The Philippines: Past and Present Volume I Part 5

"I added that under such conditions I could a.s.sure him that all the Filipino people would unite in the revolution to shake off the yoke of Spain; that it was not strange that some few were not yet on his side on account of lack of arms or because of personal expediency.

"Thus ended this first conference with Admiral Dewey, to whom I announced that I would take up my residence at the Naval Headquarters in the Cavite a.r.s.enal." [46]

Further on, in the same doc.u.ment, Aguinaldo advances the claim that on the occasion of the visit of General Anderson and Admiral Dewey the latter again promised him independence.

He says:--

"In the same month of July, the Admiral, accompanied by General Anderson, presented himself, and after greetings of courtesy said to me: 'You have seen confirmed all of what I promised and said to you. How pretty your flag is. It has a triangle, and it looks like Cuba's. Will you give me one as a reminder when I return to America?'

"I replied to him that I was convinced of his word of honour and that there was no necessity whatever to draw up in doc.u.mentary form his agreements, and as for the flag, that he could count on it, even at that very moment.

"Dewey continued: 'Doc.u.ments are not complied with when there is no honour, as has happened with your agreement with the Spaniards, who have failed in what was written and signed. Trust in my word for I hold myself responsible that the United States will recognize the independence of the country. But I recommend to you [plural.--TR.] to keep everything which we have talked about and agreed upon with a great deal of secrecy for the present. And, moreover, I entreat you [plural.--TR.] to be patient if our soldiers should insult some Filipino, because, as volunteers, they are yet lacking in discipline.'" [47]

Admiral Dewey has testified as follows, concerning the recognition of Philippine independence by him:--

"_The Chairman_. You remember the question of your recognizing his republic was a good deal discussed and you wrote me a letter, which I read in the senate. Of course, I am only asking now about what you said in the letter. There was no recognition of the republic?

"_Admiral Dewey_. Never. I did not think I had any authority to do it and it never occurred to me to do it. There was a sort of a reign of terror; there was no government. These people had got power for the first time in their lives and they were riding roughshod over the community. The acts of cruelty which were brought to my notice were hardly credible. I sent word to Aguinaldo that he must treat his prisoners kindly, and he said he would."

He has further testified that he never as much as heard of independence until the appearance of Aguinaldo's proclamation of June 15, 1898:--

"_Admiral Dewey_.... Then when I heard that our troops were coming I asked him to withdraw his troops from Cavite and make room for our men. He demurred at this, but finally withdrew and established headquarters across the bay at a place called Bacoor, from which place on the 15th of June he sent me a proclamation declaring the independence of the Philippines.

"_The Chairman_. Was that the first?

"_Admiral Dewey_. That was the first intimation; the first I had ever heard of independence of the Philippines.

"_The Chairman_. He had said something to you--

"_Admiral Dewey_. Not a word. He had done what I told him. He was most obedient; whatever I told him to do he did. I attached so little importance to this proclamation that I did not even cable its contents to Washington, but forwarded it through the mails. I never dreamed that they wanted independence."

Remembering that Admiral Dewey was not being interrogated as to the statements of the "Resena Veridica," it will be seen that he has, nevertheless, covered them fully.

It was my good fortune to be long and intimately a.s.sociated with Admiral Dewey while serving on the first Philippine commission. He always grew indignant when the subject of any promises relative to independence said to have been made by him was so much as mentioned, and gave to the commission in writing the following:--

"The statement of Emilio Aguinaldo, under date of Sept. 23, published in the _Springfield Republican_, so far as it relates to reported conversations with me, or actions of mine, is a tissue of falsehood. I never, directly or indirectly, promised the Filipinos independence. I never received Aguinaldo with military honors, or recognized or saluted the so-called Filipino flag. I never considered him as an ally, although I did make use of him and the natives to a.s.sist me in my operations against the Spaniards." [48]

