The Travels of Marco Polo Volume II Part 19

_Caugigu_.--We have seen reason to agree with M. Pauthier that the description of this region points to Laos, though we cannot with him a.s.sign it to Kiang-mai. Even if it be identical with the Papesifu of the Chinese, we have seen that the centre of that state may be placed at Muang Yong not far from the Mekong; whilst I believe that the limits of Caugigu must be drawn much nearer the Chinese and Tungking territory, so as to embrace Kiang Hung, and probably the _Papien_ River. (See note at p. 117.)

As regards the name, it is _possible_ that it may represent some specific name of the Upper Laos territory. But I am inclined to believe that we are dealing with a case of erroneous geographical perspective like that of Bangala; and that whilst the _circ.u.mstances_ belong to Upper Laos, the _name_, read as I read it, _Caugigu_ (or Cavgigu), is no other than the _Kafchikue_ of Rashiduddin, the name applied by him to Tungking, and representing the KIAOCHI-KWe of the Chinese. D'Anville's Atlas brings Kiaochi up to the Mekong in immediate contact with Che-li or Kiang Hung. I had come to the conclusion that Caugigu was _probably_ the correct reading before I was aware that it is an _actual_ reading of the Geog. Text more than once, of Pauthier's A more than once, of Pauthier's C _at least_ once and possibly twice, and of the Bern MS.; all which I have ascertained from personal examination of those ma.n.u.scripts.[1]

_Anin_ or _Aniu_.--I have already pointed out that I seek this in the territory about Lin-ngan and Homi. In relation to this M. Garnier writes: "In starting from Muang Yong, or even if you prefer it, from Xieng Hung (Kiang Hung of our maps), ... it would be physically impossible in 25 days to get beyond the arc which I have laid down on your map (viz. extending a few miles north-east of Homi). There are scarcely any roads in those mountains, and easy lines of communication begin only _after_ you have got to the Lin-ngan territory. In Marco Polo's days things were certainly not better, but the reverse. All that has been done of consequence in the way of roads, posts, and organisation in the part of Yun-nan between Lin-ngan and Xieng Hung, dates in some degree from the Yuen, but in a far greater degree from K'ang-hi." Hence, even with the Ramusian reading of the itinerary, we cannot place _Anin_ much beyond the position indicated already.

[Ill.u.s.tration: Script _tha_ of Xieng-hung.]

_Koloman_.--We have seen that the position of this region is probably near the western frontier of Kwei-chau. Adhering to _Homi_ as the representative of Anin, and to the 8 days' journey of the text, the most probable position of Koloman would be about _Lo-ping_ which lies about 100 English miles in a straight line north-east from Homi. The first character of the name here is again the same as the _Lo_ of the Kolo tribes.

Beyond this point the difficulties of devising an interpretation, consistent at once with facts and with the text as it stands, become insuperable.

The narrative demands that from Koloman we should reach _Fungul_, a great and n.o.ble city, by travelling 12 days along a river, and that Fungul should be within twelve days' journey of Ch'eng-tu fu, along the same river, or at least along rivers connected with it.

In advancing from the south-west guided by the data afforded by the texts, we have not been able to carry the position of Fungul (_Sinugul_, or what not of G.T. and other MSS.) further north than Phungan. But it is impossible that Ch'eng-tu fu should have been reached in 12 days from this point. Nor is it possible that a new post in a secluded position, like Phungan, could have merited to be described as "a great and n.o.ble city."

Baron v. Richthofen has favoured me with a note in which he shows that in reality the only place answering the more essential conditions of Fungul is Siu-chau fu at the union of the two great branches of the Yang-tzu, viz. the Kin-sha Kiang, and the Min-Kiang from Ch'eng-tu fu. (1) The distance from Siu-chau to Ch'eng-tu by land travelling is just about 12 days, and the road is along a river. (2) In approaching "Fungul" from the south Polo met with a good many towns and villages. This would be the case along either of the navigable rivers that join the Yang-tzu below Siu-chau (or along that which joins above Siu-chau, mentioned further on). (3) The large trade in silk up and down the river is a characteristic that could only apply to the Yang-tzu.

These reasons are very strong, though some little doubt must subsist until we can explain the name (Fungul, or Sinugul) as applicable to Siu-chau.[2]

And a.s.suming Siu-chau to be the city we must needs carry the position of _Coloman_ considerably further north than Lo-ping, and must presume the interval between _Anin_ and _Coloman_ to be greatly understated, through clerical or other error. With these a.s.sumptions we should place Polo's Coloman in the vicinity of Wei-ning, one of the localities of Kolo tribes.

