The Life of Philip Melanchthon Part 9

CHAPTER XXVII.

THE DIET OF AUGSBURG AND ITS INTERIM.

The Emperor Charles, proud of his victories, would not be satisfied until he also succeeded in securing the second leader of the League of Smalkald, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse. For this purpose he also employed Duke Maurice, which was especially disgraceful, because he was the son-in-law of the Landgrave. Maurice did not believe that the Emperor would capture the Landgrave treacherously, in order to lead him behind his victorious chariot, as he did with Duke John Frederick. The Landgrave yielded to persuasion, and upon his knees asked the Emperor's pardon; yet, notwithstanding all a.s.surances to the contrary, he was seized and made a close prisoner. Thus the League of Smalkald was destroyed, and the Emperor found himself the mighty monarch of all he surveyed.

In the meantime, the Council of Trent had published several articles of religion, which were opposed to the acknowledged Evangelical truth; and the Pope had now also removed it from Trent to Italian soil, to Bologna, in order to have it completely in his power. This displeased the Emperor, who did not like to see the Pope a.s.suming too powerful and prominent a position. On the 1st September, 1547, he had opened another diet at Augsburg, towards which many looked with great anxiety. Not only the Ecclesiastical Electors, but also the Protestant princes were induced, by his influence, to declare that they would submit to the Council, provided it should be removed back again to Trent, and the articles of religion would be reconsidered. John Frederick alone opposed this; while the Pope did the same on the other side, because he could not bear to see the growing power of the Emperor. But Charles had for years learned at least so much, that it would be utterly impossible to introduce into Germany a reformation such as the Papacy desired; and because he wished to hold all the reins, not only of the worldly, but also of the spiritual government, in his own hands, he proposed to undertake the Reformation of the German Church himself. He had entertained this project for a long time, as he also manifested by the Ratisbon book, and now he believed he could carry out his plans, almost without any opposition, as the German States were prostrate at his feet.

He therefore proposed to these to appoint a number of able men to meet and deliberate for the present, upon a form of doctrine and discipline for the Church. In January, 1548, Duke Maurice had demanded the opinion of the Theologians of Wittenberg, in regard to this matter. On the 26th of January, they replied: "We see that it is intended to form an interim, which many States, who are now one with us in doctrine, will not receive, which will cause new and great wars. Therefore, we need the Grace of G.o.d and good counsel in this matter, which we dread very much.

It would be burdensome besides, to afflict our Churches by new changes; and it would be Christian and beneficial to suffer them to remain in their present condition." As the Elector had summoned them to Augsburg, they declared they would hold themselves in readiness. In regard to the Council, which was to be continued in Trent, Melanchthon expressed himself to the following purpose: "I believe, that if we agree to holding it, we are also bound to obey its decrees. But as various articles are false and opposed to divine truth, I cannot advise their adoption, and thus burden my conscience. But if the Emperor should insist upon a General Council, the other side should also be heard. The Emperor should be urged to permit an accommodation in Germany, as had been advised in Spire. And both sides should present written opinions."

It is highly gratifying that Melanchthon behaved so valiantly in this matter. And this must be valued still more highly, when we remember that the Emperor had twice already demanded his delivery. But the Emperor had already formed his plans. It is very likely that the Elector JOACHIM II., of Brandenburg, presented a writing to him, which, like the notorious book of Ratisbon, endeavored to bring about an agreement between the Catholics and Protestants. There is very little doubt of the fact, that the Elector's Chaplain, John Agricola, had composed a considerable portion of this book. When he entered his carriage in Berlin, he is said to have remarked that he was now going to Augsburg as the Reformer of Germany, and everywhere praised this performance exceedingly. The Emperor placed this doc.u.ment in the hands of the two Catholic Theologians, Julius von Pflug and Helding, that, in connection with Agricola, they might revise it in such a manner that it might be introduced into Germany as a temporary form of doctrine and discipline of the Church. It is generally called the _Augsburg Interim_, that is to say, the Augsburg "in the mean time." Agricola was so highly pleased with it, that he could not praise and magnify its advantages too much.

