The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao Part 4

All those who expect to prepare new fields for themselves, or are to a.s.sist others in such work, gather at the forge of the local smith and there take part in a ceremony held in honor of his patron spirit. They carry with them offerings of rice and chickens which they cook in bamboo tubes, for food taken from a pot is not acceptable to this spirit. When all is ready the food is placed on a rice winnower, near to the forge, and on it the men lay their weapons and working knives (Plate XXIX).

Standing before the offering the smith, in a droning voice, calls on the spirit, beseeching him to come and eat of the food, to accept the weapons and tools, and having done so to be watchful over the workers during the clearing time, so that they may not be injured in the work or be molested by enemies. The prayer finished, the smith eats a little of the food, and all the men follow his example, but no woman may so much as touch this offering. Meanwhile other food which can be eaten by all has been prepared. After the meal the weapons and tools which are to be used during the clearing time are removed, but, as they now belong to the spirit, they can never be disposed of without first recompensing him. During this day there is a strict prohibition against music and dancing. For three days the men abstain from work and the forge stands idle. When the fire is again lighted the first knife made is the property of the spirit.

With the ending of the period of taboo the workers go to the fields and, in the center of each, place a _tambara_[21] fitted with a white dish containing betel nut. This is an offering to Eugpamolak Man.o.bo, who is besought to drive from the field any _tigbanawa_ or _tagamaling_[22] who may live there, to keep the workers in good health, to allow an abundant crop, and, finally, to make the owner rich and happy. The weeds, brush, and trees, after being cut and allowed to dry are fired, while the logs remaining after this initial burning are piled together and again set on fire, and the field is ready for the planting. No soil is broken and not a seed goes into the ground until the spirits again designate the time, by placing the constellation _Marara_ in the sky. This appears early in April, and is followed by a period of great activity in the fields. If, for any reason, the owner of the land cannot plant at this time, he has two or more opportunities given him when the constellations _Mamari_ and _Bwaya_ appear, the latter toward the end of June.

[21] See p. 66, Fig. 12.

[22] Evil spirits which are cla.s.sed with the _buso_. See p. 107.

When the workers go to the field on the day set for the planting they enter at one corner and proceed directly across it to the far left hand corner where they erect a small house or place a _tambara_ which is known as _pEmEg'ge_. As soon as it is complete, the _mabalian_ begin to call on the spirits. Manama[23] is called first and after him other spirits, according to their rank and power. They are informed that the planting is about to begin and that the people are showing them this mark of respect so that they will not allow anything to interfere with the crop. This done, they go to the center of the field and place a second _tambara_, called _parobanian_, for the spirit Taragomi, who owns all food. Leaves pleasing to him and presents of food or bracelets are placed in it, as well as in his _tambara_ found in the house.[24] The owner of the field takes the _malayag_, a large variety of rice, and plants it around the _parobanian_,[25] and as the last grain is planted the _mabalian_ again starts her prayer, this time beginning with Taragomi. She asks for good crops, and protection for the field from all animals, blight and drought. Finally, she begs Eugpamolak Man.o.bo to control the sun and winds so that they will always be favorable to the growing grain. Having thus done all in their power to secure the cooperation of the superior beings the men take their rice planters and real work begins.[26] The planter (Fig. 29) consists of a long shaft at one end of which is a metal blade while at the other is a bamboo clapper decorated with feathers. When this instrument is struck on the ground it digs a shallow hole an inch or more in depth, the clapper meanwhile keeping up an incessant noise. It is said by some that the rattle is intended to please the guardian spirit of the fields, but this does not seem to be the prevalent idea. The women follow the men, dropping seeds into the holes and pushing the soil over them with their feet.

[23] Eugpamolak Man.o.bo.

[24] At Cibolan only bra.s.s objects are placed in this _tambara_.

[25] At Digos the _mabalian_ does the planting and harvesting about the _tambara_, and the rice grown there is reserved as seed, for the next season.

[26] FATHER GISBERT relates that it is the custom to sacrifice a slave at this time, but this is denied by the _datu_ consulted by the writer.

See letters of FATHER GISBERT in BLAIR and ROBERTSON, The Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII; pp. 233-4.

