The True Benjamin Franklin Part 16

The war with France was over, and Canada and the Ohio Valley had been ceded to the English by the treaty of Paris, signed in February, 1763.

But the Indians, having lost their French friends, determined to destroy the English, and, inspired by the genius of Pontiac, they took fort after fort and, rushing upon the whole colonial frontier of Pennsylvania, swept the people eastward to the Delaware with even worse devastation and slaughter than they had inflicted after Braddock's defeat. I cannot give here the full details of this war,[23] and must confine myself to one phase of it with which Franklin was particularly concerned.

The Scotch-Irish who occupied the frontier counties of Pennsylvania suffered most severely from these Indian raids, and believed that the proprietary and Quaker government at Philadelphia neglected the defence of the province. Their resentment was strongest against the Quakers.

They held the Quaker religion in great contempt and viewed with scorn the attempts of the Quakers to pacify the Indians and befriend those of them who were willing to give up the war-path and adopt the white man's mode of life.

Some friendly Indians, descendants of the tribes that had welcomed William Penn, were living at Conestoga, near Lancaster, in a degenerate condition, having given up both war and hunting, and following the occupations of basket- and broom-making. They were the wards of the proprietary government, and were given presents and supplies from time to time. There were also at Bethlehem some other friendly Indians who had been converted to Christianity by the Moravians.

The Scotch-Irish believed that all of these so-called friendly Indians were in league with the hostile tribes, furnished them with information, and even partic.i.p.ated in their murders. They asked the governor to remove them, and a.s.sured him that their removal would secure the safety of the frontier. Nothing being done by the governor, a party of Scotch-Irish rangers started to destroy the Moravian Indians, but were prevented by a rain-storm. The governor afterwards, through commissioners, investigated these Moravian Indians, and finding reason to suspect them, they were all brought down to Philadelphia and quartered in barracks. But the Conestoga Indians were attacked by a party of fifty-seven Scotch-Irish, afterwards known as the "Paxton Boys," who, finding only six of them in the village,--three men, two women, and a boy,--ma.s.sacred them all, mangled their bodies, and burnt their property. The remaining fourteen of the tribe were collected by the sheriff and put for protection in the Lancaster jail. The Paxtons hearing of it, immediately attacked the jail and cut the Indians to pieces with hatchets.

We have grown so accustomed to lynch law that this slaughter of the Conestogas would not now cause much surprise, especially in some parts of the country; but it was a new thing to the colonists, who in many respects were more orderly than are their descendants, and a large part of the community were shocked, disgusted, and indignant. Franklin wrote a pamphlet which had a wide circulation and a.s.sailed the Scotch-Irish as inhuman, brutal cowards, worse than Arabs and Turks; fifty-seven of them, armed with rifles, knives, and hatchets, had actually succeeded, he said, in killing three old men, two women, and a boy.

The Paxton lynchers, however, were fully supported by the people of the frontier. A large body of frontiersmen marched on Philadelphia with the full intention of revolutionizing the Quaker government, and they would have succeeded but for the unusual preparations for defence. They were finally, with some difficulty, persuaded to return without using their rifles.

The governor was powerless to secure even the arrest of the men who had murdered the Indians in the jail, and the disorder was so flagrant and the weakness of the executive branch of the government so apparent that the Quakers and a majority of the people thought there was now good reason for openly pet.i.tioning the crown to abolish the proprietorship.

While in England, Franklin had been advised not to raise this question, and he had accordingly confined his efforts to taxing the proprietary estates.

The arrangement he had made provided that the estates should be fairly taxed, but the governor and the a.s.sembly differed in opinion as to what was fair. The governor claimed that the best wild lands of the proprietors should be taxed at the rate paid by the people for their worst, and he tried the old tactics of forcing this point by delaying a supply bill intended to defend the province against Pontiac and his Indians. The a.s.sembly pa.s.sed the bill to suit him, but immediately raised the question of the abolition of the proprietorship. Twenty-five resolutions were pa.s.sed most abusive of the proprietors, and the a.s.sembly then adjourned to let the people decide by a general election whether a pet.i.tion should be sent to the king asking for direct royal government.

