason was thoroughly espied, stayed our master and sounded the trumpet, and gave order that his people should upon all sides charge upon our men which warded on sh.o.r.e and elsewhere, which struck such a maze and sudden fear among us, that many gave place and sought to recover our ships for the safety of themselves. The Spaniards, which secretly were hid in ambush on land, were quickly conveyed over to the island in their long boats, and so coming to the island they slew all our men that they could meet with without any mercy. The Minion--which had somewhat before prepared herself to avoid the danger--hailed away, and abode the first brunt of the three hundred men that were in the great hulk; then they sought to fall aboard the Jesus, where was a cruel fight, and many of our men slain; but yet our men defended themselves, and kept them out: so the Jesus also got loose, and, joining with the Minion, the fight waxed hot upon all sides; but they having won and got our ordnance on sh.o.r.e, did greatly annoy us. In this fight there were two great ships of the Spaniards sunk and one burnt, so that with their ships they were not able to harm us; but from the sh.o.r.e they beat us cruelly with our own ordnance in such sort that the Jesus was very sore spoiled, and suddenly the Spaniards, having fired two great ships of their own, came directly against us; which bred among our men a marvellous fear.

Howbeit, the Minion, which had made her sails ready, shifted for herself without consent of the General, captain, or master, so that very hardly our General could be received into the Minion; the most of our men that were in the Jesus shifted for themselves, and followed the Minion in the boat, and those which that small boat was not able to receive were most cruelly slain by the Spaniards. Of our ships none escaped save the Minion and the Judith, and all such of our men as were not in them were enforced to abide the tyrannous cruelty of the Spaniards. For it is a certain truth, that whereas they had taken certain of our men at sh.o.r.e, they took and hung them up by the arms upon high posts until the blood burst out of their fingers' ends; of which men so used there is one Copstowe and certain others yet alive, who, through the merciful Providence of the Almighty, were long since arrived here at home in England, carrying still about with them (and shall to their graves) the marks and tokens of those their inhuman and more than barbarous cruel dealing.

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

WHEREIN IS SHOWED HOW THAT, AFTER WE WERE ESCAPED FROM THE SPANIARDS, WE WERE LIKE TO PERISH WITH FAMINE AT THE SEA, AND HOW OUR GENERAL, FOR THE AVOIDING THEREOF, WAS CONSTRAINED TO PUT HALF OF HIS MEN ON LAND, AND WHAT MISERIES WE AFTER THAT SUSTAINED AMONGST THE SAVAGE PEOPLE, AND HOW WE FELL AGAIN INTO THE HANDS OF THE SPANIARDS.

After that the Viceroy, Don Martin Henriques, had thus contrary to his faith and promise most cruelly dealt with our General, Master Hawkins, at St. John de Ullua, where most of his men were by the Spaniards slain and drowned, and all his ships sunk and burnt, saving the Minion and the Judith, which was a small barque of fifty tons, wherein was then captain Master Francis Drake aforesaid; the same night the said barque was lost us, we being in great necessity and enforced to move with the Minion two bow-shots from the Spanish fleet, where we anch.o.r.ed all that night; and the next morning we weighed anchor and recovered an island a mile from the Spaniards, where a storm took us with a north wind, in which we were greatly distressed, having but two cables and two anchors left; for in the conflict before we had lost three cables and two anchors. The morrow after, the storm being ceased and the weather fair, we weighed and set sail, being many men in number and but small store of victuals to suffice us for any long time; by means whereof we were in despair and fear that we should perish through famine, so that some were in mind to yield themselves to the mercy of the Spaniards, other some to the savages or infidels, and wandering thus certain days in these unknown seas, hunger constrained us to eat hides, cats and dogs, mice, rats, parrots, and monkeys, to be short, our hunger was so great that we thought it savoury and sweet whatsoever we could get to eat.

