The Story of Norway Part 15

Olaf Haroldsson, Harold Sigurdsson's son, steered his course first to the Orkneys, where his half-sister Maria, in the meanwhile, had died.

There he remained during the winter and spring, and sailed the following summer, with Queen Ellisif and his sister Ingegerd, to Norway. Of all the splendid fleet with which his father had sailed away only twenty-four ships returned.

King Harold was fifty-one years old when he fell. In spite of the discontent of the chiefs, Norway took great strides, during his reign, toward a settled internal condition. The tribes were being welded into a people. In every branch of the administration the king's strong hand was felt. His wars, though in one sense disastrous, tended, on the whole, to give Norway a secure place among the nations. A long controversy which he had concerning ecclesiastical affairs with Archbishop Adalbert of Bremen ended in his triumph, and though no formal decision was made, the Norwegian Church ceased, for a while, to recognize the supremacy of the see of Bremen. If King Harold had been as n.o.ble as he was able, he would have left a greater name behind him.

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CHAPTER XVII.

OLAF THE QUIET (KYRRE) (1066-1093) AND MAGNUS HAROLDSSON (1066-1069).

On his return to Norway, Olaf Haroldsson found his elder brother Magnus, who had already been acknowledged as king before his father's death, in possession of the government. After some negotiations it was agreed that the two brothers should divide the kingdom between them--Magnus taking the larger portion toward the north and west, and Olaf contenting himself with Viken. If this division was founded upon the equal allodial rights of the brothers, it was obviously unfair. But Olaf, being averse to quarrelling, accepted it, as far as we know, without protest.

The campaign to England had largely exhausted the resources of the country; and Sweyn Estridsson of Denmark thought that the opportunity was now favorable for avenging the wrongs which he had suffered at the hands of King Harold. The brothers then made levy in ma.s.s from all the country, but Sweyn succeeded in engaging Olaf with his division of the fleet, off the coast of Halland (1067), before Magnus had joined him.

The battle must have been indecisive; for both sides claimed a victory.

It is, however, probable that Olaf suffered the more, as he was the first to propose peace. Magnus had, in the meanwhile, come, and their allied fleets were, in all probability, equal or superior to Sweyn's. At all events, Sweyn had suddenly lost the desire to prosecute the war; and a peace was made at Kongh.e.l.le (1068), at which a.s.surances of friendship and good-will were exchanged. Olaf is said to have borne his part in the negotiations with a firmness and intrepidity which inspired Sweyn with respect. As a first result of the meeting, two marriages were arranged, viz.: one between Harold Hard-ruler's widow, Ellisif, and King Sweyn, and the other between Olaf and Sweyn's daughter, Ingrid.

It is not known whether Magnus was present at the peace of Kongh.e.l.le. If he was, his ill health must have prevented him from transacting any business; for only Olaf's name is mentioned in connection with the treaty. During the following year, too, all public business devolved upon Olaf; for Magnus lay ill in Nidaros and finally died in the spring, 1069. He left one son, Haakon, who was but an infant and was fostered by Th.o.r.e of Steig. No one put forth any claim to the kingdom in his name, and Olaf thus became king of the whole country.

With the exception of the little ripple of martial excitement during the first years after his accession, Olaf Haroldsson's reign of twenty-seven years presents not a single warlike event. His saga is a saga of peace--a long and honorable record of achievements in the service of civilization. The key-note of his character was prudent moderation. He was religious, but not fanatical; devout, but not bigoted. Easy-going by temperament, yet negligent of no duty, cheerful but not jolly, calm but not indolent, he is indeed a unique but none the less attractive figure among the martial descendants of Harold the Fairhaired. He is the more remarkable because his leading traits of character contrast so strikingly with those of the prevailing type of man in his age. Serenity of soul shines out of those of his utterances which the sagas have thought it worth while to preserve. There seems to be a conscious conviction, far in advance of his century, in a saying like this:

"Why should I not be happy, since I am sitting here with you at a feast, which is consecrated to my kinsman St. Olaf, and I see both joy and liberty among my subjects? In the days of my father this people lived under much compulsion and fear. Then most of them hid away their gold and treasures, but now I see shine upon every one the ornaments which he possesses. Your freedom and joy are my feast and my delight."

