Thoughts on African Colonization Part 6

'A third point in which the first promoters of this object were united, is, that few individual slaveholders can, in the present state of things, emanc.i.p.ate their slaves if they would. There is a certain relation between the proprietor of slaves and the beings thus thrown upon him, which is far more complicated, and far less easily dissolved, than a mind unacquainted with the subject is ready to imagine. The relation is one which, where it exists, grows out of the very structure of society, and for the existence of which, the master is ordinarily as little accountable as the slave.'

'He [the planter] looks around him and sees that the condition of the great ma.s.s of emanc.i.p.ated Africans is one _in comparison with which the condition of his slaves is enviable_;--and he is convinced that if he withdraws from his slaves his authority, his support, his protection, and leaves them to shift for themselves, he turns them out to be vagabonds, and paupers, and felons, and to find in the work-house and the penitentiary, the home which they ought to have retained on his paternal acres.--Hundreds of humane and Christian slaveholders retain their fellow-men in bondage, because _they are convinced that they can do no better_.'--[Address of the Managers of the Colonization Society of Connecticut.--Af. Rep. vol. iv. pp. 119, 120.]

'I AM NOT COMPLAINING OF THE OWNERS OF SLAVES; they cannot get rid of them.--_I do not doubt that masters treat their slaves with kindness_, nor that the slaves are happier than they could be if set free in this country.'--[Address delivered before the Hampden Col. Soc., July 4th, 1828, by Wm. B. O. Peabody, Esq.]

'_Policy_, and even _the voice of humanity_ forbade the progress of manumission; and the _salutary hand of law_ came forward to co-operate with our convictions, and to arrest the flow of our feelings, and the ardor of our desires.'--[Review of the Report of the Committee of Foreign Relations.--Af. Rep. vol. iv. p.

268.]

'When an owner of slaves tells me that he will freely relinquish his slaves, or even that he will relinquish one-half of their value, _on condition that he be compensated for the other half_, and provision be made for their transportation, I feel that he has made a generous proposal, and _I cannot charge him with all the guilt of slavery_, though he may continue to be a slaveholder.'--[Af. Rep. vol. v. p. 63.]

'Even slavery must be viewed as a great national calamity; a public evil entailed upon us by untoward circ.u.mstances, _and perpetuated for the want of appropriate remedies_.'--[Idem, vol.

v. p. 89.]

'Slavery is an evil which is entailed upon the present generation of slaveholders, which they must suffer, _whether they will or not_.'--[Idem, p. 179.]

'Our brethren of the South, have the same sympathies, the same moral sentiments, the same love of liberty as ourselves. By them as by us, slavery is felt to be an evil, a hindrance to our prosperity, and a blot upon our character. But it was in being when they were born, and has been forced upon them by a previous generation.'--[Address of Rev. Dr. Nott.--Idem, p. 277.]

'With a writer in the Southern Review we say, "the situation of the people of these States was not of their choosing. When they came to the inheritance, it was subject to this mighty inc.u.mbrance, and it would be criminal in them to rain or waste the estate, to get rid of the burden at once." With this writer we add also, in the language of Captain Hall, that the "slaveholders ought not (immediately) to disentangle themselves from the obligations which have devolved upon them, as the masters of slaves." We believe that a master _may_ sustain his relation to the slave, with as little criminality as the slave sustains his relation to the master.' * * * 'Slavery, in its mildest form, is an evil of the darkest character. Cruel and unnatural in its origin, no plea can be urged in justification of its continuance but the plea of _necessity_.'--[Af. Rep. vol.

v. pp. 329, 334.]

'How much more consistent and powerful would be our example, but for that population within our limits, whose condition (_necessary_ condition, I will not deny) is so much at war with our inst.i.tutions, and with that memorable national Declaration--"that all men are created equal."'--[Fourteenth Ann. Report.]

'_It_ [the Society] _condemns no man because he is a slaveholder._' * * * 'They [abolitionists] confound the _misfortunes_ of one generation with the crimes of another, and would sacrifice both individual and public good to an _unsubstantial theory of the rights of man_.'--[A. R. vol. vii.

pp. 200, 202.]

'Many thousand individuals in our native State, you well know, Mr President, are restrained, said Mr Mercer, from manumitting their slaves, as you and I are, by the melancholy conviction, that they cannot yield to the suggestions of humanity, without manifest injury to their country.' * * * 'The laws of Virginia now discourage, and very wisely, perhaps, the emanc.i.p.ation of slaves.'--[Speech of Mr Mercer.--First Annual Report.]

