The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao Part 16

[122] Further information regarding these spirits will be found in the Relations of Loarca, 1582 (BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. V, p. 171), and the Relation of Juan de Plasencia, 1589 (_ibid_, Vol. VII, pp. 189-96, Vol.

XII, p. 265). It is worthy of note that the Bagobo spirit Toglat, who is one of the pair responsible for marriages and births, is sometimes addressed as Maniladan.

THE TUNGUD MOVEMENT

In 1908 a religious movement known as _tungud_ started among the Man.o.bo[123] at the source of the Rio Libaganon. Soon it had spread over practically the whole southeastern portion of Mindanao, and finally reached the Mandaya of the Pacific Coast. According to Mr. J. M. Garvan, of the Philippine Bureau of Science, the movement was instigated by a Man.o.bo named Mapakla. This man was taken ill, probably with cholera, and was left for dead by his kinsmen. Three days later he appeared among the terrified people and explained, that a powerful spirit named Magbabaya had entered his body and cured him. He further stated that the world was about to be destroyed and that only those persons who gave heed to his instructions would survive. These instructions bade all to cease planting and to kill their animals for, he said, "if they survive to the end they will eat you." A religious house or shrine was to be built in every settlement, and was to be looked after by divinely appointed ministers. Those persons who were at first inclined to be skeptical as to the truth of the message, were soon convinced by seeing the Magbabaya enter the bodies of the ministers, causing them to perform new, frantic dances, interrupted only by trembling fits during which their eyes protruded and gave them the semblance of dead men.

[123] Not the Kulaman.

By the time the _tungud_ had reached the Mayo district it had lost most of its striking features, but was still powerful enough to cause many of the Mandaya to kill their animals and hold religious dances. The coast Moro, who at that time were restless, took advantage of the movement to further a plan to drive American planters and Christianized natives from the district. The leading Mandaya were invited to the house of the Moro _pandita_[124] "to see the spirit Diwata." During several nights the son of the _pandita_ impersonated the spirit and appeared in the darkened room. Over his chest and forehead he had stretched thin gauze and beneath this had placed many fire-flies, which to the imaginative people made him appear superhuman. His entrance into the room was attended by a vigorous shaking of the house, caused by a younger brother stationed below. A weird dance followed and then the spirit advised the people to rise and wipe out the whole Christianized population. The Mandaya had become so impressed by the nightly appearance of Diwata that it is more than probable they would have joined the Moro in their project had not an American planter at Mayo learned of the plot. He imprisoned the leaders, thus ending a scheme which, if successful, would have given new attributes to at least one of the spirits.

[124] The religious head of the settlement.

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

The before-mentioned _ballyan_ direct the religious observances of the tribe. Their mysterious powers give them great influence among their fellows but, nevertheless, they are subservient to the local ruler.

The tribe is divided into many small groups, each of which is governed by a _bagani_. To reach this coveted position a man must have distinguished himself as a warrior and have killed at least ten persons with his own hand.[125] The victims need not be killed in warfare and may be of any s.e.x or age so long as they come from a hostile village.

When the required number of lives has been taken, the aspirant appeals to the neighboring _bagani_ for the right to be numbered in their select company. They will a.s.semble to partake of a feast prepared by the candidate and then solemnly discuss the merits of his case. The pet.i.tion may be disregarded entirely, or it may be decided that the exploits related are sufficient only to allow the warrior to be known as a half _bagani_. In this case he may wear trousers of red cloth, but if he is granted the full t.i.tle he is permitted to don a blood-red suit and to wear a turban of the same hue. This distinction is eagerly sought by the more vigorous men of the tribe and, as a result, many lives are taken each year.

[125] At Mayo it was said that it is necessary to kill only six, but the two _bagani_ living there had each killed more than twice that number.

Among the Mansaka the number required is often as high as thirty.

A short time ago a candidate entered the district of Bungalung on the east coast of Davao and killed thirty-two persons. In that same section are now living five _bagani_ who have gained this t.i.tle by similar exploits.[126] Whole communities become involved in feuds as a result of these individual raids, for it is the duty of a murdered man's family to seek revenge for his death. It is not necessary that they kill the offender, as any member of his family or settlement will suffice. In some districts the unmarried relatives of a murdered person are not allowed to wed until the death is avenged.

[126] These are Maclingtong at Pandisan; Pankard at Tagauanan; Kasicknan, Lewanan, and Malangit, in the mountains between Taguanan and Piso.

Instances are known where the old men have conferred the t.i.tle of _bagani_ upon the son of some deceased warrior. In such a case the recipient of the honor starts at once to fulfil the requirements of election, for otherwise he brings disgrace to himself and family. In his own settlement the oldest of the _bagani_ becomes supreme ruler, and if powerful enough he may extend his influence to a considerable distance.

In a few cases on the East coast the holders of the t.i.tle have so instilled fear of themselves into the neighboring districts that they have been able to levy blackmail, even on the Christianized natives. War parties are led by these wearers of the red garments, and they also enforce the laws handed down from their forefathers.

