Thoughts on African Colonization Part 20

There does exist in the United States a prejudice against us; but is it unconquerable? Is it not in the power of these gentlemen to subdue it?

If their object is to benefit us, why not better our condition here?

What keeps us down but the want of wealth? Why do we not acc.u.mulate wealth? Simply because we are not encouraged. If we wish to give our boys a cla.s.sical education, they are refused admission into your colleges. If we consume our means in giving them a mercantile education, you will not employ them as clerks; if they are taught navigation, you will not employ them as captains. If we make them mechanics, you will not encourage them, nor will white mechanics work in the same shop with them. And with all these disabilities, like a mill-stone about us, because we cannot point to our statesmen, bankers and lawyers, we are called an inferior race. Look at the glaring injustice towards us. (A foreigner, before he knows one of our streets from another, mounts a cart under the license of another man, or is a public porter, a lamp-lighter, a watchman, &c.)

These gentlemen know but little of a large portion of the colored population of this city. Their opinions are formed from the unfortunate portion of our people whose characters are scrutinized by them as judges of courts. Their patrician principles prevent an intercourse with men in the middle walks of life, among whom a large portion of our people may be cla.s.sed. We ask them to visit the dwellings of the respectable part of our people, and we are satisfied that they will discover more civilization and refinement than will be found among the same number of white families of an equal standing.

Finally, we hope that those who have so eloquently pleaded the cause of the Indian, will at least endeavor to preserve consistency in their conduct. They put no faith in Georgia, although she declares that the Indians shall not be removed but '_with their own consent_.' Can they blame us if we attach the same credit to the declaration that they mean to colonize us 'only with our consent?' They cannot indeed use force; that is out of the question. But they harp so much on 'inferiority,'

'prejudice,' 'distinction,' and what not, that there will no alternative be left us but to fall in with their plans. We are content to abide where we are. We do not believe that things will always continue the same. The time must come when the declaration of independence will be felt in the heart as well as uttered from the mouth, and when the rights of all shall be properly acknowledged and appreciated. G.o.d hasten that time. This is our home, and this our country. Beneath its sod lie the bones of our fathers: for it some of them fought, bled, and died. Here we were born, and here we will die.

A VOICE FROM BOSTON.

BOSTON, March 12, 1831.

Pursuant to public notice, a meeting was held by the colored citizens of Boston, February 15th, at their school-house, for the purpose of expressing their sentiments in a remonstrance against the doings of the State Colonization Society, Feb. 10th. It was called to order by Mr J.

G. Barbadoes. Mr Robert Roberts was elected chairman, and Mr James G.

Barbadoes secretary. A prayer was then offered up to the throne of grace, by the Rev. Mr Snowden. The chairman having explained the object of the meeting, sundry resolutions were offered by Mr Barbadoes, and fairly discussed. On motion, a committee of five was chosen to amend the resolutions, and to draft an address to certain white citizens who had formed a State Society auxiliary to the American Colonization Society, and to the enlightened public. John T. Hilton, James G. Barbadoes, Rev.

Hosea Easton, Thomas Dalton and Thomas Cole were placed on the committee.

The committee, to whom was referred the subject of an attempt, by certain white citizens, to establish in this State a Society auxiliary to the American Colonization Society, whose supposed object was the removal of the free colored population to western Africa, have with diligence sought for and obtained every fact within their reach, relative to what was enjoined upon them by the respectable body by whom they were delegated; and now respectfully

REPORT:

That they have attended to the duty with which they were charged, with all the wisdom, prudence and fidelity which they possessed, and which the merits of the case required. They therefore submit to the consideration of the meeting their several conclusions on the subject.

The duty of your committee seemed to be divided into three general inquiries:--1st. To ascertain whether the Society above named was truly established in this metropolis. 2d. By whom it was established, and for what purpose. 3d. If established for the purpose entertained by the free colored population, what method should be adopted in regard to expressing their disapprobation thereto.

As to the first inquiry, your committee can state, that every doubt is now removed respecting the formation of such a Society, the proceedings of the meeting being published, together with the names of the officers.

On the second inquiry, your committee refer you to the 2d Article of the Const.i.tution of said Society, (published in the Boston Courier of Feb.