FIG. 29. RICE PLANTER WITH BAMBOO CLAPPER ATTACHED TO TOP.

At nightfall of the day in which the planting has been completed a _mabalian_ cooks fish and rice, which she carries to the _parobanian_.

Early next morning the family goes to the field and eats this offering which "belongs to Taragomi, so should be eaten at his house." From this time until harvest the fields must be guarded against birds and animals, but no further offerings take place unless unusual conditions should satisfy the owner that the spirits are demanding more gifts. When harvest time comes the owner and a few of his friends will go to the field and pull a few of the fresh stalks, which they place in the _pEmEg'ge_ and _parobanian_, meanwhile addressing the spirits, and the cutting of the rice begins. This is done by women who, for this purpose, employ a small knife called _gElat_ (Plate XXIXd). The last grain to be cut is that about the _parobanian_. The _mabalian_ cooks a little of the new rice in the house and places a part of it in the various _tambara_ and shrines; then, having placed a number of rice stalks on the floor, she offers them one by one to the spirits. Not until she has finished can any of the prepared food be eaten. The balance of the crop lies in the sun until dry, when it is tied in bundles and placed in the granary.

When all the harvesting is finished the people will make a festival known as _Gatokbia-an_, or _pakakaro_. Ordinarily each family will have its own celebration, but at times all the inhabitants of a village will join in one great celebration. The period of toil and doubt is past, the food supply is a.s.sured, and the people gather to give thanks. No New England Thanksgiving dinner is prepared with greater thought, or less regard for expense, than that which is made ready at this time. The finest of the rice, cocoanuts[sic], eggs, chickens, fish, shrimps, and many other edibles are prepared and placed in certain dishes which are dedicated to the spirits and are used only at this time. These plates are arranged in a row in the center of the room and the _mabalian_ gather around them. Taking a wand of sandal wood in her hand one of the number waves it over the offerings, while she chants long prayers.

Beginning with the most powerful, she addresses the spirits one by one, thanking them for the care they have given to the growing grain and to the laborers, and for the bounteous harvest. Frequently individuals will interrupt the proceedings to place near to the _mabalian_ a fine knife or some other prized object which they desire to have presented to the spirits as evidence of their grat.i.tude. At first, it is a little hard to understand this lavishness, but it transpires that the former owners still have possession of these objects, and that the spirits offer no objections to their use, so long as their ownership is not disputed, truly a case of eating the pie but still having it.

The knives and other implements which have been used in the fields are laid on a large basket filled with rice, "in order that they may eat, and, therefore, have no cause to injure their owners." Another large dish of rice is set aside as a special offering. In some cases this is taken out to the fields, where it is eaten by the wife, or wives of the host; but in Cibolan it is kept in the house until the next morning, when it is eaten by all the members of the family. The ceremonial eating of this rice causes the supply to last longer and a.s.sures abundant rains for the succeeding crop. Part of the food from the dishes is placed in the _tambara_ and shrines, and then all the guests are permitted to feast and make merry. Unlike most Bagobo ceremonies this one lacks the music of the _agongs_,[27] for only bamboo guitars, flutes, and the _bolang-bolang_ are permitted at this time. The last named instrument is made by placing a board on a rice mortar; the women gather around it with their wooden pestles and beat a rythmical[sic] tattoo. This concludes the festival proper, but many guests will remain for two or three days to enjoy the hospitality of their host.

[27] Copper gongs.

On the third morning after the festival the family and some friends will celebrate _BagkEs_ "the tying together." The dishes in which food was offered are tied together and are carried to the rice field where, with great solemnity, the little dish in the _parobanian_ is removed and placed among the others, while the people tell it that the other plates have come to take it away, but that it will be returned to its home the following year. The family goes back to the village in silence and after tying all the dishes together place them in the rice granary.

In the Bagobo settlement at Digos, the women hold still another festival following the cutting of the rice. This is known as _Gomeng ka taragomi_, or _bitinbagaybe_. In the main it resembles the ceremony of similar name, which the women of Malilla hold on the second day of _GinEm_ (See page 111). A bamboo pole decked with leaves and green fruit of the _areca_ palm is placed in the center of a room and is surrounded with cooked food. After this has been offered to the spirits, it is eaten by the guests who then indulge in dancing about the decorated pole. This generally lasts eight days, but in one instance the festivities continued for sixteen days and nights. The explanation given is that "the women wish to show Taragomi and the _Nitos_ (anitos) how happy they are because of the good harvest, for when they see this they will be pleased and will help again next year."