And on the 8th of October we came to land again, in the bottom of the Bay of Mexico, where we hoped to have found some inhabitants, that we might have had some relief of victuals and a place where to repair our ship, which was so greatly bruised that we were scarce able, with our weary arms, to keep out the water. Being thus oppressed, by famine on the one side and danger of drowning on the other, not knowing where to find relief, we began to be in wonderful despair. And we were of many minds, amongst whom there were a great many that did desire our General to set them on land, making their choice rather to submit themselves to the mercy of the savages or infidels than longer to hazard themselves at sea, where they very well saw that if they should all remain together, if they perished not by drowning, yet hunger would enforce them, in the end, to eat one another. To which request our General did very willingly agree, considering with himself that it was necessary for him to lessen his number, both for the safety of himself and the rest. And, thereupon, being resolved to set half his people on sh.o.r.e that he had then left alive, it was a world to see how suddenly men's minds were altered, for they which a little before desired to be set on land were now of another mind, and requested rather to stay, by means whereof our General was enforced, for the more contenting of all men's minds, and to take away all occasions of offence, to take this order: first he made choice of such persons of service and account as were needful to stay, and that being done, of those which were willing to go, he appointed such as he thought might be best spared, and presently appointed that by the boat they should be set on sh.o.r.e, our General promising us that the next year he would either come himself or else send to fetch us home. Here, again, it would have caused any stony heart to have relented to hear the pitiful moan that many did make, and how loth they were to depart. The weather was then somewhat stormy and tempestuous, and therefore we were in great danger, yet, notwithstanding there was no remedy, but we that were appointed to go away must of necessity do so. Howbeit, those that went in the first boat were safely set ash.o.r.e, but of them which went in the second boat, of which number I myself was one, the seas wrought so high that we could not attain to the sh.o.r.e, and therefore we were constrained--through the cruel dealing of John Hampton, captain of the Minion, and John Sanders, boatswain of the Jesus, and Thomas Pollard, his mate--to leap out of the boat into the main sea, having more than a mile to sh.o.r.e, and, so to shift for ourselves, and either to sink or swim. And of those that so were, as it were, thrown out and compelled to leap into the sea, there were two drowned, which were of Captain Bland's men.

In the evening of the same day--it being Monday, the 8th of October, 1568--when we were all come to sh.o.r.e, we found fresh water, whereof some of our men drank so much that they had almost cast themselves away, for we could scarce get life in them for the s.p.a.ce of two or three hours after. Other some were so cruelly swollen--what with the drinking in of the salt water, and what with the eating of the fruit which we found on land, having a stone in it much like an almond, which fruit is called capule--that they were all in very ill case, so that we were, in a manner, all of us, both feeble, weak, and faint.

The next morning--it being Tuesday, the 9th of October--we thought it best to travel along by the sea coast, to seek out some place of habitation--whether they were Christians or savages we were indifferent--so that we might have wherewithal to sustain our hungry bodies, and so departing from a hill where we had rested all night, not having any dry thread about us, for those that were not wet being thrown into the sea were thoroughly wet with rain, for all the night it rained cruelly. As we went from the hill, and were come into the plain, we were greatly troubled to pa.s.s for the gra.s.s and woods, that grew there higher than any man. On the left hand we had the sea, and upon the right hand great woods, so that of necessity we must needs pa.s.s on our way westward through those marshes, and going thus, suddenly we were a.s.saulted by the Indians, a warlike kind of people, which are in a manner as cannibals, although they do not feed upon man's flesh as cannibals do.

These people are called Chichemici, and they used to wear their hair long, even down to their knees; they do also colour their faces green, yellow, red, and blue, which maketh them to seem very ugly and terrible to behold. These people do keep wars against the Spaniards, of whom they have been oftentimes very cruelly handled: for with the Spaniards there is no mercy. They, perceiving us at our first coming on land, supposed us to have been their enemies the bordering Spaniards; and having, by their forerunners, descried what number we were, and how feeble and weak, without armour or weapon, they suddenly, according to their accustomed manner when they encounter with any people in warlike sort, raised a terrible and huge cry, and so came running fiercely upon us, shooting off their arrows as thick as hail, unto whose mercy we were constrained to yield, not having amongst us any kind of armour, nor yet weapon, saving one caliver and two old rusty swords, whereby to make any resistance or to save ourselves; which, when they perceived that we sought not any other than favour and mercy at their hands, and that we were not their enemies the Spaniards, they had compa.s.sion on us, and came and caused us all to sit down. And when they had a while surveyed, and taken a perfect view of us, they came to all such as had any coloured clothes amongst us, and those they did strip stark naked, and took their clothes away with them; but they that were apparelled in black they did not meddle withal, and so went their ways and left us, without doing us any further hurt, only in the first brunt they killed eight of our men. And at our departure they, perceiving in what weak case we were, pointed us with their hands which way we should go to come to a town of the Spaniards, which, as we afterwards perceived, was not past ten leagues from thence, using these words: "Tampeco, tampeco, Christiano, tampeco, Christiano," which is as much (we think) as to say in English, "Go that way, and you shall find the Christians."

