The Works of Sir Thomas Browne Volume III Part 30

All which notwithstanding, since we reade in the Text a particular abode of seven days, and such particulars as leaving of his Cloak, Books and Parchments at _Troas_: And that S. _Luke_ seems to have been taken in to the Travels of S. _Paul_ in this place, where he begins in the _Acts_ to write in the first person, this may rather seem to have been some City or special Habitation, than any Province or Region without such limitation.

Now that such a City there was, and that of no mean note, is easily verified from historical observation. For though old _Ilium_ was anciently destroyed, yet was there another raised by the relicts of that people, not in the same place, but about thirty Furlongs westward, as is to be learned from _Strabo_.

Of this place _Alexander_ in his expedition against _Darius_ took especial notice, endowing it with sundry Immunities, with promise of greater matters at his return from _Persia_; inclined hereunto from the honour he bore unto _Homer_, whose earnest Reader he was, and upon whose Poems, by the help of _Anaxarchus_ and _Callisthenes_, he made some observations. As also much moved hereto upon the account of his cognation with the _aeacides_ and Kings of _Molossus_, whereof _Andromache_ the Wife of _Hector_ was Queen. After the death of _Alexander_, _Lysimachus_ surrounded it with a Wall, and brought the inhabitants of the neighbour Towns unto it, and so it bore the name of _Alexandria_; which, from _Antigonus_, was also called _Antigonia_, according to the inscription of that famous Medal in _Goltsius_, _Colonia Troas Antigonia Alexandrea, Legio vicesima prima_.

When the Romans first went into _Asia_ against _Antiochus_ 'twas but a ???p???? and no great City; but, upon the Peace concluded, the Romans much advanced the same. _Fimbria_, the rebellious Roman, spoiled it in the Mithridatick War, boasting that he had subdued _Troy_ in eleven days which the Grecians could not take in almost as many years. But it was again rebuilt and countenanced by the Romans, and became a Roman Colony, with great immunities conferred on it; and accordingly it is so set down by _Ptolomy_. For the Romans, deriving themselves from the Trojans, thought no favour too great for it; especially _Julius Caesar_, who, both in imitation of _Alexander_, and for his own descent from _Julus_, of the posterity of _aeneas_, with much pa.s.sion affected it, and, in a discontented humour,[273] was once in mind to translate the Roman wealth unto it; so that it became a very remarkable place, and was, in _Strabo's_ time, ???????? p??e??, one of the n.o.ble Cities of _Asia_.

[273] Sueton.

And, if they understood the prediction of _Homer_ in reference unto the Romans, as some expound it in _Strabo_, it might much promote their affection unto that place; which being a remarkable prophecy, and scarce to be parallel'd in Pagan story, made before _Rome_ was built, and concerning the lasting Reign of the progeny of _aeneas_, they could not but take especial notice of it. For thus is _Neptune_ made to speak, when he saved _aeneas_ from the fury of _Achilles_.

_Verum agite hunc subito praesenti a morte trahamus Ne Cronides ira flammet si fortis Achilles Hunc mactet, fati quem Lex evadere jussit.

Ne genus intereat de laeto semine totum Dardani ab excelso prae cunctis prolibus olim, Dilecti quos e mortali stirpe creavit, Nunc etiam Priami stirpem Saturnius odit, Trojugenum posthaec aeneas sceptra tenebit Et nati natorum et qui nascentur ab illis._

The Roman favours were also continued unto S. _Paul's_ days; for _Claudius_,[274] producing an ancient Letter of the Romans unto King _Seleucus_ concerning the Trojan Privileges, made a Release of their Tributes; and _Nero_ [SN: Tacit. _l. 13_.] elegantly pleaded for their Immunities, and remitted all Tributes unto them.

[274] Sueton.

And, therefore, there being so remarkable a City in this Territory, it may seem too hard to loose the same in the general name of the Country; and since it was so eminently favoured by Emperours, enjoying so many Immunities, and full of Roman Privileges, it was probably very populous, and a fit abode for S. _Paul_, who being a Roman Citizen, might live more quietly himself, and have no small number of faithfull well-wishers in it.

Yet must we not conceive that this was the old _Troy_, or re-built in the same place with it: for _Troas_ was placed about thirty Furlongs West, and upon the Sea sh.o.r.e; so that, to hold a clearer apprehension hereof than is commonly delivered in the Discourses of the Ruines of _Troy_, we may consider one Inland _Troy_ or old _Ilium_, which was built farther within the Land, and so was removed from the Port where the Grecian Fleet lay in _Homer_; and another Maritime _Troy_, which was upon the Sea Coast placed in the Maps of _Ptolomy_, between _Lectum_ and _Sigaeum_ or Port _Janizam_, Southwest from the old City, which was this of S. _Paul_, and whereunto are appliable the particular accounts of _Bellonius_, when, not an hundred years ago, he described the Ruines of _Troy_ with their Baths, Aqueducts, Walls and Towers, to be seen from the Sea as he sailed between it and _Tenedos_; and where, upon nearer view, he observed some signs and impressions of his conversion in the ruines of Churches, Crosses, and Inscriptions upon Stones.