The day a warrior is elevated to this order he is in a large measure cut away from his fellows. He no longer a.s.sociates with them as equals but eats his meals alone, unless it happens that other _bagani_ are present.

Below the _bagani_ in rank come the warriors, a cla.s.s which includes practically all the able-bodied free men; and still below them are the slaves. Slavery was an ancient inst.i.tution with this people when the Spaniards first visited their country, and it has continued to flourish up to the present, in all districts a little removed from the influence of the white man. The great majority of slaves are secured by capture, but until recent years the Moro of the coast have carried on a lucrative slave trade with this tribe. Girls and women become members of their master's household, but their children are treated as slaves. Captive boys and men aid their masters in the chase and in the fields, and in most cases it would be hard indeed for a stranger to pick servant from master. Sometimes the people of a neighboring village ransom one of their fellows and in such a case the freed slave may return to his old home or he may become a free member of the community in which he has been serving.

DWELLINGS

The insecurity of life resulting from the conditions described has caused the people to build their homes high in the branches of trees, often so situated on the edge of cliffs that they can be approached only from one direction (Plates LXXIII-LXXIV).

Two sorts of dwellings are commonly seen. Of these, the rudest rest on the limbs of trees, and conform in size and shape to the nature of the supporting branches. Some few houses of this kind have horizontal sides and sloping roofs, but more frequently a roof which slopes directly from a central ridge pole to the edges of the platform does away with the necessity of side walls.

The second and more common type of house is shown in Plate LXXIV. Here the top of the tree has been cut off some fifteen or twenty feet above the ground leaving a stump to serve as a part of the foundation. Many smaller poles help support the floor and then extend upward to form the wall and roof stays. The upper flooring of beaten bark rests on cross-beams which have been lashed to the uprights. Above it are occasional horizontal poles, forming a skeleton to which the walls of _nipa_ palm are fastened. In some houses two or three of the foundation poles extend above the floor to such a height that they are used as the supports for the ridge pole. In others true king posts rest on the beams, which in turn are supported by the corner poles. From the ridge a number of smaller rods extend to or project out over the side walls, and on them rests the roofing of _nipa_ palm. A s.p.a.ce of several inches often intervenes between the roof and the side walls. The whole structure is so firmly lashed together with rattan that it is capable of withstanding severe storms, despite the fact that it gives and creaks with every wind. During violent storms the house is further secured by anchoring it with rattan lines to nearby trees.

Entrance to the dwelling is gained by means of bamboo or rattan ladders.

These are drawn up at night, and with all means of access thus removed the inhabitants need have little fear of a surprise attack. If enemies do attempt to dislodge them the defenders have the advantage of their elevated position in the use of their weapons.

Generally, each house contains only one room which varies in size according to the number of inhabitants. Frequently two or three families are found living in one house, for it is the custom for the suitors, and often for the husbands of the married daughters, to live with the girls'

people.

Near the door, or in one comer of the room, is a small box of earth in which several stones are imbedded. This const.i.tutes the hearth, about which is found a miscellany of pots, jars, and other kitchen vessels.

The smoke finds its way out through a small opening at each end of the roof, or through the narrow s.p.a.ce under the eaves. There is no recognized arrangement of the room. Utensils[127] are scattered promiscuously about and when the inhabitants are ready to sleep they occupy such parts of the floor as are free or can be most easily cleared.

[127] These consist of baskets, rice mortars, and winnowers, weaving outfits, bark dye vats, as well as traps and weapons, nearly all of which are so similar to those already described for the Bagobo that they do not call for special notice here.

The people of a community build their houses within a short distance of one another, yet seldom so close together as to form a village. However, village life is not entirely unknown, for in the vicinity of Cateel Governor Bolton found six houses, partially surrounded by palisades, perched on the top of a conical hill.

Lieutenant Youngblood gives the following description of the people and dwellings seen by him near the upper waters of the Agusan river:

"The people seemed to be living in an atmosphere of fear as far as intercourse with the world outside their crater-like valley was concerned. They believed it was death to look upon the sea, of which they had heard disjointed tales, but which none of them had ever seen.

They feared the coast people with a mortal fear, justified perhaps by the experiences of occasional meetings in times gone by. They fear each other to a certain extent, especially men who live further north of the headwaters of the Agusan. This ever-present state of fear gives coloring to their whole life. They take to the brush at the least unwonted sound.

They make their clearings on the steep mountainsides and in these build two or three of their houses in strategic positions. In the very construction of their dwellings the idea of security in case of attack is predominant.

"The houses in this section are generally built in clearings on the sawn-off trunk of some giant tree and placed from the ground some forty or fifty feet. Numerous posts help support the structure, entrance to which is gained by a notched pole firmly set in the ground and held in place by tightly wound bejuca. Oftentimes this stair pole is bowed outwards slightly, which gives it a peculiar appearance and requires a considerable amount of skill in climbing. The front and only door to these houses consists of a section of the floor composed of hewn plank, hinged at one end. One end of this is raised by a bejuca rope during the day, while at night it is let down forming a solid floor throughout the house.