The surname _Kyrre, i. e._, the tranquil, the quiet one, which the people gave him, whether originally meant as a compliment or not, became, in the course of time, an honorable distinction; for during the century of strife and bloodshed which followed, all looked upon his bloodless reign as upon a golden age of peace.[A] As a later author [B]

says: "He was in favor both with G.o.d and men; he laid great stress upon peace and tranquillity; let every man keep what was his own, and suppressed nothing but what was evil. * * * There were then excellent crops and manifold splendor, so that Norway had never since Harold the Fairhaired been in such a prosperous condition, as in his days. All the people loved him warmly; for he conceded many a thing for their convenience which Harold had insisted upon with harshness and enforced with severity. He was liberal with gold and silver and good ornaments; but only tenacious of land; the reason of this was his intelligence; for he saw that it was for the welfare of the kingdom."

[Footnote A: See Munch, ii., p. 430.]

[Footnote B: Thjodrek Munk, Cap. 29. Quoted from Munch Det Norske Folk's Historie.]

The story of Olaf the Quiet occupies but a few pages in the sagas, while that of his father and his son, both great warriors, fills much s.p.a.ce.

The work of destroying lives, in which the latter were accomplished, appealed more to the warlike historian of the kings of Norway than the quiet activity for the preservation of life and the amelioration of its ills, to which Olaf devoted his energies. The little that Snorre says about him is, indeed, all in his praise, and very likely there was no one in those days who thought of singing songs or otherwise preserving other deeds than those of the sword. The scald who has sung Olaf's praise has, therefore, dwelt chiefly upon his partic.i.p.ation in his father's foolhardy expedition to England, and his battle with Sweyn Estridsson.

It was natural that a man of Olaf's character should have small sympathy with the viking spirit which was yet to a certain extent prevalent; and though we do not know what he did to discourage viking cruises, we hear that this form of piracy became very much rarer during his reign. One circ.u.mstance which must have been discouraging to the vikings was the greatly increased risk which they ran, on account of the consolidation and increased power of the states which they were wont to attack.

England under William the Conqueror was no longer a congenial stopping-place for Norse pirates, and France, Spain, and Germany had likewise taken measures for the protection of their coasts, which greatly interfered with the summer amus.e.m.e.nts of the Norse chieftains. A trip to Ireland, to be sure, still offered some inducements in the way of slaves and plunder; but along the Swedish and the Russian coasts of the Baltic, the native tribes had proved apt pupils of the vikings, and had commenced plundering on their own account, thus diminishing the chances of profit for the Nors.e.m.e.n. That the influence of Christianity may also have been active in weaning men from their predatory habits we would fain believe, if the long carnival of bloodshed which followed did not seem to prove the contrary. The material considerations just cited, were evidently the more powerful; though in the case of the king, who himself set the example of devotion to peaceful industries, there is no doubt that his religion influenced his life by strengthening the unwarlike side of his character. He manifested his sincerity as a Christian, not only by his fondness for the priests, whose vestments he often a.s.sisted in putting on, but more particularly by his efforts to change and suppress every thing which he believed to be antagonistic to the spirit of the religion of Christ. Thus he was the first king of Norway who endeavored to put an end to serfdom. He gave the law, that every shire in the kingdom should annually manumit one thrall. His first object in giving this order, however, was to get citizens for his towns, and thereby encourage commerce and peaceful occupations. Many of the thralls were artisans, and a large number of those who had been enthralled as prisoners of war were men of intelligence and enterprise.

Commerce had, even previous to the reign of Olaf the Quiet, enjoyed periods of prosperity. The vikings were often merchants as well as pirates, and bought for money or goods what they could not take with the sword. Merchants, on the other hand, who were not vikings, had always to have the sword at hand to defend their cargoes. A very sharp distinction between the warrior caste and that of the merchants, did not therefore exist, and we find that great chieftains, nay even kings themselves, engaged in commerce, and were not ashamed of the profit they reaped by mercantile enterprise. Thus we hear that Olaf the Saint went into partnership, for one voyage, with the merchant Gudleik Gerdske, and Harold Hard-ruler made the trade with the Finns a royal monopoly which he farmed out to his underlings. A considerable exchange of commodities by barter took place between Norway and Denmark, Sweden and England, and as piracy declined, and the precious metals came into general use, a more regular commercial intercourse. These first effects of a more orderly social organization were beginning to be visible during the reign of Olaf the Quiet, and it is owing to this fact, that we hear so much about the promotion of commerce and the prosperity of the towns.