A most exciting political campaign followed in which Franklin took the side of the majority in favor of a pet.i.tion, and wrote several of his most brilliant pamphlets. He particularly a.s.sailed Provost Smith, who, in a preface to a printed speech by John d.i.c.kinson defending the proprietary government, had eulogized William Penn in one of those laudatory epitaphs which were the fashion of the day:

"Utterly to confound the a.s.sembly, and show the excellence of proprietary government, the Prefacer has extracted from their own votes the praises they have from time to time bestowed on the first proprietor, in their addresses to his son. And, though addresses are not generally the best repositories of historical truth, we must not in this instance deny their authority.

"That these encomiums on the father, though sincere, have occurred so frequently, was owing, however, to two causes: first, a vain hope the a.s.semblies entertained, that the father's example, and the honors done his character, might influence the conduct of the sons; secondly, for that, in attempting to compliment the sons upon their own merits, there was always found an extreme scarcity of matter. Hence, _the father, the honored and honorable father_, was so often repeated, that the sons themselves grew sick of it, and have been heard to say to each other with disgust, when told that A, B, and C, were come to wait upon them with addresses on some public occasion, '_Then I suppose we shall hear more about our father_.' So that, let me tell the Prefacer, who perhaps was unacquainted with this anecdote, that if he hoped to curry more favor with the family, by the inscription he has framed for that great man's monument, he may find himself mistaken; for there is too much in it of _our father_."

Franklin then goes on to say that he will give a sketch "in the lapidary way" which will do for a monument to the sons of William Penn.

"Be this a Memorial Of T---- and R---- P---- P---- of P---- Who with estates immense Almost beyond computation When their own province And the whole British empire Were engaged in a b.l.o.o.d.y & most expensive war Begun for the defence of those estates Could yet meanly desire To have those very estates Totally or partially Exempted from taxation While their fellow subjects all around them Groaned Under the universal burden.

To gain this point They refused the necessary laws For the defence of their people And suffered their colony to welter in its blood Rather than abate in the least Of these their dishonest pretensions.

The privileges granted by their father Wisely and benevolently To encourage the first settlers of the province They Foolishly and cruelly, Taking advantage of public distress, Have extorted from the posterity of those settlers; And are daily endeavoring to reduce them To the most abject slavery; Though to the virtue and industry of those people, In improving their country They owe all that they possess and enjoy.

A striking instance Of human depravity and ingrat.i.tude; And an irrefragable proof, That wisdom and goodness Do not descend with an inheritance; But that ineffable meanness May be connected with unbounded fortune."

d.i.c.kinson's followers, of course, a.s.sailed Franklin on all sides. Their pamphlets are very exciting reading, especially Hugh Williamson's "What is Sauce for a Goose is also Sauce for a Gander," which describes itself in its curious old-fashioned subt.i.tle as

"Being a small Touch in the Lapidary Way, or t.i.t for Tat, in your own way. An Epitaph on a certain Great Man. Written by a Departed Spirit, and now most humbly inscribed to all his dutiful Sons and Children, who may hereafter choose to distinguish him by the Name of A Patriot. Dear Children, I send you here a little Book for you to look upon that you may see your Pappy's Face when he is dead and gone. Philadelphia, Printed in Arch Street 1764."

"Pappy" is then described for the benefit of his children in an epitaph:

"An Epitaph &c To the much esteem'd Memory of B ... F ... Esq., LL.D.

Possessed of many lucrative Offices Procured to him by the Interest of Men Whom he infamously treated And receiving enormous sums from the Province For Services He never performed After betraying it to Party and Contention He lived, as to the Appearance of Wealth In moderate circ.u.mstances; His princ.i.p.al Estate, seeming to consist In his Hand Maid Barbara A most valuable Slave The Foster Mother of his last offspring Who did his dirty Work And in two Angelic Females Whom Barbara also served As Kitchen Wench and Gold Finder But alas the Loss!