Nor was this onely a famous City in the days of S. _Paul_, but considerable long after. For, upon the Letter of _Adria.n.u.s_ [SN: Philostrat. _in Vita_ Herodis Attici.], _Herodes Atticus_, at a great charge, repaired their Baths, contrived Aqueducts and n.o.ble Water-courses in it. As is also collectible from the Medals of _Caracalla_, of _Severus_, and _Crispina_; with Inscriptions, _Colonia Alexandria Troas_, bearing on the Reverse either an Horse, a Temple, or a Woman; denoting their destruction by an Horse, their prayers for the Emperour's safety, and, as some conjecture, the memory of _Sibylla_, _Phrygia_ or _h.e.l.lespontica_.

Nor wanted this City the favour of Christian Princes, but was made a Bishop's See under the Archbishop of _Cyzic.u.m_; but in succeeding discords was destroyed and ruined, and the n.o.bler Stones translated to _Constantinople_ by the Turks to beautifie their Mosques and other Buildings.

_Concerning the Dead Sea, accept of these few Remarks._

In the Map of the Dead Sea we meet with the Figure of the Cities which were destroyed: of _Sodom_, _Gomorrha_, _Admah_ and _Zeboim_; but with no uniformity; men placing them variously, and, from the uncertainty of their situation, taking a fair liberty to set them where they please.

For _Admah_, _Zeboim_ and _Gomorrha_, there is no light from the Text to define their situation. But, that _Sodom_ could not be far from _Segor_ which was seated under the Mountains near the side of the Lake, seems inferrible from the sudden arrival of _Lot_, who, coming from _Sodom_ at day break, attained to _Segor_ at Sun rising; and therefore _Sodom_ is to be placed not many miles from it, not in the middle of the Lake, which against that place is about eighteen miles over, and so will leave nine miles to be gone in so small a s.p.a.ce of time.

The Valley being large, the Lake now in length about seventy English miles, the River _Jordan_ and divers others running over the Plain, 'tis probable the best Cities were seated upon those Streams: but how the _Jordan_ pa.s.sed or winded, or where it took in the other Streams, is a point too old for Geography to determine.

For, that the River gave the fruitfulness unto this Valley by over watring that low Region, seems plain from that expression in the Text,[275] that it was watered, _sicut Paradisus et aegyptus_, like _Eden_ and the Plains of _Mesopotamia_, where _Euphrates_ yearly overfloweth; or like _aegypt_ where _Nilus_ doth the like: and seems probable also from the same course of the River not far above this Valley where the Israelites pa.s.sed _Jordan_, where 'tis said that _Jordan overfloweth its Banks in the time of Harvest_.

[275] Gen. 13. 10.

That it must have had some pa.s.sage under ground in the compa.s.s of this Valley before the creation of this Lake, seems necessary from the great current of _Jordan_, and from the Rivers _Arnon_, _Cedron_, _Zaeth_, which empty into this Valley; but where to place that concurrence of Waters or place of its absorbition, there is no authentick decision.

The probablest place may be set somewhat Southward, below the Rivers that run into it on the East or Western Sh.o.r.e: and somewhat agreeable unto the account which _Brocardus_ received from the Sarazens which lived near it, _Jordanem ingredi Mare Mortuum et rursum egredi, sed post exiguum intervallum a Terra absorberi_.

_Strabo_ speaks naturally of this Lake, that it was first caused by Earthquakes, by sulphureous and bituminous eruptions, arising from the Earth. But the Scripture makes it plain to have been from a miraculous hand, and by a remarkable expression, _pluit Dominus ignem et Sulphur a Domino_. See also _Deut. 29. in ardore Salis_: burning the Cities and destroying all things about the Plain, destroying the vegetable nature of Plants and all living things, salting and making barren the whole Soil, and, by these fiery Showers, kindling and setting loose the body of the bituminous Mines, which shewed their lower Veins before but in some few Pits and openings, swallowing up the Foundation of their Cities; opening the bituminous Treasures below, and making a smoak like a Furnace able to be discerned by _Abraham_ at a good distance from it.

If this little may give you satisfaction, I shall be glad, as being, Sir,

_Yours_, etc.

