The Middle Period 1817-1858 Part 38

[Sidenote: The hotel and the printing offices.]

The Marshal and the Governor thought favorably of this proposition.

They were willing to guarantee the safety of the citizens and their individual property, but they thought they must consult with the captains of the squads composing the posse before they could give such a.s.surances in regard to the hotel and the printing offices. These persons were found to be determined on the destruction of the printing offices, certainly, and of the hotel, probably. Colonel t.i.tus, of Florida, declared that the South Carolina boys in the posse would be satisfied with nothing short of the destruction of the printing offices.

The hotel managers and the representatives of the citizens turned again to the Governor and implored him to send the United States soldiers for the protection of the town, but he again refused to interfere; and, finally, when they said to him that they feared the citizens would be compelled to defend themselves by armed power, and precipitate the horrors of civil war, he answered angrily, while striding out of their presence: "War then it is, by G.o.d!"

[Sidenote: The sacking of Lawrence.]

On the morning of the 21st, the Marshal's armed force appeared upon one of the heights overlooking the town, displaying first a white flag, then a red one, and, lastly, {438} the flag of the United States. The Deputy-marshal then entered the town with a small posse, and called the managers of the hotel and several of the citizens to join his posse and a.s.sist him in the service of his writs. They obeyed, and two persons were arrested. The Deputy, with his force and his prisoners, returned to the camp. Colonel C. W. Topliff, a prominent citizen, went with them, bearing a communication from the committee of safety of Lawrence to the Marshal, in which the promise of obedience to his processes was again made, and his protection claimed.

It was hoped that the crisis was now pa.s.sed. The Marshal dismissed his posse. But the Sheriff immediately reorganized the bands as _his_ posse. This was most ominous of evil. The Sheriff was burning with pa.s.sion for personal revenge. In the middle of the afternoon (May 21st), he rode into the town at the head of his army, and, in spite of every plea and remonstrance, caused the contents of the printing offices to be scattered through the streets and the hotel to be burned, and allowed the pillage, and even the burning, of private houses.

[Sidenote: Repudiation of the deed by Atchison and others.]

The atrocious and disgraceful deed of sacking Lawrence was denounced by many of the persons who had joined the Marshal's posse. General Atchison tried to prevent the Sheriff from thus wreaking his vengeance, and denounced his deed afterward. Jackson, the leader of the Georgians, and Buford, the captain of the Alabama squad, also denounced the vile procedure, and declared that they had not come to Kansas to destroy property.

Atchison knew well enough that a great blow had been given to the prospects of the Democratic party in the now approaching presidential election. What, then, must have been his despair upon learning that an attack, {439} even more outrageous than the sacking of Lawrence, had been made, at the same time, upon the defender of "Free-state" Kansas in the Senate chamber at Washington?

[Sidenote: The attack on Senator Sumner.]

The debate on the bills for the admission of "Free-state" Kansas had progressed from day to day, in both Houses of Congress, with increasing earnestness and excitement. At length, on May 19th and 20th, Mr. Sumner delivered his fierce philippic on the "Crime against Kansas." It was not only an unvarnished statement of the case from the Abolitionist point of view, but it was a personal arraignment of several of the Senators. The attack contained in it upon Senator Butler, of South Carolina, a gentleman of great refinement and politeness, and much honored and esteemed by his a.s.sociates, was especially coa.r.s.e and brutal. Almost all the Senators felt the attack to be more than a discourtesy. Senator Butler was in ill health and was absent from his seat, both of which circ.u.mstances made the affair all the more exasperating. For two days the Capital rang with denunciations of the insulting speech, when Preston S. Brooks, a nephew of Senator Butler, and a member of the House of Representatives, demanded and took satisfaction of Mr. Sumner for the attack upon his kinsman. Had he carried out his purpose in a brave and manly way, he would have been generally applauded for it, but being no match physically for Sumner, Brooks had recourse to a method which stamped him as a coward, and his attack upon Sumner as a brutal outrage. He entered the Senate chamber on May 22nd, after the adjournment of the body, and approaching Mr. Sumner, who was seated and bending over his desk, charged him with libel on South Carolina and her sons, and struck him with a cane upon the head {440} until the Senator became helpless and unconscious. With this, Sumner's outrage upon Butler was entirely lost sight of in Brooks's far more brutal outrage upon Sumner.

The cowardly deed was looked upon everywhere in the North as the fit companion-piece to the sacking of Lawrence. The indignation of the North was roused to the highest pitch, and it seemed as if the elections of 1856 must bring the anti-slavery party into the seats of power.

[Sidenote: The Pottawattomie ma.s.sacres.]