Providence for wise tho' secret ends Lately deprived him of the Mother of Excellency.

His Fortune was not however impaired For he piously withheld from her Manes The pitiful stipend of Ten pounds per Annum On which he had cruelly suffered her To starve Then stole her to the Grave in Silence Without a Pall, the covering due to her dignity Without a tomb or even A Monumental Inscription."

Franklin was a more skilful "lapidary" than his enemies, and his pamphlets were expressed in better language, but there is now very little doubt that he and the majority of the people were in the wrong.

The colony had valuable liberties and privileges which had been built up by the a.s.sembly through the efforts of nearly a hundred years. In spite of all the aggressions of the proprietors these liberties remained unimpaired and were even stronger than ever. The appeal to the king to take the colony under his direct control might lead to disastrous results; for if the people once surrendered themselves to the crown and the proprietorship was abolished, the king and Parliament might also abolish the charter and destroy every popular right.[24] In fact, the ministry were at that very time contemplating the Stamp Act and other measures which brought on the Revolution. Franklin seemed incapable of appreciating this, and retained for ten years, and in the face of the most obvious facts, his strange confidence in the king.

But the pet.i.tion was carried by an overwhelming majority, although Franklin failed to be re-elected to the a.s.sembly. He never had been so fiercely a.s.sailed, and it is probable that the attacks on his morals and motives were far more bitter in ordinary conversation than in the pamphlets. This abuse may have had considerable effect in preventing his election. He was, however, appointed by the a.s.sembly its agent to convey the pet.i.tion to England and present it to the king. He set out in November, 1764, on this his second mission to England which resulted in a residence there of ten years. Fortunately, the pet.i.tion was unsuccessful. He did not press it much, and the a.s.sembly soon repented of its haste.

He settled down comfortably at No. 7 Craven Street, where Mrs. Stevenson and her daughter were delighted to have again their old friend. His scientific studies were renewed,--spots on the sun, smoky chimneys, the aurora borealis, the northwest pa.s.sage, the effect of deep and shallow water on the speed of boats,--and he was appointed on committees to devise plans for putting lightning-rods on St. Paul's Cathedral and the government powder-magazines. The circle of his acquaintance was much enlarged. He a.s.sociated familiarly with the n.o.blemen he met at country houses, was dined and entertained by notables of every sort, became acquainted with Garrick, Mrs. Montague, and Adam Smith, and added another distinguished physician, Sir John Pringle, to the list of his very intimate friends. He dined out almost every day, was admitted to all sorts of clubs, and of course diligently attended the meetings of all the a.s.sociations devoted to learning and science.

Although only an amateur in medicine, he was invited by the physicians to attend the meetings of their club, and it was of this club that he told the story that the question was once raised whether physicians had, on the whole, done more good than harm. After a long debate, Sir John Pringle, the president, was asked to give his opinion, and replied that if by physicians they meant to include old women, he thought they had done more good than harm; otherwise more harm than good.

During this his second mission to England he became more intimate than ever with the good Bishop of St. Asaph, spending part of every summer with him, and it was at his house that he wrote the first part of his Autobiography. In a letter to his wife, dated August 14, 1771, he describes the close of a three weeks' stay at the bishop's:

"The Bishop's lady knows what children and grandchildren I have and their ages; so, when I was to come away on Monday, the 12th, in the morning, she insisted on my staying that one day longer, that we might together keep my grandson's birthday. At dinner, among other nice things, we had a floating island, which they always particularly have on the birthdays of any of their own six children, who were all but one at table, where there was also a clergyman's widow, now above one hundred years old. The chief toast of the day was Master Benjamin Bache, which the venerable old lady began in a b.u.mper of _mountain_. The Bishop's lady politely added 'and that he may be as good a man as his grandfather.' I said I hoped he would be _much better_. The Bishop, still more complaisant than his lady, said: 'We will compound the matter and be contented if he should not prove _quite so good_.'" (Bigelow's Works of Franklin, vol. vi. p.