'We are ready even to grant, for our present purpose, that, so far as mere animal existence is concerned, the slaves have no reason to complain, and the friends of humanity have no reason to complain for them.' * * * 'There are men in the southern states, who long to do something effectual for the benefit of their slaves, and would gladly emanc.i.p.ate them, did not _prudence_ and _compa.s.sion_ alike forbid such a measure.'--[Review of the Reports of the Society, from the Christian Spectator.--Seventh Annual Report.]

'Such unhappily is the case; but there is a _necessity_ for it, [for oppressive laws,] and so long as they remain amongst us will that necessity continue.'--[Ninth Annual Report.]

'I MAY BE PERMITTED TO DECLARE THAT I WOULD BE A SLAVEHOLDER TO-DAY WITHOUT SCRUPLE.'--[Fourteenth Annual Report.]

'For the existence of slavery in the United States, those, and those only, are accountable who bore a part in originating such a const.i.tution of society. The bible contains no explicit prohibition of slavery. There is neither chapter nor verse of holy writ, which lends any countenance to the fulminating spirit of universal emanc.i.p.ation, of which some exhibitions may be seen in some of the newspapers.' * * * 'The embarra.s.sment which many a philanthropic proprietor has felt in relation to his slaves, has been but little known at the north, and has had but little sympathy. He finds himself the lord of perhaps a hundred human beings; and is anxious to do them all the good in his power. He would emanc.i.p.ate them; but if he does, their prospect of happiness can hardly be said to be improved by the change. Some half a dozen, perhaps, in the hundred, become industrious and useful members of society; and the rest are mere vagabonds, idle, wicked, and miserable.'

--[Review on African Colonization.--Vide the Christian Spectator for September, 1830, in which the reader will find an elaborate apology for the system of slavery, and this, too, by a clergyman!]

'The existence of slavery among us, though not at all to be objected to our southern brethren as a _fault_, is yet a blot on our national character, and a mighty drawback from our national strength.'--[Second Annual Report of the N. Y. State Col. Soc.]

'Entertaining these views of this fearful subject, why should our opponents endeavor to prejudice our cause with our southern friends? And we are the more anxious on this point, for we sincerely entertain exalted notions of their sense of right, of their manliness and independence of feeling--of their dignity of deportment--of their honorable and chivalric turn of thought, which spurns a mean act as death. And if I was allowed to indulge a personal feeling, I would say that there is something to my mind in the candor, hospitality and intelligence of the South, which charms and captives, which wins its way to the heart and gives a.s.surance of all that is upright, honorable, and humane. There is no people that treat their slaves with so little cruelty and with so much kindness. There is nothing in the condition of slavery more congenial with the feelings of the South than with the feelings of the North. Philanthropy and benevolence flourish with as much vigor with them as with us--their hearts are as warm as ours--they feel for the distresses of others with as much acuteness as we do--their ears are as open to the calls of charity as ours--they as deeply regret as we do the existence of slavery--and oh! how their hearts would thrill with delight, if the mighty incubus could be removed without injury or destruction to every thing around them.'--[Speech of James S. Green, Esq. on the same occasion.]

'Many of the best citizens of our land are holders of slaves, and hold them IN STRICT ACCORDANCE WITH THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY AND JUSTICE.'--[Rev. Thomas T. Skillman, editor of the Western Luminary, an ardent supporter of the Col. Soc.]

'It is a very common impression that a princ.i.p.al evil of the condition of the southern blacks, is the severity of their treatment. THIS IS AN ERROR. It is almost every where disreputable to treat slaves with severity; and though there are indeed exceptions, yet in most cases in the South, even tyranny itself could not long withstand the reproaches of public opinion. A STILL GREATER AND MORE DANGEROUS EVIL, IS THE VERY REVERSE. It is _indulgence_; not only in such things as are proper and innocent, but in indolent habits and vicious propensities.'

--[From an address prepared for the use of those who advocate the cause of the African Education Society at Washington--a Society which educates none but those who consent to remove to Liberia.]

'How should a benevolent Virginian, in view of the fact, that out of thirty-seven thousand free people of color in his State, only two hundred were proprietors of land, how should he be in favor of general emanc.i.p.ation? But, show him, that if he will emanc.i.p.ate his slaves, there is a way in which he can without doubt improve their condition, while he rids himself of a grievous burden, and he will promptly obey the demands of justice--he will then feel that his generous wishes can with certainty be fulfilled. While he knows that scarcely any thing is done to meliorate the condition of those now free, and reflects on the many obstacles in the way of doing it in this land, he feels bound by a regard to what he owes himself--his children--his country, and even his slaves themselves, not to emanc.i.p.ate them. For he is sure, that, by emanc.i.p.ation, he will only add to the wretchedness of the one, and at the same time put at imminent hazard the dearest interests of the other. Thus he is forced to refrain from manumission, and not only so, but against all his benevolent inclinations, he is forced to co-operate with his fellow-citizens in sustaining the present system of slavery. He would most cheerfully follow the impulse of his n.o.blest feelings--he would remove the curse which the short-sighted policy of his fathers entailed upon him; but he cannot disregard the first law of nature; especially not, when, were he to do it, he would render the _curse_ still more calamitous in its consequences.'--[An advocate of the Colonization Society in the Middletown (Connecticut) Gazette.]