16, 1831,) which reads thus:

'The object to which this Society shall be exclusively devoted, shall be to aid the parent inst.i.tution at Washington, in the colonization of the free people of color of the United States on the coast of Africa; and to do this not only by the contribution of money, but by the exertion of its influence to promote the formation of other societies.'

We deem any explanation here unnecessary.

In regard to the third and most essential inquiry, your committee report, that they know of no better way of expressing their disapprobation of such measures, than to use every exertion to persuade their brethren not to leave the United States upon any consideration whatever; but if there are or should be any exasperated in consequence of abuse from their white countrymen, and who are determined to leave the country, we think it desirable to recommend them to Hayti or Upper Canada, where they will find the laws equal. Your committee deem it expedient also to urge this duty upon the several ministers of color throughout the United States, and all other persons of color whose influence may have any bearing in preventing their brethren from yielding to a request so unjust and cruel.

And if your respectable body should not think your committee were going beyond the bounds of their duty, they would recommend the clerical order throughout the United States, who have had or who are having any thing to do with the deceptive scheme above alluded to, to read the 13th chapter of Ezekiel. Read it--read it--and understand it. Your committee would recommend those clergymen, who have not defiled their garment with the blood of the innocent, to read the 1st, 2nd, 11th and 12th verses of the 24th chapter of Proverbs.

In support of the sentiments thus expressed, it becomes necessary that our reasons should accompany them, why we object to the plan of dragging us to Africa--a country to us unknown, except by geography. In the first place, we are told that Africa is our native country; consequently the climate will be more congenial to our health. We readily deny the a.s.sertion. How can a man be born in two countries at the same time? Is not the position superficial to suppose that American born citizens are Africans? In regard to the climate, what better proof do we want of its salubrity, than to know that of the numerous bodies who have embarked, a large portion of them have immediately fallen victims, on their arrival, to the pestilence usual to that place?

It is again said, that the establishment of a colony on the coast of Africa will prevent the slave trade. We might as well argue, that a watchman in the city of Boston would prevent thievery in New-York, or any other place; or that the custom-house officers there would prevent goods being smuggled into any other port of the United States.

We are aware, that such an unnecessary expense devoted to the application of a remedy so far from the disease, is absolutely contrary to common sense. We are sensible that the moral disease, _slavery_, is in America, and not in Africa. If there was no market for the vending of slaves, there would be no inducement for the thief to steal them. The remedy for this evil, we humbly conceive, consists of three general prescriptions, viz. 1st. Let him who stealeth obey the word of G.o.d, and steal no more. 2d. Let him who hath encouraged the thief by purchase, (and consequently is a partaker with him,) do so no more. 3rd. Let the clerical physicians, who have encouraged, and are encouraging, both the thief and the receiver, by urging their influence to the removal of the means of their detection, desist therefrom, and with their mighty weight of influence step into the scale of justice: then will be done away this horrible traffic in blood.

From the above considerations, we sincerely recommend to our white countrymen honor and humanity, which will render useless the transportation of the colored population to the coast of Africa, it being altogether gratuitous and uncalled for.

We proceed to offer several objections to the operation alluded to--one is, the circ.u.mstance of the project originating with those who were deeply interested in slavery, and who hold slaves as their property. We consider the fact no evidence of the innocence of its design. We further object, because its members admit slavery to be an evil, and use no means to destroy it; but are exerting all their influence to urge every free person of color to Africa, (whose right to this soil holds good with any other citizen,) thereby rivetting the chains of slavery stronger than ever upon their oppressed brethren.

Again we object, because the whole spring of action seems to originate in the fear lest the free colored people may whisper liberty in the ears of the oppressed. We would suggest, however, that they who are fond of liberty should not be annoyed at its sound, from whatever source it may come.

Again we object, on the ground of there being sufficient land in the United States, on which a colony might be established that would better meet the wishes of the colored people, and at a much cheaper rate than could possibly be done by sending them to a howling wilderness far away, and to them unknown.