71.)

The bishop's daughters were great friends of Franklin, and often exchanged with him letters which in many respects were almost equal to his own. Years afterwards, when he was in France during the Revolution, and it was rather imprudent to write to him, one of them, without the knowledge of her parents, sent him a most affectionate and charming girl's letter, which is too long to quote, but is well worth reading.

He had his wife send him from Pennsylvania a number of live squirrels, which he gave to his friends. One which he presented to one of the bishop's daughters having escaped from its cage, and being killed by a dog, he wrote an epitaph on it rather different from his political epitaph:

"Alas! poor MUNGO!

Happy wert thou, hadst thou known Thy own felicity.

Remote from the fierce bald eagle Tyrant of thy native woods, Thou hadst naught to fear from his piercing talons, Nor from the murdering gun Of the thoughtless sportsman.

Safe in thy weird castle GRIMALKIN never could annoy thee.

Daily wert thou fed with the choicest viands, By the fair hand of an indulgent mistress; But, discontented, Thou wouldst have more freedom.

Too soon, alas! didst thou obtain it; And wandering Thou art fallen by the fangs of wanton cruel Ranger!

Learn hence Ye who blindly seek more liberty, Whether subjects, sons, squirrels or daughters, That apparent restraint may be real protection Yielding peace and plenty With security."

Franklin's pleasures in England remind us of other distinguished Americans who, having gone to London to represent their country, have suddenly found themselves in congenial intercourse with all that was best in the nation and enjoying the happiest days of their lives.

Lowell, when minister there, had the same experience as Franklin, and when we read their experiences together, the resemblance is very striking. Others, though perhaps in less degree, have felt the same touch of race. Blood is thicker than water. But I doubt if any of them--Lowell, Motley, or even Holmes in his famous three months'

visit--had such a good time as Franklin.

He loved England and was no doubt delighted with the appointments that sent him there. If it is true, as his enemies have charged, that he schemed for public office, it is not surprising in view of the pleasure he derived from appointments such as these. Writing to Miss Stevenson on March 23, 1763, after he had returned to Pennsylvania from his first mission, he says,--

"Of all the enviable things England has, I envy it most its people. Why should that petty Island, which, compared to America, is but a stepping stone in a brook, scarce enough of it above water to keep one's shoes dry; why, I say should that little Island enjoy, in almost every neighborhood, more sensible, virtuous, and elegant minds than we can collect in ranging a hundred leagues of our vast forests?" (Bigelow's Works of Franklin, vol. iii. p. 233.)

In fact, he had resolved at one time, if he could prevail on Mrs.

Franklin to accompany him, to settle permanently in England. His reason, he writes to Mr. Strahan, was for America, but his inclination for England. "You know which usually prevails. I shall probably make but this one vibration and settle here forever. Nothing will prevent it, if I can, as I hope I can, prevail with Mrs. F. to accompany me, especially if we have a peace."[25] This fondness for the old home no doubt helped to form that very conservative position which he took in the beginning of the Revolution, and which was so displeasing to some people in Ma.s.sachusetts. His reason, though not his inclination, was, as he says, for America, but the ignorant and brutal course of the British ministry finally made reason and inclination one.

FOOTNOTES:

[21] Pennsylvania: Colony and Commonwealth, p. 147.

[22] Bigelow's Works of Franklin, vol. vi. p. 300.

[23] Pennsylvania: Colony and Commonwealth, p. 221.

[24] Pennsylvania: Colony and Commonwealth, chap. xix.

[25] Bigelow's Works of Franklin, vol. iii. p. 212; vol. x. pp. 295, 302.