The weapons that they use are no other but bows and arrows, and their aim is so good that they very seldom miss to hit anything that they shoot at. Shortly after they had left us stripped, as aforesaid, we thought it best to divide ourselves into two companies, and so, being separated, half of us went under the leading one of Anthony G.o.ddard, who is yet alive, and dwelleth at this instant in the town of Plymouth, whom before we chose to be captain over us all. And those that went under his leading, of which number I, Miles Phillips, was one, travelled westward--that way which the Indians with their hands had before pointed us to go. The other half went under the leading of one John Hooper, whom they did choose for their captain, and with the company that went with him David Ingram was one, and they took their way and travelled northward. And shortly after, within the s.p.a.ce of two days, they were again encountered by the savage people, and their Captain Hooper and two more of his company were slain. Then again they divided themselves; and some held on their way still northward, and other some, knowing that we were gone westward, sought to meet with us again, as, in truth, there was about the number of five-and-twenty or six-and-twenty of them that met with us in the s.p.a.ce of four days again. And then we began to reckon amongst ourselves how many we were that were set on sh.o.r.e, and we found the number to be an hundred and fourteen, whereof two were drowned in the sea and eight were slain at the first encounter, so that there remained an hundred and four, of which five-and-twenty went westward with us, and two-and-fifty to the north with Hooper and Ingram; and, as Ingram since has often told me, there were not past three of their company slain, and there were but five-and-twenty of them that came again to us, so that of the company that went northward there is yet lacking, and not certainly heard of, the number of three-and-twenty men. And verily I do think that there are of them yet alive and married in the said country, at Sibola, as hereafter I do purpose (G.o.d willing) to discourse of more particularly, with the reasons and causes that make me so to think of them that were lacking, which were with David Ingram, Twide, Browne, and sundry others, whose names we could not remember. And being thus met again together we travelled on still westward, sometimes through such thick woods that we were enforced with cudgels to break away the brambles and bushes from tearing our naked bodies; other sometimes we should travel through the plains in such high gra.s.s that we could scarce see one another. And as we pa.s.sed in some places we should have of our men slain, and fall down suddenly, being stricken by the Indians, which stood behind trees and bushes, in secret places, and so killed our men as they went by; for we went scatteringly in seeking of fruits to relieve ourselves. We were also oftentimes greatly annoyed with a kind of fly, which, in the Indian tongue, is called tequani; and the Spaniards call them musketas. There are also in the said country a number of other kind of flies, but none so noisome as these tequanies be. You shall hardly see them, they be so small: for they are scarce so big as a gnat. They will suck one's blood marvellously, and if you kill them while they are sucking they are so venomous that the place will swell extremely, even as one that is stung with a wasp or bee.

But if you let them suck their fill, and to go away of themselves, then they do you no other hurt, but leave behind them a red spot somewhat bigger than a flea biting. At the first we were terribly troubled with these kind of flies, not knowing their qualities; and resistance we could make none against them, being naked. As for cold, we feared not any: the country there is always so warm.

And as we travelled thus for the s.p.a.ce of ten or twelve days, our captain did oftentimes cause certain to go up into the tops of high trees, to see if they could descry any town or place of inhabitants, but they could not perceive any, and using often the same order to climb up into high trees, at the length they descried a great river, that fell from the north-west into the main sea; and presently after we heard an harquebuse shot off, which did greatly encourage us, for thereby we knew that we were near to some Christians, and did therefore hope shortly to find some succour and comfort; and within the s.p.a.ce of one hour after, as we travelled, we heard a c.o.c.k crow, which was also no small joy unto us; and so we came to the north side of the river of Panuco, where the Spaniards have certain salines, at which place it was that the harquebuse was shot off which before we heard; to which place we went not directly, but, missing thereof, we left it about a bow-shot upon our left hand. Of this river we drank very greedily, for we had not met with any water in six days before; and, as we were here by the river's side, resting ourselves, and longing to come to the place where the c.o.c.k did crow and where the harquebuse was shot off, we perceived many Spaniards upon the other side of the river riding up and down on horseback, and they, perceiving us, did suppose that we had been of the Indians, their bordering enemies, the Chichemici. The river was not more than half a bow-shot across, and presently one of the Spaniards took an Indian boat, called a canoa, and so came over, being rowed by two Indians; and, having taken the view of us, did presently row over back again to the Spaniards, who without any delay made out about the number of twenty hors.e.m.e.n, and embarking themselves in the canoas, they led their horses by the reins, swimming over after them; and being come over to that side of the river where we were, they saddled their horses, and being mounted upon them, with their lances charged, they came very fiercely running at us. Our captain, Anthony G.o.ddard, seeing them come in that order, did persuade us to submit and yield ourselves unto them, for being naked, as we at this time were, and without weapon, we could not make any resistance--whose bidding we obeyed; and upon the yielding of ourselves, they perceived us to be Christians, and did call for more canoas, and carried us over by four and four in a boat; and being come on the other side, they understanding by our captain how long we had been without meat, imparted between two and two a loaf of bread made of that country wheat, which the Spaniards called maize, of the bigness of one of our halfpenny loaves, which bread is named in the Indian tongue clashacally. This bread was very sweet and pleasant to us, for we had not eaten any for a long time before; and what is it that hunger doth not make to have a savoury and delicate taste? Having thus imparted the bread amongst us, those which were men they sent afore to the town, having also many Indians, inhabitants of that place, to guard them. They which were young, as boys, and some such also as were feeble, they took up upon their horses behind them, and so carried us to the town where they dwelt, which was distant very near a mile from the place where we came over.