One of the leaders of the newly formed Society argued that in case a colony was formed for the blacks in the United States, they would in a short time be removed, as has been the case with the poor Indians. To obviate this objection, we here inform him that Hayti will hold all the slaves he will send her; and as for the free people, we expect they can go where they please, either to Africa, Hayti or Upper Canada, or remain at home, without asking the consent of a slaveholding party. Nor can we conceive why free citizens, acting this liberty, should interfere with them, if they are--as they have represented themselves to be--honest and benevolent men. We conceive that the question in view stands in two distinct points--the removal of the free colored population from this country, or the acknowledgment of them as citizens. The former position must be acknowledged, on all sides, a means of perpetuating slavery in our land; the latter, of abolishing it; consequently it may be seen who are for the well-being of their country.

We regret that our interest has thus drawn us before the public, on account of the regard we entertain towards many of our warmest friends who have been deceived by a cloak of philanthropy, smooth words, and a sanctified appearance. We remind them, however, that the blood of Abel is beginning to be heard by many who are willing to acknowledge that they hear it.

We cannot close our duty without gratefully acknowledging the respect we entertain for those who have defended our cause with more than Spartan courage. It is the opinion of your committee, that they are to be respected as our countrymen, our brethren, and our fellow citizens--not to say they are to be applauded as men, whose great acts are based upon the acclamation of their fellow men; but rather let us hold up their hands, and let their works praise them. We shall only add an expression of our hopes, that the Spirit of Liberty, recently awakened in the old world, may redouble its thundering voice, until every tyrant is seized with a Belshazzar tremble at the hand-writing upon the wall of his corrupt palace.

In addition to the above, your committee submit the following resolutions for your acceptance.

Resolved, That this meeting contemplate, with lively interest, the rapid progress of the sentiments of liberty among our degraded brethren, and that we will legally oppose every operation that may have a tendency to perpetuate our present political condition.

Resolved, That this meeting look upon the American Colonization Society as a clamorous, abusive and peace-disturbing combination.

Resolved, That this meeting look upon the conduct of those clergymen, who have filled the ears of their respective congregations with the absurd idea of the necessity of removing the free colored people from the United States, as highly deserving the just reprehension directed to the false prophets and priests, by Jeremiah the true prophet, as recorded in the 23d chapter of his prophecy.

Resolved, That this meeting appeal to a generous and enlightened public for an impartial hearing relative to the subject of our present political condition.

Resolved, That the grat.i.tude of this meeting, which is so sensibly felt, be fully expressed to those editors whose independence of mind and correct views of the rights of man have led them so fearlessly to speak in favor of our cause; that we rejoice to behold in them such a strong desire to extend towards us the inestimable blessing in the gift of a wise Providence which is demanded by all nature, and for which their veteran fathers struggled in the revolution.

ROBERT ROBERTS, Chairman.

JAMES G. BARBADOES, Secretary.

A VOICE FROM BALTIMORE.

BALTIMORE, March 21, 1831.

At a respectable meeting of persons of color, convened, pursuant to public notice, for the purpose of expressing their sentiments in regard to the pretensions of the American Colonization Society, William Dougla.s.s was called to the chair, and William Watkins appointed secretary. The object of the call having been explicitly stated, the meeting immediately proceeded to the consideration of the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:--On motion,

Resolved, That it is the belief of this meeting, that the American Colonization Society is founded more in a selfish policy, than in the true principles of benevolence;--and, therefore, so far as it regards the life-giving spring of its operations, is not ent.i.tled to our confidence, but should be viewed by us with all that caution and distrust which our happiness demands.

Resolved, That we are not insensible to the means usually employed by that Society, and its auxiliaries, to effectuate our removal--that we sincerely deprecate their gratuitous and illiberal attacks upon, and their too frequently exaggerated statements of our moral standing in the community--that such means are unworthy of a magnanimous people, and of a virtuous and n.o.ble cause.

Resolved, That we consider the land in which we were born, and in which we have been bred, our only '_true and appropriate home_,'--and that when _we_ desire to remove, we will apprise the public of the same, in due season.

Resolved, That we are deeply sensible that many of our warm and sincere friends have espoused the colonization system, from the purest motives,--and that we sincerely regret their efforts to ameliorate our condition are not more in accordance with our wishes.

Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the daily papers of this city, signed by the Chairman and Secretary.

WILLIAM DOUGLa.s.s, Chairman.

WILLIAM WATKINS, Secretary.

A VOICE FROM WASHINGTON.