"The roof is of shingles made from mountain cane; the floor and sides of hand-hewn logs and planks; the roof is at no place more than seven feet from the floor and is blackened on the inside from smoke. The largest house visited in this locality was that of Chief Leuanan, and this was some twenty feet square. These houses consist of one room and are inhabited by two or more families."

AGRICULTURE

About the settlements are the fields in which rice, corn, camotes, sugar-cane, and a small amount of tobacco, cotton and hemp are raised.

However, the crops are usually so small that even with the addition of game and forest products there is, each year, a period closely bordering on starvation. New clearings are frequently made near to the old, for the primitive tools[128] with which the people work are ill-fitted to combat the incursion into the open land of the rank cogon gra.s.s. Only the exhaustion of suitable timber land for a new clearing, the prevalence of an epidemic, or the near approach of a powerful enemy will cause the people to move their homes from one district to another.

[128] These consist of a mall axe, working knife, and planting stick.

We have already referred to the important part the _limokon_ plays in the selection and clearing of a new plot of ground,[129] and to the offerings made to the spirits when it becomes necessary to cut down certain trees.[130] The crops, aside from the rice, are planted and harvested without further reference to the spirit world, but the cultivation and care of this cereal can only be carried on according to certain fixed conditions.

[129] See pages 173 and 177.

[130] Near Cateel the wishes of the spirits are learned by means of cords. A number of strings are tied together in the center and the knot is buried. The loose ends are then joined and if it happens that the two ends of a cord have been tied together it is taken as a sign that the spirits give their consent to the proposed clearing.

About November first, when a group of seven stars called _poyo poyo_ appears in the west, it is a signal for all who expect to clear new land to begin their labors. By December first this constellation rises straight above and it is then time to plant. This is further confirmed by the appearance of a star known as _sabak_. If any have delayed their planting until the middle of December they are given a last warning when the stars forming _Bayatik_[131] appear.

[131] This is the same as _balatik_, page 62.

As soon as the land has been cleared a pole is placed in the center of the field and is surrounded by a fence. This is known as _tagbinian_ and seems to be erected in honor of the spirit Omayan, although by some it is insisted that it is intended for his residence. The seed rice is deposited inside the enclosure[132] and the men begin to prepare the soil about it. This they do by thrusting sharpened sticks into the ground, thus making holes an inch or two in depth. Taking rice from the _tagbinian_ the women follow, dropping seeds into the holes.

[132] Maxey relates that at planting and harvest tune the Mandaya of Cateel carry offerings to the _baliti_ trees and there offer it to Diwata, in supplication or thanks for an abundant crop.

When the harvest time is near at hand the men repair the old granaries or build new and then, when all is ready for the crop, an old man or woman goes alone, in the middle of the night, to the fields and there cuts a few stalks of the rice. Should this be neglected the crop is sure to be small and will vanish quickly. This grain is not used as an offering, nor are any gifts made to the spirits until the crop has been harvested and the people are ready to eat of the new rice. At that time a little of the recently harvested grain is placed on a dish, together with other food and betel-nut, and is carried to the granary, where it is presented to the spirit "in order that the granary may always be full." When the grain is needed for use it is removed from the straw by pounding it with wooden pestles, it is then placed in a wooden mortar and is again pounded until the husks are loosened. This accomplished, the grain is freed from chaff by tossing it in a winnower. If a greater amount has been cleared than is needed it is stored in gourds or water-proof baskets (Fig. 50). A month or two after the harvest a great celebration is held, the princ.i.p.al features of which are a feast and dance but no offerings are then made to the spirits.

FIG. 50. GOURD RICE HOLDER.

The small crop of sugar-cane is made into an alcoholic drink, which is sometimes indulged in at meal time but is generally reserved for festive occasions. The juice is boiled with a plant called _palba_, similar to ginger, and is stored away in bamboo tubes until it has reached a suitable stage of fermentation. Another drink is made by boiling strained honey with the _palba_ and allowing it to ferment.

HUNTING AND FISHING

A considerable portion of the food supply is secured by hunting and fishing. Small birds are captured by placing a sticky substance on bare limbs of fruit-bearing trees, or by fastening gummed sticks in places frequented by birds. When a victim alights on this it is held securely until captured by the hunter. Fig. 51 shows another method of securing such small game. A cord with a noose at one end is attached to a bent limb. In the center of this cord is tied a short stick which acts as a trigger. This trigger is placed with the top end pressing against an arched twig _a_, while the other end draws _b_ against the sides of the arch. Other sticks rest on _b_ and on them is a covering of leaves on which is placed bait and the open noose. The weight of a bird or small animal on the cross-piece is sufficient to release the trigger and then the bent limb draws the noose taut.

FIG. 51. BIRD SNARE.

The series of slip nooses attached to a central cord which surrounds a tame decoy is also found in use here, and boys frequently secure birds by means of blow-guns. The latter do not differ from those already described on p. 73, but with this tribe they are regarded only as a boy's plaything.