TRANSPORTATION AND TRADE.

The Bagobo makes no use of boats or rafts, for until recent times he has lived at a considerable distance from the sea; and the rivers, which flow in deep canons, may be changed in a day from tiny streams to rushing torrents in which no craft could keep afloat. Left to his own devices, he pays little attention to trails, but cuts his way through the underbrush directly to his destination. The government has forced him to clear and maintain several fairly good roads between the larger settlements and the coast, and these are now the highways over which he transports his hemp and other trade articles. Quite a number of carabao and horses are to be found in the territory, where they are used as pack and riding animals. Both men and women are excellent riders and take great pride in the decoration of their mounts. The saddle used is carved from wood, in exact duplication of those used by the Spaniards. The copper bits are also copies, but are of native casting. Strings of bells surround the neck of a prized animal, and it is further beautified by an artificial forelock. Rattan whips, wound with braid, and decorated with beads, are also a part of his trappings. According to Bagobo tradition, they have had horses from the most remote times, and Professor BLUMENTRITT is inclined to believe that they possessed these animals prior to the arrival of the Spaniards. In support of this contention, he points to the fact that, unlike most Philippine tribes, they use the Malayan name.[28]

[28] The terms used are, _bait koda_--stallion, and _mamat koda_--mare.

[Transcriber's note: The uncontracted forms of these phrases are _bayi ta koda'_ and _mama ta koda'_. Because _bayi_ means "female" and _mama_ means "male," the definitions of "stallion" and "mare" appear to have been interchanged in error.]

Heavy loads of field products are transported on animals, or are carried in cylindrical bark or rattan boxes or carrying frames (Fig. 30). Such a receptacle is supported on the back by means of a band which pa.s.ses around the forehead, or by other bands which slip over the shoulders.

Both s.e.xes carry loads in this way, although it must be confessed that consideration for the members of the gentler s.e.x has not reached such a stage that they are relieved of any great part of such labor. When gathering grain and forest products, or when searching for snails, the woman attaches a small basket to her belt so that it hangs at a convenient height against her thigh. We have previously noticed the decorated bags and baskets which serve as pockets, and also contain the betel nut outfits.

FIG. 30. CARRYING FRAME.

A small child is supported at the mother's hip by means of a broad sash, which pa.s.ses over the right shoulder and under the left arm. When it is able to walk the scarf is discarded, and it sits astride the mother's hip, where it is held in place by her left arm. Older children and the men devote considerable time to the newcomers, but at a very early age the youngsters begin to run about as wild and carefree as only little savages can.

The Bagobo is a keen trader and many small articles of all kinds reach, and pa.s.s from him through trade; and to make this barter possible he intentionally produces an excess of certain things. Chief of these is hemp, which he now carries to the coast traders, and for which he receives trade cloth, iron pots, copper gongs, bells, and the beads which he prizes so highly. In exchange for the betel boxes, bells, and knife guards, which come from his forge, he receives sh.e.l.l disks, certain articles of dress, cooking pots, and various other household articles as well as salt and some animals. The knives made by him are in great demand and often travel far inland. While among the Bukidnon of the North-Central part of the Island the writer secured one blade and guard of undoubted Bagobo workmanship. In early days, Chinese and Moro traders brought gongs, jars, plates, and other crockery, as well as many other articles now among the prized heirlooms of wealthy men or occupying an important place in the ceremonial life of the tribe.

Through these same channels came the Borneo ivory of which the ear plugs are made, while other objects from more distant regions were occasionally brought in. Two examples of this trade are now in the collections of the Field Museum of Natural History. One is a jacket made from Javanese cloth; the second a belt buckle which apparently originated in Perak.