OF THE ANSWERS of the Oracle of Apollo at Delphos to Croesus King of Lydia

TRACT XI

SIR,

Among the Oracles[276] of _Appollo_ there are none more celebrated than those which he delivered unto _Crsus_ King of _Lydia_,[277] who seems of all Princes to have held the greatest dependence on them. But most considerable are his plain and intelligible replies which he made unto the same King, when he sent his Chains of Captivity unto _Delphos_, after his overthrow by _Cyrus_, with sad expostulations why he encouraged him unto that fatal War by his Oracle, saying,[278]

Crsus, _if he Wars against the Persians, shall dissolve a great Empire_. Why, at least, he prevented not that sad infelicity of his devoted and bountifull Servant, and whether it were fair or honourable for the G.o.ds of _Greece_ to be ingratefull: which being a plain and open delivery of _Delphos_, and scarce to be parallel'd in any ancient story, it may well deserve your farther consideration.

[276] _See_ Vulg. Err. _l._ 7. c. 12.

[277] Herod. _l._ 1. 46, 47, etc. 90, 91.

[278] ????????sa? ????s?, ?? st?ate??ta? ?p? ???sa?, e????? ????? ??

?ata??se??. Herod. _Ibid._ 54.

1. His first reply was, _That_ Crsus _suffered not for himself_; but paid the transgression of his fifth predecessour, who kill'd his Master and usurp'd the dignity unto which he held no t.i.tle.

Now whether _Crsus_ suffered upon this account or not, hereby he plainly betrayed his insufficiency to protect him; and also obliquely discovered he had a knowledge of his misfortune; for knowing that wicked act lay yet unpunished, he might well divine some of his successours might smart for it: and also understanding he was like to be the last of that race, he might justly fear and conclude this infelicity upon him.

Hereby he also acknowledged the inevitable justice of G.o.d; that though Revenge lay dormant, it would not always sleep; and consequently confessed the just hand of G.o.d punishing unto the third and fourth generation, nor suffering such iniquities to pa.s.s for ever unrevenged.

Hereby he flatteringly encouraged him in the opinion of his own merits, and that he onely suffered for other mens transgressions: mean while he concealed _Crsus_ his pride, elation of mind and secure conceit of his own unparallel'd felicity, together with the vanity, pride and height of luxury of the Lydian Nation, which the Spirit of _Delphos_ knew well to be ripe and ready for destruction.

2. A Second excuse was, _That it is not in the power of G.o.d to hinder the Decree of Fate_. A general evasion for any falsified prediction founded upon the common opinion of Fate, which impiously subjecteth the power of Heaven unto it; widely discovering the folly of such as repair unto him concerning future events: which, according unto this rule, must go on as the Fates have ordered, beyond his power to prevent or theirs to avoid; and consequently teaching that his Oracles had onely this use to render men more miserable by foreknowing their misfortunes; whereof _Crsus_ himself had a sensible experience in that Daemoniacal Dream concerning his eldest Son, _That he should be killed by a Spear_, which, after all care and caution, he found inevitably to befall him.

3. In his Third Apology he a.s.sured him that he endeavoured to transfer the evil Fate and to pa.s.s it upon his Children; and did however procrastinate his infelicity, and deferred the destruction of _Sardis_ and his own Captivity three years longer than was fatally decreed upon it.

Wherein while he wipes off the stain of Ingrat.i.tude, he leaves no small doubt whether, it being out of his power to contradict or transfer the Fates of his Servants, it be not also beyond it to defer such signal events, and whereon the Fates of whole Nations do depend.

As also, whether he intended or endeavoured to bring to pa.s.s what he pretended, some question might be made. For that he should attempt or think he could translate his infelicity upon his Sons, it could not consist with his judgment, which attempts not impossibles or things beyond his power; nor with his knowledge of future things, and the Fates of succeeding Generations: for he understood that Monarchy was to expire in himself, and could particularly foretell the infelicity of his Sons, and hath also made remote predictions unto others concerning the fortunes of many succeeding descents; as appears in that answer unto _Attalus_,

_Be of good courage,_ Attalus, _thou shalt reign And thy Sons Sons, but not their Sons again._

As also unto _Cypselus_ King of Corinth.

_Happy is the Man who at my Altar stands, Great_ Cypselus _who_ Corinth _now commands.

Happy is he, his Sons shall happy be, But for their Sons, unhappy days they'll see._

Now, being able to have so large a prospect of future things, and of the fate of many Generations, it might well be granted he was not ignorant of the Fate of _Crsus_ his Sons, and well understood it was in vain to think to translate his misery upon them.