This town is well situated, and well replenished with all kinds of fruits, as pomegranates, oranges, lemons, apricots, and peaches, and sundry others, and is inhabited by a great number of tame Indians, or Mexicans, and had in it also at that time about the number of two hundred Spaniards, men, women, and children, besides negroes. Of their salines, which lie upon the west side of the river, more than a mile distant from thence, they make a great profit, for it is an excellent good merchandise there. The Indians do buy much thereof, and carry it up into the country, and there sell it to their own country people, in doubling the price. Also, much of the salt made in this place is transported from thence by sea to sundry other places, as to Cuba, St.

John de Ullua, and the other ports of Tamiago, and Tamachos, which are two barred havens west and by south above threescore leagues from St.

John de Ullua. When we were all come to the town, the governor there showed himself very severe unto us, and threatened to hang us all; and then he demanded what money we had, which in truth was very little, for the Indians which we first met withal had in a manner taken all from us, and of that which they left the Spaniards which brought us over took away a good part also; howbeit, from Anthony G.o.ddard the governor here had a chain of gold, which was given unto him at Cartagena by the governor there, and from others he had some small store of money; so that we accounted that amongst us all he had the number of five hundred pezoes, besides the chain of gold.

And having thus satisfied himself, when he had taken all that we had, he caused us to be put into a little house, much like a hog sty, where we were almost smothered; and before we were thus shut up into that little cote, they gave us some of the country wheat called maize sodden, which they feed their hogs withal. But many of our men which had been hurt by the Indians at our first coming on land, whose wounds were very sore and grievous, desired to have the help of their surgeons to cure their wounds. The governor, and most of them all, answered, that we should have none other surgeon but the hangman, which should sufficiently heal us of all our griefs; and they, thus reviling us, and calling us English dogs and Lutheran heretics, we remained the s.p.a.ce of three days in this miserable state, not knowing what should become of us, waiting every hour to be bereaved of our lives.

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

WHEREIN IS SHOWED HOW WE WERE USED IN PANUCO, AND IN WHAT FEAR OF DEATH WE WERE THERE, AND HOW WE WERE CARRIED TO MEXICO TO THE VICEROY, AND OF OUR IMPRISONMENT THERE AND AT TESCUCO, WITH THE COURTESIES AND CRUELTIES WE RECEIVED DURING THAT TIME, AND HOW IN THE END WE WERE BY PROCLAMATION GIVEN TO SERVE AS SLAVES TO SUNDRY GENTLEMEN SPANIARDS.

Upon the fourth day after our coming thither, and there remaining in a perplexity, looking every hour when we should suffer death, there came a great number of Indians and Spaniards armed to fetch us out of the house, and amongst them we espied one that brought a great many new halters, at the sight whereof we were greatly amazed, and made no other account but that we should presently have suffered death; and so, crying and calling to G.o.d for mercy and for forgiveness of our sins, we prepared ourselves to die; yet in the end, as the sequel showed, their meaning was not so; for when we were come out of the house, with those halters they bound our arms behind us, and so coupling us two and two together, they commanded us to march on through the town, and so along the country from place to place toward the city of Mexico, which is distant from Panuco west and by south the s.p.a.ce of threescore leagues, having only but two Spaniards to conduct us, they being accompanied with a great number of Indians, warding on either side with bows and arrows, lest we should escape from them. And travelling in this order, upon the second day, at night, we came unto a town which the Indians call Nohele, and the Spaniards call it Santa Maria, in which town there is a house of White Friars, which did very courteously use us, and gave us hot meat, as mutton and broth, and garments also to cover ourselves withal, made of white baize. We fed very greedily of the meat and of the Indian fruit, called nochole, which fruit is long and small, much like in fashion to a little cuc.u.mber. Our greedy feeding caused us to fall sick of hot burning agues; and here at this place one Thomas Baker, one of our men, died of a hurt, for he had been before shot with an arrow into the throat at the first encounter.

The next morrow, about ten of the clock, we departed from thence, bound two and two together, and guarded as before, and so travelled on our way toward Mexico, till we came to a town within forty leagues of Mexico named Mesticlan, where is a house of Black Friars, and in this town there are about the number of three hundred Spaniards, both men, women, and children. The friars sent us meat from the house ready dressed, and the friars and men and women used us very courteously, and gave us some shirts and other such things as we lacked. Here our men were very sick of their agues, and with eating of another fruit, called in the Indian tongue, Guiaccos, which fruit did bind us sore. The next morning we departed from thence with our two Spaniards and Indian guard as aforesaid. Of these two Spaniards the one was an aged man, who all the way did very courteously entreat us, and would carefully go before to provide for us both meat and things necessary to the uttermost of his power. The other was a young man, who all the way travelled with us, and never departed from us, who was a very cruel caitiff, and he carried a javelin in his hand, and sometimes when as our men with very feebleness and faintness were not able to go so fast as he required them, he would take his javelin in both his hands and strike them with the same between the neck and the shoulders so violently that he would strike them down, then would he cry and say: "Marches, marches, Engleses perros, Luterianos, enemicos de Dios;" which is as much to say in English, "March, march on you English dogs, Lutherans, enemies to G.o.d." And the next day we came to a town called Pachuca, and there are two places of that name, as this town of Pachuca, and the mines of Pachuca, which are mines of silver, and are about six leagues distant from this town of Pachuca towards the north-west.