Local feuds, as well as the desire of individuals to be known as _magani_, have always made it unsafe for small numbers of traders to venture to any great distance from home, and this has been a great hindrance to trade. However, large parties, even from other tribes, sometimes go to a village for purposes of trade, having previously notified the inhabitants of their intentions. While in Malilla the writer met with a party of thirty Bila-an traders who lived three days'

march to the east. The influence of capture, intermarriage, and looting, in carrying the artifacts of one tribe into the territory of another has previously been mentioned.

WARFARE.

The offensive weapons used by the Bagobo are spears, knives (Fig. 15 and Plate x.x.xII), and at times bows and arrows (Fig. 17). For defense they carry shields, either round or oblong (Figs. 31-32), and cover the body with so many strips of hemp cloth that a knife thrust is warded off.

Turning his body sideways to the enemy, the warrior crouches behind his shield, keeping up a continuous capering, rushing forward or dancing backward, seeking for an opening but seldom coming to close quarters.

Arrows and spears are glanced off with the shield. An attack is usually initiated by the throwing of spears, then, if the enemy is at a disadvantage or confused, the warriors rush in to close combat. For this purpose they rely entirely on their knives, and as fencers they are unexcelled. They are but indifferent shots with the bow and arrow, and that weapon is but little used in actual combat. It has been frequently stated that these arrows are poisoned but I was unable to discover a single specimen so prepared. When hard-pressed, or when a camp must be made in dangerous territory, sharpened bamboo sticks--_sogiang_--are stuck into the ground with their points directed toward the enemy. These must be carefully gathered up by the pursuers, who otherwise run the risk of having the knife-like blades driven into their feet. Old warriors state that in former years they not only covered the upper part of the body with hemp cloth but wound over this long decorated strips called _gindua_; they also tell of coats of mail made of carabao horn or rattan. None of these outfits exist in the territory today, but it is not at all improbable that they were formerly in use, for the long decorated bands are still found among the Bukidnon of the North, with whom some trade is carried on; and a few coats of mail are to be seen among the neighboring Moro.

FIG. 31A AND B. FRONT AND BACK OF AN OBLONG SHIELD.

FIG. 32A AND B. A.--FRONT OF A DECORATED SHIELD. B.--BACK OF SHIELD A.

Hostile raids against the neighboring Bila-an, Tagakaolo, and Ata seem to have been common from the most ancient times. After the arrival of the Spaniards there were many minor conflicts with the Moro, and the tribal history takes note of several serious feuds between Bagobo villages. Single warriors, usually those desiring to become _magani_, sometimes enter hostile territory and there lie in wait for an opportunity to spear a pa.s.sing foe. The fact that these attacks are frequently from ambush, or that whole families are slain while asleep on the floors of their houses, does not seem to detract in the least from the honor due for the deed. Generally, parties of sixty or more, under the direction of a _magani_, are made up to avenge the death of their townspeople, to secure loot and slaves, or to win glory and distinction.

An ambush is formed near to a hostile village and just at dawn an attack is made on the early risers who are scattered and unprepared. The invaders are usually satisfied with a few victims and then make their escape. Women and children are either killed or are carried away as slaves. It is customary for all the warriors to make at least one cut in the bodies, and to eat a portion of the livers of enemies who have shown great bravery, for in this way it is thought they gain in that quality.

This seems to be the only occasion when human flesh is tasted, despite the fact that the members of this tribe have been frequently referred to as cannibals.

The warriors of Cibolan and Malilla formerly carried heads of enemies to their towns and made use of them during the _GinEm_ ceremony, while at Bansalan and Digos a lock of hair, cut from the head of the slain, answered the same purpose. Individual raiders sometimes carry home a head or a hand as evidence of a successful fight, and at such times festivals may be held to celebrate the event. However, the trophy soon loses its value and is hung or buried at a distance from the village.

Head-hunting for the sake of the trophy itself, does not exist here.

Peace can be effected by means of a blood compact known as _dayandi_.

Each princ.i.p.al cuts his own wrist until the blood flows freely; this he catches in his free hand and offers to the other partic.i.p.ant to drink.

Sometimes the blood of both is caught and mixed in a dish from which they drink, meanwhile addressing the _tigyama_,[29] saying, "We are now like brothers, like children of the same parents, and now we cannot fight any more. We ask you to be the witnesses."