From a position near Wei-ning it would be quite possible to reach Siu-chau in 12 days, making use of the facilities afforded by one or other of the partially navigable rivers to which allusion has just been made.

"That one," says M. Garnier in a letter, "which enters the Kiang a little above Siu-chau fu, the River of _Lowa-tong_, which was descended by our party, has a branch to the eastward which is navigable up to about the lat.i.tude of Chao-tong. Is not this probably Marco Polo's route? It is to this day a line much frequented, and one on which great works have been executed; among others two iron suspension bridges, works truly gigantic for the country in which we find them."

[Ill.u.s.tration: Iron Suspension Bridge at Lowatong. (From Garnier.)]

An extract from a Chinese Itinerary of this route, which M. Garnier has since communicated to me, shows that at a point 4 days from Wei-ning the traveller may embark and continue his voyage to any point on the great Kiang.

We are obliged, indeed, to give up the attempt to keep to a line of communicating rivers throughout the whole 24 days. Nor do I see how it is possible to adhere to that condition literally without taking more material liberties with the text.

[Ill.u.s.tration: MARCO POLO'S ITINERARIES No. V.

Indo Chinese Regions (Book II, Chaps. 44-59)]

My theory of Polo's actual journey would be that he returned from Yun-nan fu to Ch'eng-tu fu through some part of the province of Kwei-chau, perhaps only its western extremity, but that he spoke of Caugigu, and probably of Anin, as he did of Bangala, from report only. And, in recapitulation, I would identify provisionally the localities spoken of in this difficult itinerary as follows: _Caugigu_ with Kiang Hung; _Anin_ with Homi; _Coloman_ with the country about Wei-ning in Western Kwei-chau; _Fungul_ or Sinugul with Siu-chau.

[This itinerary is difficult, as Sir Henry Yule says. It takes Marco Polo 24 days to go from Coloman or Toloman to Ch'eng-tu. The land route is 22 days from Yun-nan fu to Swi-fu, via Tung-ch'wan and Chao-t'ung. (_J.

China B.R.A.S._ XXVIII. 74-75.) From the Toloman province, which I place about Lin-ngan and Cheng-kiang, south of Yun-nan fu, Polo must have pa.s.sed a second time through this city, which is indeed at the end of all the routes of this part of South-Western China. He might go back to Sze-ch'wan by the western route, via Tung-ch'wan and Chao-t'ung to Swi-fu, or, by the eastern, easier and shorter route by Siuen-wei chau, crossing a corner of the Kwei-chau province (Wei-ning), and pa.s.sing by Yun-ning hien to the Kiang, this is the route followed by Mr. A. Hosie in 1883 and by Mr.

F.S.A. Bourne in 1885, and with great likelihood by Marco Polo; he may have taken the Yun-ning River to the district city of Na-ch'i hien, which lies on the right bank both of this river and of the Kiang; the Kiang up to Swi-fu and thence to Ch'eng-tu. I do not attempt to explain the difficulty about Fungul.

I fully agree with Sir H. Yule when he says that Polo spoke of Caugigu and of Bangala, probably of Anin, from report only. However, I believe that Caugigu is the _Kiao-Chi kwe_ of the Chinese, that Ani_n_ must be read Ani_u_, that Aniu is but a transcription of _Nan-yue_ that both Nan-yue and Kiao-Chi represent Northern Annam, i.e. the portion of Annam which we call Tung-king. Regarding the tattooed inhabitants of Caugigu, let it be remembered that tattooing existed in Annam till it was prohibited by the Chinese during the occupation of Tung-king at the beginning of the 15th century.--H.C.]

NOTE 7.--Here the traveller gets back to the road-bifurcation near Juju, i.e. Chochau (_ante_ p. 11), and thence commences to travel southward.

[Ill.u.s.tration: Fortified Villages on Western frontier of Kweichau. (From Garnier.)

"Chastians ont-il grant quant.i.te en grandismes montagnes et fortres."]

[1] A pa.s.sing suggestion of the ident.i.ty of Kafchi Kue and Caugigu is made by D'Ohsson, and I formerly objected. (See _Cathay_, p. 272.)

[2] Cuiju might be read _Ciuju_--representing _Siuchau_, but the difficulty about Fungul would remain.

BOOK II.--_Continued_.

PART III.--JOURNEY SOUTHWARD THROUGH EASTERN PROVINCES OF CATHAY AND MANZI.