Here at this town the good old man our governor suffered us to stay two days and two nights, having compa.s.sion of our sick and weak men, full sore against the mind of the young man his companion. From thence we took our journey, and travelled four or five days by little villages and Stantias, which are farms or dairy houses of the Spaniards, and ever as we had need the good old man would still provide us sufficient of meats, fruits, and water to sustain us. At the end of which five days we came to a town within five leagues of Mexico, which is called Quoghliclan, where we also stayed one whole day and two nights, where was a fair house of Grey Friars, howbeit, we saw none of them. Here we were told by the Spaniards in the town that we had not more than fifteen English miles from thence to Mexico, whereof we were all very joyful and glad, hoping that when we came thither we should either be relieved and set free out of bonds, or else be quickly despatched out of our lives; for seeing ourselves thus carried bound from place to place, although some used us courteously, yet could we never joy nor be merry till we might perceive ourselves set free from that bondage, either by death or otherwise.

The next morning we departed from thence on our journey towards Mexico, and so travelled till we came within two leagues of it, where there was built by the Spaniards a very fair church, called Our Lady Church, in which there is an image of Our Lady of silver and gilt, being as high and as large as a tall woman, in which church, and before this image, there are as many lamps of silver as there be days in the year, which upon high days are all lighted. Whensoever any Spaniards pa.s.s by this church, although they be on horseback, they will alight and come into the church, and kneel before this image, and pray to Our Lady to defend them from all evil; so that whether he be horseman or footman he will not pa.s.s by, but first go into the church and pray as aforesaid, which if they do not, they think and believe that they shall never prosper, which image they call in the Spanish tongue Nostra Signora de Guadaloupe. At this place there are certain cold baths, which arise, springing up as though the water did seethe, the water whereof is somewhat brackish in taste, but very good for any that have any sore or wound to wash themselves therewith, for as they say, it healeth many; and every year once upon Our Lady Day, the people used to repair thither to offer and to pray in that church before the image, and they say that Our Lady of Guadaloupe doth work a number of miracles. About this church there is not any town of Spaniards that is inhabited, but certain Indians do dwell there in houses of their own country building.

Here we were met by a great number of Spaniards on horseback, which came from Mexico to see us, both gentlemen and men of occupations, and they came as people to see a wonder; we were still called upon to march on, and so about four of the clock in the afternoon of the said day, we entered into the city of Mexico by the way or street called La Calia Sancta Catherina; and we stayed not in any place till we came to the house or palace of the Viceroy, Don Martin Henriques, which standeth in the middest of the city, hard by the market place called La Placa dell Marquese. We had not stayed any long time at this place, but there was brought us by the Spaniards from the market place great store of meat, sufficient to have satisfied five times so many as we were; some also gave us hats, and some gave us money; in which place we stayed for the s.p.a.ce of two hours, and from thence we were conveyed by water into large canoas to a hospital, where certain of our men were lodged, which were taken before the fight at St. John de Ullua. We should have gone to Our Lady's Hospital, but that there were also so many of our men taken before at that fight that there was no room for us. After our coming thither, many of the company that came with me from Panuco died within the s.p.a.ce of fourteen days; soon after which time we were taken forth from that place and put all together into Our Lady's Hospital, in which place we were courteously used, and visited oftentimes by virtuous gentlemen and gentlewomen of the city, who brought us divers things to comfort us withal, as succats and marmalades and such other things, and would also many times give us many things, and that very liberally. In which hospital we remained for the s.p.a.ce of six months, until we were all whole and sound of body, and then we were appointed by the Viceroy to be carried unto the town of Tescuco, which is distant from Mexico south-west eight leagues; in which town there are certain houses of correction and punishment for ill people called obraches, like to Bridewell here in London; in which place divers Indians are sold for slaves, some for ten years and some for twelve. It was no small grief unto us when we understood that we should be carried thither, and to be used as slaves; we had rather be put to death, howbeit there was no remedy, but we were carried to the prison of Tescuco, where we were not put to any labour, but were very straightly kept and almost famished, yet by the good providence of our merciful G.o.d, we happened there to meet with one Robert Sweeting, who was the son of an Englishman born of a Spanish woman; this man could speak very good English, and by his means we were holpen very much with victuals from the Indians, as mutton, hens, and bread. And if we had not been so relieved we had surely perished; and yet all the provision that we had gotten that way was but slender. And continuing thus straightly kept in prison there for the s.p.a.ce of two months, at the length we agreed amongst ourselves to break forth of prison, come of it what would, for we were minded rather to suffer death than longer to live in that miserable state.