[29] See p. 107. [Transcriber's note: 12 pages later in this doc.u.ment.]

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION.

There seems to be no trace of clan or totemic grouping among the Bagobo.

Blood relationship is traced as far as the second cousin and is a bar to marriage. The suggestion that a man might marry his mother-in-law was received with horror, but whether this was due to local mother-in-law stories or to an idea of relationship could not be ascertained. However, a man may marry the sister of his wife.

Each district has its head man, or petty _datu_ who is supposed to be subject to the _datu_ of Cibolan. This seems actually to have been the case until a few years ago, when some of the local rulers withdrew their allegiance. The office is hereditary and usually pa.s.ses from the father to his eldest son. Should the _datu_ be without an heir, or the son be considered inefficient, the under chiefs and wise old men may choose a leader from among their number.

In his own district the power of the _datu_ is very great, but even he is obliged to respect the laws and customs handed down by the ancestors.

He is supreme judge in all matters, though he may, if he desires, call in the old men to help him decide difficult cases. The usual method of punishment is by means of a fine. Should the culprit be unwilling or unable to pay he is placed in servitude until such a time as the debt is considered canceled, but should he refuse to serve he is killed without further ado. The _datu_ appoints a man for this purpose, and he usually gets his victim by stealth, either by waylaying him in the road or by driving a spear through him as he lies asleep on the floor of his house.

When a fine is levied the _datu_ retains a portion as pay for his services; if the more drastic punishment follows it serves to emphasize his power and is more valuable to him than the payment. When his house needs repairing, his hemp requires stripping, or his fields need attention, his followers give him a.s.sistance. In return for these services he helps support a number of fighting men who can always be called upon for the defence of the people. His house is considered the property of all to the extent that anyone goes there at any time and stays as long as he pleases, partaking meanwhile of the _datu's_ food.

In times of danger, or during festivals, all the people a.s.semble there and a.s.sist, in the defense or the merry-making.

Datu Tongkaling is the most industrious man in the tribe. He does not hesitate to work in the rice fields, to aid in the house-building or to take his turn at the forge, neither will he tolerate any loafing on the part of his followers. While in most instances he mingles freely with his people he never eats with them. His wives, children, and guests eat from a long row of dishes set on the floor, but the _datu_ takes his food alone at a considerable distance from the others.

The balance of the people can be roughly divided between freeman and slaves, but slavery here is of such a mild type, and the members of that cla.s.s become so quickly merged into the tribe that the lines cannot be closely drawn. Women and children secured in raids become the slaves of their captors, and may be bought and sold, or pa.s.s by inheritance, like other property. It is considered proper for a man to live with his slave without marrying her, but should she become pregnant she is usually given her freedom at once; if not then, she is certain to be upon the death of her master, while her offspring are free and legitimate heirs.

Children born to a slave couple remain in their cla.s.s, as do those born to a slave mother and a man not her master. These slaves are treated with kindness and consideration and seldom try to make their escape. In fact it is often difficult to pick out the members of this cla.s.s from the other members of the family.

The chief aim in life of the man is to have the right to wear the blood-red clothing and to be known as _magani_. As stated earlier in the paper, this term is applied to a man who has killed two or more persons.

He is then ent.i.tled to wear the peculiar chocolate-colored head covering (Plate XXV). When his score has reached four he can don blood-red trousers, and when he has six lives to his credit he is permitted to wear the complete blood-red suit and to carry a bag of the same color.[30] From that time on his clothing does not change with the number of his victims, but his influence increases with each life put to his credit. It is said that formerly, at Digos and Bansalan, a man who had killed twenty or more was known as _gemawan_, and was distinguished by a black hemp suit. This claim to the black clothing is no longer respected, and such garments are worn by any who desire them. The man who has never killed a person is called _matalo_, a rather slighting term signifying one who has no desire to fight but remains at home with the women. A man who kills an unfaithful wife and her admirer may count the two on his score. He may also count those of his townspeople whom he has killed in fair fight, but unprovoked murder will be punished by the death of the offender. The candidate for _magani_ honors may go to an unfriendly town, or to a neighboring tribe, and kill without fear of censure from his own people.