It granted the cup, marriage of the priests, and the possession of confiscated church property to the Protestants; and while it approximated their doctrine of the Church, the ma.s.s, and justification, it demanded that the rights of the Bishops, the seven Sacraments, transubstantiation, the invocation of saints, fasting, and ceremonies, should be retained. When Duke Maurice had received the book, he sent it to Melanchthon, who, from Altenburg, gave his opinion as follows: "It resembles the Ratisbon book, some articles being more stringent, others more moderate. What it says of the power of the Bishops needs limitation. It speaks in a very weak manner of faith and grace, although much better than the Council of Trent." Of the Pope and the Bishops, he says: "If the Pope has the true doctrine, we ought to obey him; but if he has not the true doctrine, our obedience must end." He expresses himself in a very decided manner against some points in the articles on the Sacraments, auricular confession, marriage, the ma.s.s, and invocation of saints, and says: "Finally, I am not willing to burden my conscience with this book, for the following reason: If the rulers would insist that the Pastors should adhere to this to the very letter, it would cause great persecution, sorrow, and offences, which would have such an injurious influence upon many persons, that they would not believe in any form of religion after it."

After a more thorough examination of the Interim, he published a still more decided and definite opinion from Klosterzelle, whither he had gone, because the Emperor had again demanded his delivery or exile. He p.r.o.nounces a severer judgment in regard to the "deceitful article of faith and love." "In reality, this is its true meaning: faith is a mere preparation for justification, then cometh love, by which man is justified. That is as much as to say: man is just because of his own works and virtues, so that this light is taken away; man is just and accepted by G.o.d, for the sake of the Lord Jesus Christ, through faith."

"Thus man is led away from Christ to depend upon himself, and thus loses the comfort he should find in the Son of G.o.d." He adds: "I pray that these things may be well considered, for they concern the glory of G.o.d and the harmony of all the Churches." And again: "If they wish to make a tolerable, Christian Interim, they ought doubtless to make a difference between those matters which are right and needful, and those which are unnecessary, wrong, and, besides this, impossible. Why do they wish to desolate the Churches on account of the needless and false ma.s.ses for souls, invocations of the saints, &c.?" For although the Interim admitted that the ma.s.s is no sacrifice for sin, and does not purchase forgiveness of sins, yet it still retained these four errors: the _first_, that the priest offers the Son of G.o.d as a sacrifice in the ma.s.s; the _second_, that by this the people obtain the merits of Christ; the _third_, that departed saints are to be invoked; and the _fourth_, that this sacrifice is beneficial to the dead. "These are all terrible lies, and therefore these articles should not be agreed to."

Thus did Melanchthon express himself, and the other Theologians, Cruciger, Maior, and Pfeffinger, agreed with him. The Elector Maurice had not been pleased with the Interim from the beginning, and declared that he would not undertake anything of the kind without consulting his people. When he had, therefore, read Melanchthon's views, he demanded a full and dispa.s.sionate opinion from the Theologians. They went to Celle, and prepared one. On the 14th of April they sent it to the Elector, accompanied by a modest, yet determined letter. They again rejected the articles of justification, private ma.s.ses, ma.s.ses for souls, and the canons, while they agreed to confirmation, extreme unction, the power of the Bishops, private absolution without auricular confession, and several festivals and ceremonies, provided that work-holiness and the invocation of saints be abolished. Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius on the following day: "As long as I live I shall act as I did yesterday, and speak the same things, no matter where I shall be." "I have this consolation, that whatsoever cometh from G.o.d shall not perish. And I would not wish that our opinions should pa.s.s down to posterity if they are not of G.o.d."