But just at this most critical juncture, when everything depended on calmness and moderation on the part of the "Free-state" men to secure immediate victory, and when immediate victory, thus pursued, was, so far as human eye can discern, within their grasp, an outrage was perpetrated by a gang of men, or rather fiends, who claimed some sort of relation to the "Free-state" party, which so far overshadowed in cruel atrocity all that had gone before as to produce a revulsion of feeling most damaging to the "Free-state" cause. On May 23rd, John Brown, with six or seven others, all, except two, members of his own family, went to the settlement about Dutch Henry's Crossing on the Pottawattomie Creek, and, on the night of the 24th, took five men, innocent of anything which could even justify arrest by proper authorities, from their cabins, and murdered them, cutting and slashing their bodies with cutla.s.ses, until their savage thirst for blood was partially satiated. So barbarously atrocious was the deed, so calculated to rouse the sentiment of the whole country against the "Free-state" cause in Kansas, that the Republican members of the Congressional committee of investigation in the Territory refused to make the event a part of their inquiry. The Democratic member, Mr.

Oliver, investigated it, and reported it to Congress and to the public.

{441} No sane mind can find the slightest justification, excuse, or palliation for this atrocious crime. It was murder, pure and simple.

And when we consider the purpose for which, as well as the mind with which, it was committed, it became, in addition to common crime, also public crime of the most grievous nature. Dr. Robinson says it was done for the purpose of involving the North and the South in war against each other. Thus to the murderous mind was added the seditious purpose. Some men have professed to find virtue in this noxious compound, but such minds have lost their moorings, and are roaming without star or compa.s.s over the border lands between reason and insanity. To murder, Brown and his vile brood added robbery; but this was so slight a crime in comparison with the other that it may be pa.s.sed without further notice.

[Sidenote: The excitement produced by them.]

The inhabitants of the region were thrown into the greatest consternation and excitement. The pro-slavery and the anti-slavery men a.s.sembled together, denounced the horrible deed as foulest murder, and resolved to act together as men of reason and common sense for the maintenance of peace and order and the suppression of crime.

[Sidenote: The battle at Black Jack.]

[Sidenote: The Governor's proclamation, enforced by United States soldiers.]

For a few days it was not known who the authors of these murders were, but suspicion soon pointed to Brown and his gang, and steps were taken to procure warrants for their arrest. The Governor, also, sent down a body of troops to the scene of the ma.s.sacre. The troops were volunteers, chiefly Missourians, commanded by a Captain Pate. Pate's force met Brown's at Black Jack, and Brown captured Pate and his men.

This was June 2nd. With nothing to hinder him for the moment, Brown now robbed and pillaged all around. By the 3rd, however, the Missourians, led by Whitfield, were rallying to the aid of their pro-slavery friends in {442} Kansas, and by the 5th, battle was impending between the Missourians and the "Free-state" men, who had gathered in the neighborhood of the excitement. The Governor had at last comprehended the serious character of the situation. He issued his proclamation warning invaders to retire, and commanding armed and illegal organizations to disperse. And he sent Colonel Sumner with a company of regular cavalry to the scene of action.

Sumner rescued Pate and his men, dispersed Brown's gang, and ordered the Missourians to get out of Kansas. He did not arrest Brown, because he had no warrant for his apprehension, and did not know, at the time, that he was the author of the Pottawattomie murders. Sumner remained a fortnight or more in southern Kansas until the excitement was somewhat spent, and then returned to Fort Leavenworth. Brown disappeared, and a measure of peace was momentarily restored.

[Sidenote: The "Free-state" cause greatly injured by Brown's deeds.]

[Sidenote: The pa.s.sage of the bill for the admission of Kansas by the House.]

The Pottawattomie murders, and the robberies succeeding them, had, however, greatly damaged the "Free-state" cause. The great advantage which had accrued to it through the sacking of Lawrence and the outrage upon Senator Sumner was now largely lost again. Still, emigration from the Northern Commonwealths to Kansas continued in great activity, and the House of Representatives at Washington was steadily advancing toward the pa.s.sage of the resolution for the admission of "Free-state" Kansas into the Union, although the flight of its committee of investigation from the Territory, in consequence of the excitement following the murders on the Pottawattomie, and the two reports which its members made of the situation in Kansas, exercised an unfavorable influence on the movement. The House pa.s.sed the bill, {443} however, on July 3rd, by a majority of two votes, but it would admit neither of the claimants to a seat in the House.

[Sidenote: Dispersal of the "Free-state" legislature by Colonel Sumner.]

On the other hand, Colonel Sumner, while personally in sympathy with the "Free-state" cause, felt it to be his official duty to disperse the "Free-state" legislature which a.s.sembled at Topeka on July 4th.

The President and the Secretary of War, Mr. Jefferson Davis, subsequently disapproved of this act, and denied that the authority for it was either expressed or implied in any of their instructions to Colonel Sumner. The Colonel thought the contrary, and felt that the unpopularity of the procedure throughout the North had caused the President and the Secretary to disavow a responsibility for it which was rightfully their own. A careful reading of the dispatches leads to the conclusion that the Colonel did exceed his powers. He was, doubtless, led to do so unconsciously by the violent deeds of men professing connection with the "Free-state" party. The misunderstanding led finally to the retirement of Colonel Sumner from the command of the United States forces in Kansas, and the a.s.signment of General P. F. Smith to that duty.