And so having escaped out of prison, we knew not what way to fly for the safety of ourselves; the night was dark, and it rained terribly, and not having any guide, we went we knew not whither, and in the morning at the appearing of the day, we perceived ourselves to be come hard to the city of Mexico, which is four and twenty English miles from Tescuco. The day being come, we were espied by the Spaniards, and pursued, and taken, and brought before the Viceroy and head justices, who threatened to hang us for breaking of the king's prison. Yet in the end they sent us into a garden belonging to the Viceroy, and coming thither, we found there our English gentlemen which were delivered as hostages when as our General was betrayed at St. John de Ullua, as is aforesaid, and with them we also found Robert Barret, the master of the Jesus, in which place we remained, labouring and doing such things as we were commanded for the s.p.a.ce of four months, having but two sheep a day allowed to suffice us all, being very near a hundred men; and for bread, we had every man two loaves a day of the quant.i.ty of one halfpenny loaf. At the end of which four months, they having removed our gentlemen hostages and the master of the Jesus to a prison in the Viceroy his own house, did cause it to be proclaimed, that what gentleman Spaniard soever was willing, or would have any Englishman to serve him, and be bound to keep him forthcoming to appear before the justices within one month after notice given, that they should repair to the said garden, and there take their choice; which proclamation was no sooner made but the gentlemen came and repaired to the garden amain, so that happy was he that could soonest get one of us.

THE FIFTH CHAPTER.

WHEREIN IS SHOWED IN WHAT GOOD SORT AND HOW WEALTHILY WE LIVED WITH OUR MASTERS UNTIL THE COMING OF THE INQUISITION, WHEN AS AGAIN, OUR SORROWS BEGAN AFRESH; OF OUR IMPRISONMENT IN THE HOLY HOUSE, AND OF THE SEVERE JUDGMENT AND SENTENCES GIVEN AGAINST US, AND WITH WHAT RIGOUR AND CRUELTY THE SAME WERE EXECUTED.

The gentlemen that thus took us for their servants or slaves, did new apparel us throughout, with whom we abode doing such service as they appointed us unto, which was for the most part to attend upon them at the table, and to be as their chamberlains, and to wait upon them when they went abroad, which they greatly accounted of, for in that country no Spaniard will serve one another, but they are all of them attended and served by Indians weekly, and by negroes which be their slaves during their life. In this sort we remained and served in the said city of Mexico and thereabouts for the s.p.a.ce of a year and somewhat longer. Afterwards many of us were by our masters appointed to go to sundry of their mines where they had to do, and to be as overseers of the negroes and Indians that laboured there. In which mines many of us did profit and gain greatly; for first we were allowed three hundred pezoes a man for a year, which is three score pounds sterling, and besides that the Indians and negroes which wrought under our charge, upon our well using and entreating of them, would at times as upon Sat.u.r.days when they had left work labour for us, and blow as much silver as should be worth unto us three marks or thereabouts, every mark being worth six pezoes and a half of their money, which nineteen pezoes and a half, is worth four livres, ten shillings of our money.

Sundry weeks we did gain so much by this means besides our wages, that many of us became very rich, and were worth three thousand or four thousand pezoes, for we lived and gained thus in those mines some three or four years. As concerning those gentlemen which were delivered as hostages, and that were kept in prison in the Viceroy his house, after that we were gone from out the garden to serve sundry gentlemen as aforesaid, they remained prisoners in the said house, for the s.p.a.ce of four months after their coming thither, at the end whereof the fleet, being ready to depart from St. John de Ullua to go for Spain, the said gentlemen were sent away into Spain with the fleet, where I have heard it credibly reported, many of them died with the cruel handling of the Spaniards in the Inquisition house, as those which have been delivered home after they had suffered the persecution of that house can more perfectly declare. Robert Barret also, master of the Jesus, was sent away with the fleet into Spain the next year following, whereafter he suffered persecution in the Inquisition, and at the last was condemned to be burnt, and with him three or four more of our men, of whom one was named Gregory and another John Browne, whom I knew, for they were of our general his musicians, but the names of the rest that suffered with them I know not.

Now after that six years there fully expired since our first coming into the Indies in which time we had been imprisoned and served in the said countries, as is before truly declared in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and seventy four, the Inquisition began to be established in the Indies very much against the minds of many of the Spaniards themselves, for never until this time since their first conquering and planting in the Indies, were they subject to that b.l.o.o.d.y and cruel Inquisition. The chief Inquisitor was named Don Pedro Moya de Contreres, and John de Bouilla his companion, and John Sanchis the Fischall, and Pedro de la Rios, the Secretary, they being come and settled, and placed in a very fair house, near unto the White Friars, considering with themselves that they must make an entrance and beginning of that their most detestable Inquisition here in Mexico to the terror of the whole country, thought it best to call us that were Englishmen first in question, and so much the rather for that they had perfect knowledge and intelligence, that many of us were become very rich as hath been already declared, and therefore we were a very great booty and prey to the Inquisitors, so that now again began our sorrows afresh, for we were sent for, and sought out in all places of the country, and proclamation made upon pain of losing of goods, and excommunication that no man should hide or keep secret any Englishman or any part of their goods. By means whereof we were all soon apprehended in all places, and all our goods seized and taken for the Inquisitors' use, and so from all parts of the country we were conveyed and sent as prisoners to the city of Mexico, and there committed to prison in sundry dark dungeons where we could not see but by candlelight, and were never more than two together in one place so that we saw not one another, neither could one of us tell what was become of another. Thus we remained close imprisoned for the s.p.a.ce of a year and a half, and others for some less time, for they came to prison ever as they were apprehended. During which time of our imprisonment at the first beginning we were often called before the Inquisitors alone, and there severely examined of our faith, and commanded to say the pater noster, the Ave Maria, and the creed in Latin, which G.o.d knoweth a great number of us could not say otherwise than in the English tongue.