As Dewey's allegations flatly contradict those of Aguinaldo, we must choose between the two. While I have no doubt as to where the choice will fall, I will now submit some additional matter of interest. Let us first consider the history of the "Resena Veridica"

in which Aguinaldo makes the charges above quoted. On September 12, 1899, Buencamino wrote of it to Apacible in Hongkong, saying:--

"This work is ent.i.tled 'Resena Veridica de la Revolucion Filipina' in which Don Emilio relates in detail his acts with Admiral Dewey. It has been distributed to the Consuls and you are ordered to reprint it there translated into English and send some copies to the United States, even though only a thousand, if you deem it advisable. Send copies also to Europe, Senor Agoncillo taking charge of the publication. If the Agent you may have selected for the United States should still be there, it would be advisable for him to take a copy of the pamphlet with him for its publication.

"This is an order of the Government which I take pleasure in transmitting to you for due execution." [49]

But there was a change of heart about giving the pamphlet to the consuls, for under date of September 30 Buencamino wrote:--

"We have not distributed them here in order that Otis may not counteract the effects that we desire to produce with this publication, through his usual machinations. Nor do we believe it advisable to make this pamphlet public in those colonies before your arrival in the United States." [50]

To this letter he added in cipher the following postscript to Pablo Ocampo, in charge of Aguinaldo's correspondence in Manila:--

"At last moment--Nota bene:

"Don't deliver any copy of the 'Resena Veridica' to the Consuls, even though it was so directed in the beginning of the letter. All except one, which is for you, will be sent to Hong-kong, Don Pedro de la Vina being bearer of the same, as also of the other doc.u.ments. The copy intended for you is neither to be divulged nor published, for strict reserve is required until those which are being sent arrive at their destination." [51]

The reason for preserving such secrecy relative to this doc.u.ment until it could reach its destination and work its harm is of course obvious. Its statements were so outrageously false that they would have been instantly and authoritatively contradicted had it been issued seasonably at Manila.

The truth is that Aguinaldo's claim that he had been promised independence was a gradual growth. Let us trace it.

On May 21, he wrote a circular letter to "My dear brother," inviting the recipients and their companions to meet him at once, and arrange the best way to entrap all the enemy in their homes.

In this he says that he has promised the American admiral that they will "carry on modern war" and adds: "Even if a Spaniard surrenders, he must be pardoned and treated well, and then you will see that our reputation will be very good in all Europe, which will declare for our independence; but if we do not conduct ourselves thus, the Americans will decide to sell us or else divide up our territory. As they will hold us incapable of governing our land, we shall not secure our liberty, rather the contrary; our own soil will be delivered over to other hands." [52]

In this letter, written on the very day of the interview at which he subsequently claimed that Admiral Dewey had promised independence, does he make any claim that this had occurred? No, he very distinctly implies the contrary. Is it believable that if he could truly have said "The United States, through its representatives Dewey and Pratt, has promised to recognize our independence" he would have failed to do so when this would instantly have secured him the vigorous support which he was then uncertain of obtaining? I think not.

In this letter Aguinaldo specifically directs that deceit be employed and that Spanish officers be treacherously attacked. The practising of deceit was a carefully considered part of the insurgent policy. In a letter from Hongkong dated July 21, 1898, Agoncillo writes as follows to Mabini: [53]--

"the time will come when disguises must be set aside and we will see who is deceiving whom. The statements made by some of the commanders of the fleet here to Don Emilio and myself were to the effect that the exclusive purpose of the Government at Washington with regard to the Filipinos, is to grant this country independence, without any conditions, although I said to myself that such a purpose was too philanthropical. Don Emilio knew what I thought then, and I still think the same; that is to say that we are the ones who must secure the independence of our country by means of unheard of sacrifices and thus work out its happiness." [54]