The city of Bjorgvin (now Bergen) was founded by him (1070-1075) and very soon became a commercial centre of great importance.

[Ill.u.s.tration: INTERIOR OF ORKHAUGEN, OLD NORSE DWELLING ON THE ORKNEYS.]

As long as their occupation was war and industrial pursuits were left to thralls, the Nors.e.m.e.n could not be expected to have much sense for domestic comfort. And the fact is that, before the days of Olaf the Quiet, even the wealthiest of them lived in a primitive way, on coa.r.s.e food and with rude surroundings. Their houses contained but one room, with closed alcoves along the walls for beds. As floor, served the bare earth, stamped hard and covered with straw, and along the middle of it burned fires which sent gusts of smoke and sparks through the room. In the roof was a large hole for the escape of the smoke, and also for the admission of light. There were no ceilings; but the smoke-encrusted rafters from which often depended fishing-tackle, skins, and articles of clothing, stretched from wall to wall. Near the eaves there were square holes in the roof, closed with shutters. On both sides of the fire were tables and benches which extended lengthwise through the hall. In the middle of each of the two benches which ran along the walls was a more elaborately carved seat with tall posts, called the high-seat. The high-seat on the north wall, facing south, belonged to the master of the house; that on the south wall was a.s.signed to distinguished guests. The walls were, in the houses of chieftains, decorated with finely wrought weapons and hangings of colored cloth. Besides the princ.i.p.al dwelling (_skali_) there were a number of smaller houses, such as the bath-house, kitchen, woman's bower, servant's hall, and sometimes a guest-house.

Among the out-houses the store-house, the barn, and the cow-stables were the most important. It will be seen from this that the farm of a well-to-do peasant must have had the appearance of a small village.

In these arrangements Olaf made certain changes, all tending toward increased comfort. In the first place, he removed the fire-place from the middle of the floor into a corner, and had a chimney built for the escape of the smoke. It thus became possible to have floors of stone or wood, and this innovation immediately followed. Windows were cut in the walls and furnished with panes of gla.s.s or translucent membranes.

Ceilings were made to enable one to keep the room at a more even temperature; and gradually several rooms were gathered under one roof.

The master's high-seat was removed to a cross-bench on the western(?) wall; and in the king's hall, it was placed upon a raised dais, reserved for the king, the queen, and persons of distinction. While in former times, the feasters had contented themselves with the light from the fire, Olaf introduced candles and tapers, and stationed as many taper-bearers in front of the royal table as there were persons of princely blood present. Courtiers were appointed to wait upon the guests; and to members of the _hird_, or court, who filled this office was accorded a higher rank than the rest.

These innovations were undoubtedly a departure from the old democratic simplicity. A more lavish expenditure was necessitated in connection with the court, and we find that Olaf increased the number of courtiers (_hirdmennir_) from 60, which had hitherto been the legal number, to 120. A more elaborate ceremonial was a direct consequence of the greater luxury, and artificial distinctions in rank were more emphasized than formerly. The king's even good-nature and gentleness disguised to a great extent the true meaning of all this, and prevented people from seeing any harm in it. In fact, the Nors.e.m.e.n were in those days fond of splendor, and with all their fierce sense of independence they were greatly attracted by glitter and show. The magnificence of Olaf's household tended to increase his popularity, for he did not impose greater burdens upon the people in order to defray his increased expenses.

We have heard that Olaf the Quiet was a zealous Christian, and took a warm interest in the moral welfare of his people. With a view to softening their manners and preventing the b.l.o.o.d.y frays which were then apt to disturb social intercourse, he inst.i.tuted clubs or a.s.sociations, which were made subject to rigid regulations. These clubs or guilds, as they were called, met at first in the houses of their members, but gradually, as they increased in prosperity, built separate club-houses, or even churches, in honor of their patron saints. St. Olaf was their favorite patron, but guilds were also formed under the protection of other saints. The clergy had supervision over the members; and a peaceful and conciliatory behavior was strenuously insisted upon.