And having the said Robert Sweeting who was our friend at Tescuco always present with them for an interpreter he made report for us in our own country speech we could say them perfectly, although not word for word as they were in Latin. Then did they proceed to demand of us upon our oaths what we did believe of the sacrament, and whether there did remain any bread or wine after the words of consecration, yea or no, and whether we did not believe that the Host of bread which the priest did hold up over his head, and the wine that was in the chalice, was the very true and perfect body and blood of our Saviour Christ, yea or no, to which if we answered not yea, then was there no way but death. Then would they demand of us what we did remember of ourselves, what opinions we had held or had been taught to hold, contrary to the same whiles we were in England; to which we for the safety of our lives were constrained to say that we never did believe, nor had been taught otherwise than as before we had said. Then would they charge us that we did not tell them the truth, that we knew to the contrary, and therefore we should call ourselves to remembrance and make them a better answer at the next time or else we should be racked and made to confess the truth whether we would or no. And so coming again before them the next time, we were still demanded of our belief whiles we were in England, and how we had been taught, and also what we thought or did know of such of our company as they did name unto us, so that we could never be free from such demands, and at other times they would promise us that if we would tell them the truth, then should we have favour and be set at liberty, although we very well knew their fair speeches were but means to entrap us to the hazard and loss of our lives; howbeit G.o.d so mercifully wrought for us by a secret means that we had that we kept us still to our first answer, and would still say that we had told the truth unto them, and knew no more by ourselves nor any other of our fellows than as we had declared, and that for our sins and offences in England against G.o.d and our Lady, or any of His blessed saints, we were heartily sorry for the same, and did cry G.o.d mercy, and besought the Inquisitors, for G.o.d's sake, considering that we came into those countries by force of weather, and against our wills, and that never in all our lives we had either spoken or done anything contrary to their laws, that therefore they would have mercy on us, yet all this would not serve, for still from time to time we were called upon to confess, and about the s.p.a.ce of three months, before they proceeded to their severe Judgment, we were all racked, and some enforced to utter that against themselves which afterwards cost them their lives.

And thus having gotten from our own mouths matter sufficient for them to proceed in judgment against us, they caused a large scaffold to be made in the midst of the market-place in Mexico, right over against the head church, and fourteen or fifteen days before the day of their judgment, with the sound of a trumpet, and the noise of their attabalies, which are a kind of drums, they did a.s.semble the people in all parts of the city, before whom it was then solemnly proclaimed that whosoever would upon such a day, repair to the marketplace, they should hear the sentence of the Holy Inquisition against the English heretic Lutherans, and also see the same put in execution. Which being done, and the time approaching of this cruel judgment, the night before they came to the prison where we were, with certain officers of that holy h.e.l.lish house, bringing with them certain fools' coats which they had prepared for us, being called in their language St. Benitos, which coats were made of yellow cotton and red crosses upon them, both before and behind; they were so busied in putting on their coats about us and in bringing us out into a large yard, and placing and pointing us in what order we should go to the scaffold or place of judgment upon the morrow, that they did not once suffer us to sleep all that night long.

The next morning being come, there was given to every one of us for our breakfast, a cup of wine, and a slice of bread fried in honey, and so about eight of the clock in the morning, we set forth of the prison, every man alone in his yellow coat and a rope about his neck, and a great green wax candle in his hand unlighted, having a Spaniard appointed to go upon either side of every one of us; and so marching in this order and manner towards the scaffold in the market-place, which was a bow-shot distant or thereabouts, we found a great a.s.sembly of people all the way, and such throng, that certain of the Inquisitors'

officers on horseback were constrained to make way, and so coming to the scaffold we went up by a pair of stairs, and found seats ready made and prepared for us to sit down on, every man in order as he should be called to receive his judgment. We being thus set down as we were appointed, presently the Inquisitors came up another pair of stairs, and the Viceroy and all the chief justices with them. When they were set down and placed under the cloth of estate agreeing to their degrees and calling, then came up also a great number of friars, white, black, and grey, about the number of 300 persons, they being set in the places for them appointed. Then was there a solemn Oyes made, and silence commanded, and then presently began their severe and cruel judgment.