CHAPTER LX.

CONCERNING THE CITIES OF CACANFU AND OF CHANGLU.

Cacanfu is a n.o.ble city. The people are Idolaters and burn their dead; they have paper-money, and live by trade and handicrafts. For they have plenty of silk from which they weave stuffs of silk and gold, and sendals in large quant.i.ties. [There are also certain Christians at this place, who have a church.] And the city is at the head of an important territory containing numerous towns and villages. [A great river pa.s.ses through it, on which much merchandise is carried to the city of Cambaluc, for by many channels and ca.n.a.ls it is connected therewith.[NOTE 1]]

We will now set forth again, and travel three days towards the south, and then we come to a town called CHANGLU. This is another great city belonging to the Great Kaan, and to the province of Cathay. The people have paper-money, and are Idolaters and burn their dead. And you must know they make salt in great quant.i.ties at this place; I will tell you how 'tis done.[NOTE 2]

A kind of earth is found there which is exceedingly salt. This they dig up and pile in great heaps. Upon these heaps they pour water in quant.i.ties till it runs out at the bottom; and then they take up this water and boil it well in great iron cauldrons, and as it cools it deposits a fine white salt in very small grains. This salt they then carry about for sale to many neighbouring districts, and get great profit thereby.

There is nothing else worth mentioning, so let us go forward five days'

journey, and we shall come to a city called Chinangli.

NOTE 1.--In the greater part of the journey which occupies the remainder of Book II., Pauthier is a chief authority, owing to his industrious Chinese reading and citation. Most of his identifications seem well founded, though sometimes we shall be constrained to dissent from them widely. A considerable number have been antic.i.p.ated by former editors, but even in such cases he is often able to bring forward new grounds.

CACANFU is HO-KIEN FU in Pe Chih-li, 52 miles in a direct line south by east of Chochau. It was the head of one of the _Lu_ or circuits into which the Mongols divided China. (_Pauthier_.)

NOTE 2.--Marsden and Murray have identified Changlu with T'SANG-CHAU in Pe Chih-li, about 30 miles east by south of Ho-kien fu. This seems substantially right, but Pauthier shows that there was an old town actually called CH'ANGLU, separated from T'sang-chau only by the great ca.n.a.l. [Ch'ang-lu was the name of T'sang-chau under the T'ang and the Kin.

(See _Playfair, Dict._, p. 34.)--H.C.]

The manner of obtaining salt, described in the text, is substantially the same as one described by Duhalde, and by one of the missionaries, as being employed near the mouth of the Yang-tzu kiang. There is a town of the third order some miles south-east of T'sang-chau, called _Yen-shan_ or "salt-hill," and, according to Pauthier, T'sang-chau is the mart for salt produced there. (_Duhalde_ in _Astley_, IV. 310; _Lettres Edif._ XI. 267 seqq.; _Biot._ p. 283.)

Polo here introduces a remark about the practice of burning the dead, which, with the notice of the idolatry of the people, and their use of paper-money, const.i.tutes a formula which he repeats all through the Chinese provinces with wearisome iteration. It is, in fact, his definition of the Chinese people, for whom he seems to lack a comprehensive name.

A great change seems to have come over Chinese custom, since the Middle Ages, in regard to the disposal of the dead. Cremation is now entirely disused, except in two cases; one, that of the obsequies of a Buddhist priest, and the other that in which the coffin instead of being buried has been exposed in the fields, and in the lapse of time has become decayed.

But it is impossible to reject the evidence that it was a common practice in Polo's age. He repeats the a.s.sertion that it was _the_ custom at every stage of his journey through Eastern China; though perhaps his taking absolutely no notice of the practice of burial is an instance of that imperfect knowledge of strictly Chinese peculiarities which has been elsewhere ascribed to him. It is the case, however, that the author of the Book of the Estate of the Great Kaan (circa 1330) also speaks of cremation as the usual Chinese practice, and that Ibn Batuta says positively: "The Chinese are infidels and idolaters, and they burn their dead after the manner of the Hindus." This is all the more curious, because the Arab _Relations_ of the 9th century say distinctly that the Chinese bury their dead, though they often kept the body long (as they do still) before burial; and there is no mistaking the description which Conti (15th century) gives of the Chinese mode of sepulture. Mendoza, in the 16th century, alludes to no disposal of the dead except by burial, but Semedo in the early part of the 17th says that bodies were occasionally burnt, especially in Sze-ch'wan.