He wrote a letter of justification to Minister VON CARLOWITZ on the 28th of April, which gained him the ill-will of many of Luther's friends. We shall communicate some portion of it: "When the prince has formed his resolutions, I shall not make any disturbance, although I may not approve of many things in them, but will either remain silent or go away, or bear whatever arises. I have also formerly borne an almost unbecoming servitude when Luther suffered himself to be led more by his nature, which was inclined to fight, than by his dignity, and the general welfare. And I know that we must silently and modestly bear and cover many defects in the affairs of State, even as we must bear the evil effects of a storm. But you tell me that I am not merely required to be _silent_, but to approve of the Interim." He proceeds to show the minister that he is by no means quarrelsome, but had always been moderate and advising peace, so that the very persons who now appear in Augsburg as peacemakers, had calumniated him at court on account of his moderation. "And afterwards others, for almost twenty years, called me frost and ice; others again, that I agreed with the enemy. I recollect even, that one accused me of striving after a Cardinal's hat." But that notwithstanding all this, he had adhered to essentials in doctrine, cutting off all useless questions. He did not wish a change of doctrine, or the expulsion of worthy men, and that he could only think of it with the greatest sorrow. He now discusses the separate articles of the Augsburg book, how much he would yield, and what he would adhere to.

But, if he should be regarded an obstinate fool, because he did not agree to all the articles, he would bear it, and imitate those who had preferred the truth to life in far less important things than these." We can easily discover his love of peace in all this, but also that he was determined not to yield in important points. While many of the more decided Protestants misinterpreted his constant yielding, he drew upon himself the highest displeasure of the Emperor, who again wished his expulsion, but without gaining his purpose. Melanchthon about this time wrote to JEROME WELLER: "In the consciousness of having desired what is right, we shall bear all that may fall upon us. For, in obedience to the divine commandment, we have sought the truth, which was indeed buried in thick darkness, and we have brought many good things to the light of day. Therefore let us also hope that G.o.d will hear our groans. We have experienced the uncertainty of the help of man."

But the Interim did not only displease the Protestants, but the Catholic Electors and Bishops declared in Augsburg that they would adhere to the old state of things, but would not object to it if his Imperial Majesty would bring back the apostates to the right way.

When Melanchthon had returned to Wittenberg, he, by request, prepared an opinion concerning the demand of the Bishops, that their jurisdiction should be restored to them; in which he plainly declares, that it was impossible to enter into an agreement with the persecutors; "and even if we would patch at it, it would be a peace like that between wolves and sheep." "But as for myself, I declare that we have just and needful reasons for avoiding their false doctrine and abuses. For this is G.o.d's eternal and unchangeable commandment: Flee Idolatry."... That the Bishops say of the Augsburg Confession, that it was never lived up to, I do not understand whom or what they mean. But it is certain that in the Churches of Saxony, and as far as Denmark, nothing more or different has been adopted than the doctrine contained in said "Augsburg Confession."

The Interim was finally read to the States in the middle of May. The Catholics were not pressed to adopt it, but the Protestants were required to adhere to it until the Council should have published its decrees. Thus the Emperor succeeded in carrying out his own wishes; the Elector of Brandenburg signed it unconditionally, but Maurice only under certain conditions. The Margraves WOLFGANG, and JOHN VON CUSTRIN, and the prisoner JOHN FREDERICK, refused to sign, as faithful witnesses of the truth, who would not permit it to be tampered with. The Protestant cities raised a general opposition to it; the cities of southern Germany alone yielded to force, as threats and abuse were employed against them.

About 400 ministers of the Gospel in these cities remained faithful to the truth, and were banished. The cities of northern and eastern Germany greatly distinguished themselves by their resistance, especially Magdeburg, which now called itself the chancery of G.o.d. The Protestants could with great justice say of the Interim:

"Blest is the man, who can put trust in G.o.d, And does not consent to the Interim, For it is but a rogue in disguise."[23]

CHAPTER XXVIII.

HOW THE INTERIM FARED IN THE ELECTORATE OF SAXONY.