The first man that was called was one Roger, the chief armourer of the Jesus, and he had judgment to have 300 stripes on horseback, and after condemned to the galleys as a slave for ten years.

After him was called John Gray, John Browne, John Rider, John Moone, James Collier, and one Thomas Browne. These were adjudged to have 200 stripes on horseback, and after to be committed to the galleys for the s.p.a.ce of eight years.

Then was called John Keies, and was adjudged to have 100 stripes on horseback, and condemned to serve in the galleys for the s.p.a.ce of six years.

Then were severally called the number of fifty-three, one after another, and every man had his several judgment, some to have 200 stripes on horseback and some 100, and some condemned for slaves to the galleys, some for six years, some for eight, and some for ten.

And then was I, Miles Phillips, called, and was adjudged to serve in a monastery for five years, without any stripes, and to wear a fool's coat or San Benito, during all that time.

Then were called John Storie, Richard Williams, David Alexander, Robert Cooke, and Horsewell, and Thomas Hull. These six were condemned to serve in monasteries without stripes, some for three years, and some for four, and to wear the San Benito during all the said time. Which being done, and it now drawing towards night, George Rivelie, Peter Momfrie, and Cornelius the Irishman were called, and had their judgment to be burnt to ashes, and so were presently sent away to the place of execution in the market-place, but a little from the scaffold, where they were quickly burnt and consumed. And as for us that had received our judgment, being sixty-eight in number, we were carried back that night to prison again, and the next day in the morning, being Good Friday, the year of our Lord, 1575, we were all brought into a court of the Inquisitors' Palace, where we found a horse in readiness for every one of our men which were condemned to have stripes, and to be committed to the galleys, which were in number sixty, and so they, being enforced to mount up on horseback, naked, from the middle upward, were carried to be showed as a spectacle for all the people to behold throughout the chief and princ.i.p.al streets of the city, and had the number of stripes to every one of them appointed, most cruelly laid upon their naked bodies with long whips, by sundry men appointed to be the executioners thereof, and before our men there went a couple of criers, which cried as they went, "Behold these English dogs, Lutherans, enemies to G.o.d," and all the way as they went, there were some of the Inquisitors themselves, and of the familiars of that rake-h.e.l.l order, that cried to the executioners, "Strike, lay on those English heretics, Lutherans, G.o.d's enemies;" and so this horrible spectacle being showed round about the city, and they returned to the Inquisitors' House, with their backs all gore blood and swollen with great b.u.mps. They were then taken from their horses and carried again to prison, where they remained until they were sent into Spain to the galleys, there to receive the rest of their martyrdom; and I, and the six other with me, which had judgment and were condemned among the rest to serve an apprenticeship in the monasteries, were taken presently and sent to certain religious houses appointed for the purpose.

THE SIXTH CHAPTER.

WHEREIN IS SHOWED HOW WE WERE USED IN THE RELIGIOUS HOUSES, AND THAT WHEN THE TIME WAS EXPIRED THAT WE WERE ADJUDGED TO SERVE IN THEM, THERE CAME NEWS TO MEXICO OF MASTER FRANCIS DRAKE'S BEING IN THE SOUTH SEA, AND WHAT PREPARATION WAS MADE TO TAKE HIM; AND HOW I, SEEKING TO ESCAPE, WAS AGAIN TAKEN AND PUT IN PRISON IN VERA CRUZ, AND HOW AGAIN I MADE MINE ESCAPE FROM THENCE.

I, Miles Phillips, and William Lowe were appointed to the Black Friars, where I was appointed to be an overseer of Indian workmen, who wrought there in building a new church, amongst which Indians I learned their language or Mexican tongue very perfectly, and had great familiarity with many of them, whom I found to be a courteous and loving kind of people, ingenious, and of great understanding, and they hate and abhor the Spaniards with all their hearts. They have used such horrible cruelties against them, and do still keep them in such subjection and servitude, that they and the negroes also do daily lie in wait to practice their deliverance out of that thraldom and bondage that the Spaniards do keep them in.

William Lowe, he was appointed to serve the cook in the kitchen; Richard Williams and David Alexander were appointed to the Grey Friars; John Storey and Robert Cooke to the White Friars; Paul Horsewell the Secretary took to be his servant; Thomas Hull was sent to a monastery of priests, where afterward he died. Thus we served out the years that we were condemned for, with the use of our fools' coats, and we must needs confess that the friars did use us very courteously, for every one of us had his chamber, with bedding and diet, and all things clean and neat; yea, many of the Spaniards and friars themselves do utterly abhor and mislike of that cruel Inquisition, and would as they durst bewail our miseries, and comfort us the best they could, although they stood in such fear of that devilish Inquisition that they durst not let the left hand know what the right doeth.

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Voyager's Tales Part 5 summary

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