Weapons were not permitted in the guild-halls; and all disputes had to be settled, when both parties had had time to cool off. To prevent brawls, by placing a restraint upon the behavior of the turbulent, women of good repute were made eligible, and brief religious ceremonies opened the meetings. The only objects of the gatherings were at first social; but as the guilds grew more powerful, it was impossible to prevent them from a.s.suming a semi-political character. The laws pledged the members to mutual protection, and often to avenge each other's death. They might have become dangerous to the state, if the king and his princ.i.p.al advisers had not, themselves, been members and thus able to control their action.

The artisans' guilds, which in later medieval times begin to gain political importance, were developed from these social guilds, which did not, however, from the beginning, confine themselves to people of one trade or profession.

We hear very little about the tribal chieftains during Olaf's reign, probably because many of the most eminent of them had fallen at Stamford Bridge, and the king's popularity made it seem inadvisable to those who remained to oppose him. One of the few men whose doings are recorded is Skule, the son of Earl Tostig, whom Olaf had brought with him from England after his father's death. Skule was in 1069 sent on a mission to William the Conqueror, for the purpose of bringing Harold Hard-Ruler's body back to Norway, and accomplished this to the king's satisfaction.

He was the ancestor of King Inge Baardsson, and the arch intriguer, Skule, who vainly aspired for the throne.

Olaf the Quiet died on his estate, Haukby in Ranrike, September 22, 1093. His body was brought to Nidaros and interred in the Christ-Church which he had himself built.

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CHAPTER XVIII.

MAGNUS BAREFOOT (1093-1103) AND HAAKON MAGNUSSON (1093-1095).

When the tidings of King Olaf's death had gone abroad, the inhabitants of Viken acknowledged his son, Magnus, as king, while the Tronders made haste to proclaim his nephew, Haakon Magnusson. The country was, accordingly, once more divided; two thirds, including Trondelag, the Oplands, and all the northern shires, belonging to Haakon, and about one third to Magnus. The latter was scarcely prepared to find a rival to the throne in his cousin, who during his father's long reign had given no evidence that he cherished such an ambition. Only ignorance, on his part, of Haakon's intentions can explain his departure on an adventurous expedition to Scotland. The restless, warlike spirit of his grandfather dwelt in him, and he had chafed under the restraint which his father's peaceful policy imposed upon him. Now that he was free, he could afford to lose no more time in dallying. He therefore started, as soon as he had his hands free, on a wild-goose chase for glory; helped the Scottish king, Donald Bane, in his warfare against Eadgar the Etheling and his brother, Malcolm's children; a.s.serted (apparently with success) his claim to the Scottish isles, which, during Harold Hard-Ruler's reign, had made themselves independent; aided the Irish King Muirkertach against the earl, Gudrod Meranagh; and finally returned home in the summer of 1094 to find two thirds of his kingdom in the hands of a rival. He sailed directly to Nidaros with seven ships and took up his abode in the new royal mansion, resolved to make the Tronders feel the weight of his wrath. Haakon and his foster-father, Th.o.r.e of Steig, also hastened to the city and put up at the old royal mansion. The relation between the two parties was strained, and every day people expected an outbreak of hostilities. Finally Haakon opened negotiations with his cousin, offering to divide the kingdom with him in equal parts; but Magnus repelled his overtures, refusing to recognize his t.i.tle to any share in the government. Suddenly, in the middle of the night (February, 1095), Magnus had great fires made around the city, and Haakon's men, expecting an attack, seized their arms and rushed into the streets. No attack was, however, made, and both parties left the city without any hostile collision. Haakon, in crossing the Dovre Mountain on snow-shoes, was taken ill and died.

One would have supposed that the Tronders had now no longer any pretext for persevering in their opposition to Magnus. But apparently they both hated him, and feared that he would mete out severe punishments to them for the support they had given his cousin. Therefore they gave heed to the counsel of Th.o.r.e of Steig, who demanded their allegiance to a pretender named Sweyn, a Dane by birth, and not related to the royal house of Norway. The rebels found many adherents in the Oplands, among whom the liegeman Egil Aaslaksson. Under the leadership of Th.o.r.e and Sweyn they started out, ravaging and plundering in Nordmore and Trondelag. They gave the peasants the choice either to join them or have their houses burned over their heads; and there were many who preferred the former alternative to the latter. Magnus' liegeman and devoted friend, Sigurd Wool-String (Ullstreng), sent out war summons, but his force, which was quite inadequate, was utterly defeated by the rebels.