We have already heard that the Elector Maurice only signed the Interim conditionally. Partly because he did not approve of many things in it, and partly also because he did not think it possible to enforce it in his dominions, where the Reformation had taken such deep root, he presented a protest at Augsburg, in which he explained that he could not at once force the Interim upon his people; it would be necessary first to consult the Chambers; but whatever he could do with G.o.d and a good conscience he would diligently do, so that he should not be found wanting. In the month of June he returned to his dominions, and demanded a full opinion from his Theologians at Wittenberg. It was composed by Melanchthon, and was already the fourth which the miserable Augsburg Interim had called forth. With a bold faith he declares in the beginning: "Although war and destruction are threatened, we ought to esteem the commandment of G.o.d greater, that is, we should not deny the truth of the Gospel which has become known to us. Besides this, the doctrine of the Son of G.o.d and forgiveness of sins is a particular counsel of G.o.d, which He, in infinite mercy, has revealed, and wishes that all men should help to sustain this doctrine, in order that they may call upon him aright, and obtain salvation. Now we know, from many examples, that from Adam's time the devil has tried many arts, again and again, to extinguish or to darken this doctrine. In the third place, it should also be considered what great offence it would cause in our Churches, if false doctrine and idolatry should be publicly introduced into them again. For many pious persons would fall into great distress, and the true worship of G.o.d would be hindered." After the opinion has declared that the Theologians would heartily wish to see and enjoy peace, it yet demands that Saxony should not be troubled with the Augsburg Interim. "For it will certainly not be received in many countries and cities." They would review it, and openly and honestly confess the truth it contained, but condemn its errors. The Theologians particularly objected to the article on Justification, and said: "We cannot advise any one to agree with the book in this point." They also rejected the article which treated of the Church and Bishops, and then entered upon an examination of the various articles on the Sacraments, confirmation, extreme unction, repentance, confession, &c., and pointed out every defect, and confessed in conclusion:--"And whereas we have recently received notice that the preface of the work prohibits every one from preaching, teaching, or writing against the Interim, it is necessary, with all humility, to make this declaration: That we shall not change the true doctrine, as it has. .h.i.therto been preached in our churches, for no creature has the right to change divine truth, and no one is permitted to deny truth when known to him." This lengthy opinion was signed by Bugenhagen, Pfeffinger, Cruciger, Major, Melanchthon, and Froshel, and delivered into the Elector's hands.

On the 2d of July he received his Chambers, together with several Theologians, one of whom was Melanchthon, in the city of Meissen. In his address to the Chambers, the Elector reviewed the entire course of things, and concluded by saying, that they should prove themselves disposed to a.s.sist the Emperor in whatever may be promotive of Christian harmony, quiet, peace, and unity, and can be done with the approbation of G.o.d and a good conscience." On the 4th of July, Melanchthon wrote to Maienburg: "It has been resolved to address a most reverent letter to the Emperor, beseeching him not to urge the errors of this doc.u.ment upon our Church. I therefore entertain the hope that the Churches of these countries will not suffer any change." He wrote in a still more decided manner to Paul Eber, that those were greatly in error who believed that the dissensions in the Church could be removed by ambiguous efforts to bring about an agreement, because an irreconcilable war exists between the devil and the Son of G.o.d, even as it is written: "I will put enmity between the serpent and the seed of the woman." He thus concludes this letter: "But I beseech the Son of G.o.d, that he would rule and support our minds in confessing and explaining the truth!" The Elector had presented the Augsburg Interim to the Chambers, together with the intimation that they should take the advice of the Theologians. This was done. Melanchthon immediately began the work, and particularly treated of the articles on justification and good works, which were the most rotten in the Interim, and on which so much, it may even be said _all_, depended. He, on the whole, considered it most advisable to pray the Emperor to exempt Saxony from the Interim. The Theologians communicated these views to the Chambers: "This is our opinion, we should prefer above all if these churches could remain as they now are. For a change would produce great trouble and offence." The Chambers agreed to this proposition, and besought the Elector to write to the Emperor to that effect. But Maurice, who was bound by the Emperor's kindness towards himself, declared that he could not thus utterly reject the Interim--that they ought to yield in indifferent matters; but that he would postpone the matter to the next meeting of the Chambers.

The adoption of the Interim was particularly urged by the Elector JOACHIM of Brandenburg, or rather by the author, his Court Chaplain Agricola, who entertained a very high opinion of it, and on his return from Augsburg endeavored to persuade AQUILA of Saalfeld to agree to it.

But he came to the wrong person, who said of the Interim, "that in the beginning it showed the sheep's clothing, but afterwards the ravening wolf."