Aguinaldo himself frankly advocated the use of deceit. He practised what he preached. Simeon Villa, one of his companions on his subsequent flight through Northern Luzon, before he finally took refuge at Palanan, kept a diary, which const.i.tutes an official record of this long journey. In it he has inserted some bits of history of other days, of which none is more interesting than his account of the beginning of hostilities against the Spaniards, in August, 1896. From it we learn that Aguinaldo, who was known to the friar of his town to be both a mason and a chief of the Katipunan, was in danger during August, and on the night of the 29th of that month called a meeting of all the compromised persons of the place, who agreed that on the following day he should "make representations to the governor of the province." Villa says that he was greatly beloved by the governor and his wife. Early on the following morning, he "presented himself to the governor, and in the name of the people of Cavite Viejo, offered him their respects and their loyalty to Spain," at the same time asking a garrison of a hundred men for his town, which the governor promised to send at once if the captain-general approved.

That afternoon he reported the results of his efforts to his fellow-conspirators, "and told them that then was the opportune moment for rising against the Spaniards." He initiated the uprising himself the next morning. [55]

Could deceit be more deliberately practised or treachery more frankly employed?

I have indulged in this digression to show that Aguinaldo could hardly have complained had the methods which he used against others been employed against him. He was never deceived by the Americans, but his claims relative to independence grew rapidly, and he was soon deceiving his own people.

On May 24th, he issued no less than four proclamations. One of these, doubtless intended to be seen by Americans, made no mention of Independence, but said: [56]--

"The great powerful North American nation has offered its disinterested protection to secure the liberty of this country."

In another proclamation, doubtless intended for a different use, he made the statement that the great North American nation had come to give decisive and disinterested protection, "considering us as sufficiently civilized and capable of governing ourselves." [57]

On June 5, having practically gained control of Cavite Province, he felt strong enough to announce that independence would be proclaimed on June 12, and on that date he did proclaim it in a decree.

The Admiral of the American Squadron, with the commanders and officers of his command, was invited to the ceremonies, but none of them went. As it was important for Aguinaldo to have some one there to pose as a representative of the United States, he utilized for this purpose a certain "Colonel" Johnson, an ex-hotel keeper of Shanghai, who was running a cinematograph show. He appeared as Aguinaldo's chief of artillery and the representative of the North American nation. [58]

Even as late as October 3, 1898, Agoncillo in a memorandum addressed to President McKinley did not claim that independence had been promised, but said:--

"As soon as the Spanish-American war began, the American representatives and officials in Singapore, Hongkong and Manila, invited the natives of the Philippines to a.s.sist the American arms, which they did gladly and loyally, as allies, with the conviction that their personality would be recognized, as well as their political, autonomous and sovereign rights." [59]

In it he does, however, claim that the organization of a government independent of America and Spain was accomplished with the tacit consent of the admiral commanding the fleet and with that of the general and military and political commanders of the United States of North America in the Philippines.

"Who, knowing these facts, not only did not object but accepted them as a consummated legal act, and maintained official relations with the new organization, making use thereof in its subsequent actions and for the subsequent development of the campaign, which was consequently brought to such a happy end." [60]

This is a second ill.u.s.tration of the stereotyped insurgent procedure of announcing a policy and then claiming that failure to attack it meant acquiescence in it. Admiral Dewey says that he did not even read this proclamation. There was no reason why he should have done so, as it did not deal with matters which he was authorized to settle. He had no instructions relative to the recognition of new governments, and he sent this doc.u.ment to Washington without comment, as he should have done. [61]

Apropos of this claim that American officers tacitly recognized the Insurgent government, certain pa.s.sages from an unsigned doc.u.ment in the handwriting of Mabini, prepared about July 15, 1898, are of interest. Mabini, speaking of the att.i.tude of the Americans, says, "Notwithstanding all this and in spite of their protestations of friendship, they have always refused to recognize that government." Also, "If they persist in refusing to recognize our government, we shall see ourselves compelled to come to an agreement with any other government that will consent to recognize us on friendly terms." [62]