[Sidenote: The "Free-state" Directory.]

After the dispersion of the "Free-state" legislature, the "Free-state"

men, who were gathered in Lawrence, held a convention, and elected a committee, whose duty it should be to look after the interests of the people. This committee selected from among its members a sub-committee of five, and transferred all of its powers and duties to this sub-committee. The "Free-state" government had now become a directorial board of five persons, chief among whom were William Hutchinson and James Blood. The seat of this Directory was Lawrence.

{444} [Sidenote: The organization of the "Free-state" military.]

The Directory organized a strong military force under the command of Colonel Walker. This force attacked and broke up three pro-slavery bands during the month of August, the last one at Fort t.i.tus, near Lecompton, and commanded by the noted Colonel t.i.tus himself. t.i.tus and his men were captured.

[Sidenote: The Treaty of August 17th.]

[Sidenote: Resignation of Shannon.]

The Governor now became alarmed for his own safety. Accompanied by Major Sedgwick, he went to Lawrence, on August 17th, and concluded with the Directory the noted agreement of that date, the terms of which were, that the "Free-state" men should keep the arms which they had captured from the pro-slavery bands; that the howitzer taken from Lawrence should be returned to the town; that all persons arrested by the United States Marshal, under charge of partic.i.p.ating in the attack upon the pro-slavery band at Franklin, should be delivered unharmed to the Directory; that the Governor should disband the Territorial militia, order all bands of armed men to disperse, and command all armed bands of nonresidents to leave the Territory. The Directory engaged, upon its side, to release t.i.tus and his men. The Governor virtually surrendered to the Directory. He then returned to Lecompton, resigned his office, and made his way back to Ohio.

[Sidenote: Woodson's proclamation, and the new invasion from Missouri.]

Secretary Woodson was now again in the Governor's chair, and this, of itself, was notice to the Missourians to come on. They had already gathered on the border. On August 25th, Woodson published a proclamation, in which he declared the Territory to be "in a state of open insurrection and rebellion," called "upon all law-abiding citizens of the Territory to rally to the support of their country and its laws," and commanded "all officers, {445} civil and military, and all other citizens of the Territory, to aid and a.s.sist by all means in their power in putting down the insurrectionists."

The Missourians took this as an invitation to advance. They entered the Territory again, on the 29th, and pitched their camp on Bull Creek. Atchison was in command. On the 13th, a detachment of them attacked and destroyed Ossawattomie. About a dozen men were killed in the fight.

[Sidenote: General Smith's att.i.tude toward invaders.]

General Smith now issued instructions that the United States troops should not "interfere with persons who may have come from a distance to give protection to their friends or others, and who may be behaving themselves in a peaceable and lawful manner." This att.i.tude seemed at first view to be friendly to the pro-slavery men; but the friends of the "Free-state" men were now pouring into the Territory by way of Iowa and Nebraska, and Smith's order worked ultimately to their advantage. Unquestionably the General intended to be impartial.

[Sidenote: Marching and counter-marching.]

The attack on Ossawattomie roused the "Free-state" men to new exertions. Three hundred of them, commanded by Lane, advanced upon the camp at Bull Creek. The two forces drew up in battle array, but, after a slight skirmish, they both drew off.

Acting Governor Woodson now ordered Colonel Cooke to attack Topeka with United States troops, but the Colonel refused to obey the order, and General Smith sustained him.

The "Free-state" men now planned an attack upon Lecompton. They moved in two separate columns, one commanded by Harvey and the other by Lane. The attack was to be made on September 4th, but the failure of Lane's column to arrive until the 5th enabled the {446} United States soldiers to reach the town first. When the "Free-state" men learned that the regulars were in the town, they returned to Lawrence.

[Sidenote: The failure of "Popular Sovereignty" in the Territories.]

The Missourians were now roused to serious and decided action. An army of some three thousand of them had gathered on the border, and was on the point of marching in for the purpose of destroying every "Free-state" settlement in the Territory. Only one thing could now save the Territory from thoroughgoing and relentless civil war, and that was the interference of the United States army. The fiasco of "popular sovereignty" in the Territories was at last complete. The general Government must a.s.sume control.

[Sidenote: Release of the "treason prisoners," and appointment of Geary.]

[Sidenote: The new Governor establishes peace by means of the army of the United States.]

The President's eyes had at last been opened to the fact, that if he allowed things to drift any farther in Kansas, the Republicans would win the presidential election in November. He, therefore, resolved to put the government of the Territory into impartial hands. He ordered the United States Marshal to release Robinson and his colleagues; appointed J. W. Geary, of Pennsylvania, a man of strong character, Governor of the Territory; and authorized Geary to call the United States troops to his a.s.sistance. Geary arrived at Lecompton on September 10th. On the 12th, he went to Lawrence, and, after promising the "Free-state" men protection against the Missourians, returned to Lecompton. On the 14th, the force advancing on Lawrence arrived in the neighborhood of the town. Word was immediately sent to the Governor.