He fled to Magnus, who instantly started in pursuit, captured Th.o.r.e of Steig and Egil, and hanged them. Many others who had partic.i.p.ated in the rebellion were killed or deprived of their property; and as a punishment to the Tronders, the laws of Sweyn Alfifa.s.son were re-enacted.

Magnus was now undisputed master of all Norway and devoted himself with much energy to the maintenance of order by meting out relentless justice to evil-doers. To sit at home in inglorious ease, punishing rebels and marauders, was not, however, in accordance with his taste. He hated peace as much as his father had loved it. Without any special provocation he, therefore, determined to pay a second visit to Scotland and Ireland for the purpose of securely founding his dominion in those lands. It appears that he was also cherishing a plan for invading England and avenging the death of his grandfather at Stamford Bridge.

Haakon Paulsson, a son of Earl Paul of the Orkneys, who came to Norway, stimulated his ambition, hoping himself in some way to profit by it.

With a fleet of 160 ships and upward of 14,000 men the warlike king sailed in the spring of 1098 for the Orkneys, and thence to the Hebrides, where he harried with remorseless cruelty. He conquered also the English islands of Man and Anglesey, and made great efforts to colonize the latter island. In the summer of 1099 he returned to Norway, but managed within a year to get himself into a promising quarrel with King Inge of Sweden, one of whose provinces (Dalsland) he claimed on a flimsy pretext. He won a great victory over the Swedes at f.u.xerne, and left a garrison of 360 men in a fortress which he built on an island in Lake Wener. But King Inge forced this garrison to surrender, on humiliating terms, during the winter; and Magnus, to avenge this disgrace, invaded Sweden a second time, and was defeated not far from Trollhattan. He came then near losing his life, but was saved by Agmund Skoftesson, who changed cloaks with him, and, starting conspicuously away from the other fugitives, drew the pursuers after him. This kind of warfare was, of course, sheer waste of life and treasure, and by the mediation of the Danish king, Erik EieG.o.d, peace was concluded at Kongh.e.l.le, (1100). Magnus was to marry King Inge's daughter Margaret, who was to receive the disputed province as her dowry. The marriage, however, was without issue, and Dalsland became, at the death of Magnus, again a part of Sweden. Queen Margaret, because she was the bringer of peace, was called by the Nors.e.m.e.n, _Fridkulla, i.e._, the peace-maker.

It was not to be expected that Magnus should rest contented with the fame he had now gained, and turn his mind to the pursuits of peace. His sentiments in that regard are well expressed in his saying: "A king should rather strive for glory than for a long life." In his anxiety to find a pretext for war he finally, as it is told, sent a pair of his shoes to King Muirkertach, in Ireland, with the request that he should carry them on his shoulders, on Christmas Day, in the presence of the Norse amba.s.sadors, as a sign that he recognized Magnus at his overlord.

The Irish were greatly incensed at this demand; but Muirkertach, who knew something of Magnus' style of warfare, declared that he would not only carry the shoes, but that he would eat them too, rather than receive another visit from the king of Norway. This humility did not, however, save him from the dreaded visitation. Magnus had determined upon the conquest of Ireland, and forthwith sailed (1102) westward with a large fleet. After having touched at the Orkneys, he landed on Man, where he had his son, Sigurd, proclaimed king and married to Muirkertach's nine-year old daughter, Biadmuin. He fought for a while with varying success in Ulster, nominally in alliance with Muirkertach, though there is every reason to believe that the latter was only watching for a chance to destroy him. Such a chance finally presented itself, while Magnus was waiting on the coast of Ulster for a herd of cattle that had been promised him. He had gone ash.o.r.e with a small part of his force in a swampy region, and was suddenly surrounded by the Irish, who had hid in the underbrush, and who, on account of their knowledge of the ground, had a great advantage. Here Magnus fell after a heroic combat, and the remnant of his army made haste to return to Norway.

Magnus was but thirty years old at the time of his death. He was a tall and well-grown man, of fine features and a commanding appearance. His surname Barefoot or Bareleg was given to him because, after his return from his first Scotch campaign, he adopted the Highland costume, wearing kilts instead of trousers.

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CHAPTER XIX

EYSTEIN (1103-1122), SIGURD THE CRUSADER (1103-1130), AND OLAF MAGNUSSON (1103-1115).