'Slavery is indeed a curse; and bitter is the lot of him who is born with slaves on his hands. And now, instead of denouncing as inhuman and unmerciful monsters and tyrants, those who are thus _unfortunate_, I say, let the commiseration and pity of every good citizen and christian in the land be excited, and let fervent prayers be offered in their behalf, and that G.o.d would direct the whole American mind to the adoption of the most effectual measures for the accomplishment of the total abolition of slavery.'--[New-Haven Religious Intelligencer for July 16, 1831.]

'Special reference will also be had to the condition and wishes of the slave States. In most of them it is a prevailing sentiment, that it is not safe to furnish slaves with the means of instruction. Much as we lament the reasons for this sentiment, and the _apparent necessity_ of keeping a single fellow creature in ignorance, we willingly leave to others the consideration and the remedy of this evil, in view of the overwhelming magnitude of the remaining objects before us.'--[Address of the Board of Managers of the African Education Society of the United States.]

'And when we [of New-England] did emanc.i.p.ate our slaves, we were driven to the measure by the force of example; and we did not do it until it was found quite convenient; and then what provision was made for the poor blacks? Let our State Prison records answer the question. Our Southern brethren have been _more kind_: they will not emanc.i.p.ate them until they send them where they can enjoy _liberty_, more than in name. As a Northern man I feel it my duty, and I take pleasure in giving the _meed of praise_ to my Southern brethren.'--[Speech of Rev. Mr Gallaudet, at a colonization meeting in New-York city.]

'The slave works for his master, who feeds and clothes him, defends him from harm, and takes care of him when he is sick.

The free colored man works for himself, and has n.o.body to take care of him but himself.'

--[From a little colonization work, published in Baltimore in 1828, 'for the use of the African Schools in the United States'!! ent.i.tled 'A Voice from Africa.']

'The slaveholder will tell you, that he did not take liberty from the African--he was a slave when he found him, and he is no more than a slave yet. The man who owns one hundred acres of land more than he can cultivate himself, is as much a slaveholder as he who owns a slave.'--[An advocate of colonization in the Richmond (Indiana) Palladium for Oct. 1, 1831.]

'I DO NOT MEAN TO SPEAK OF SLAVERY AS A SYSTEM OF CRUELTY AND OF SUFFERING. On this point I am free to say, from personal observation and occasional residences for some years at the South, there has been much misapprehension among our fellow-citizens of the North. And I rejoice to add, that _the condition of the slaves generally is such as the friends of humanity have no reason to complain of_.'--[Oration delivered at Newark, N. J. July 4th, 1831, by Gabriel P. Disosway, Esq.]

'Slavery, it is true, is an evil--a national evil. Every laudable effort to exterminate it should be encouraged. And we presume that nine-tenths of the slaveholders themselves, would rejoice at the event, could it be accomplished, of the entire freedom from the country of every person of color, and would willingly relinquish every slave in their possession. But the slaves _are_ in their possession--they are entailed upon them by their ancestors. And can they set them free, and still suffer them to remain in the country? Would this be policy? Would it be safe? No. When they can be transported to the soil from whence they were derived--by the aid of the Colonization Society, by Government, by individuals, or by any other means--then let them be emanc.i.p.ated, and not before.'--[Lowell (Ma.s.s.) Telegraph.]

It is a self-evident proposition, that just so far as you alleviate the pressure of guilt upon the consciences of evil doers, you weaken the power of motive to repent, and encourage them to sin with impunity. To descant upon the wrongs of the slave-system, and yet exonerate the supporters of it from reprehension, is to deal in absurdities: we might preach in this manner until the crack of doom, and never gain a convert.

Paradoxes may amuse, but they never convince the mind.

Now, I defy the most ingenious advocates of perpetual slavery to produce stronger arguments in its favor than are given in the foregoing extracts. What better plea could they make? what higher justification could they need? Nay, these apologies of colonizationists represent oppression not merely as innocent, but even commendable--as a system of benevolence, upheld by philanthropists and sages!