When Agricola exclaimed against Melanchthon's Opinion: "Away with Philippus; he writes nothing but lies in his book, the Opinion. Fie upon you! there is not a word in it but they are ashamed of." Aquila answered: "Let us not abuse our teachers, but highly honor them; Master Philip Melanchthon will be able to defend himself." Then Eisleben, (for Agricola was also known by this name,) replied: "I will summon Philip to come to me, and will read the text to him; for the land must be utterly ruined if they oppose the Interim." Aquila replied: "If the devastation of countries is the fruit of the Interim, it would be better if it had never been born." Agricola was indeed obliged to hear much of such misery, but in Saxony the Interim made no progress at all. Melanchthon also hoped that the people of Saxony would give a brilliant evidence of their constancy, as he at this time expressed himself very decidedly in his letters to various friends. The Margrave JOHN of Brandenburg-Custrin, who did not at all agree with the Elector JOACHIM, in regard to the Interim, and who by not subscribing it in Augsburg had incurred the displeasure of the Emperor, demanded an opinion from Melanchthon. He replied on the 31st of July, that G.o.dly and sensible ministers could not adopt it, because it was false in the article on justification: "As regards my own person, by G.o.d's grace I will not approve of this book, called Interim, for which I have very important reasons; and I shall commend my poor life to G.o.d, whether I be imprisoned or banished." But, as to what counsel should be given to rulers, many things might be said. There are points in this book which no prince, who understands the truth, could receive under any circ.u.mstances. As many cities would not approve of it, it would be best not to hasten with a reply. Perhaps the Emperor would be satisfied if a prince should offer to maintain uniformity in non-essentials, and would besides declare what he could and what he could not adopt. But if a government adopts the Interim, it also pledges itself to persecute innocent pastors. Whether rulers are to defend themselves? To this he replies: "As the father of the family is bound, as far as he is able, to protect his wife and children, if a murderer should break into his house, so are rulers bound, as far as they can, to protect their churches and innocent subjects! Whoever wishes to confess the truth, should commend himself to G.o.d, and remember that it is written: the hairs of your head are all numbered." Thus did he always advise.

Although he may have recommended compliance in indifferent matters, he never advised any one to submit to a change of doctrine.

We have already heard that Maurice had postponed the final decision in regard to the Interim, to the next meeting of the Chambers. But before this meeting in Torgau, he thought it advisable to enter into negotiations with the two Bishops of his dominions, Pflug of Naumburg, and Malt.i.tz of Meissen, in order to yield everything to the Emperor which could be yielded in accordance with the pure doctrine and conscience. On the 23d of August, prince George of Anhalt and Forster, and Melanchthon with Eber, instead of Cruciger, who was ill, met the two Bishops in Conference in Pegau. The Elector, proceeding from the principle that we must give to G.o.d the things that are G.o.d's, and to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, said, that he expected that they would not be "obstinate" in those matters which might be granted without detracting from the honor of G.o.d, or offending conscience. Of course this conference adjourned after a few days, without having accomplished anything, for the two Bishops would not agree to any change of the Interim. On the 30th of August, Melanchthon returned to Wittenberg by way of Leipzig, to behold the approaching end of one of his dearest friends, Caspar Cruciger, who died on the 16th of November. The sick man, shortly before his death, had a heavy and alarming dream. He said to Froshel: "Oh, what a terrible and cruel disputation I held in my dream to-day." When he asked to hear the particulars, he replied: "I cannot tell. They wished to persuade me, and to absolve me in regard to it, that it would be all right, and do me no harm, but I protested against it." Froshel began to comfort him, and Cruciger wished to receive absolution of his sins. When he had heard it, he began to pray fervently for the church, and with his hands clasped together, he frequently repeated these words: "Father, sanctify them by thy truth, thy word is truth; grant that they may be one in us." Froshel endeavored to comfort him by a somewhat longer address, to which the dying man replied "Amen!" in a soft tone, and soon after fell asleep in the Lord.

We may imagine the greatness of Melanchthon's sorrow, when he received the sad news at the meeting of the Chambers at Celle. He wrote to Dietrich in Nuremberg, that G.o.d had at last called Caspar to the heavenly university. Although no one was more distressed at this death than he himself, because they had been most intimate friends, he yet congratulated him upon this happy journey, because he was thereby removed from many sad scenes.

The Chambers had met in Torgau, on the 18th of October. Already on the first day of the session, five knights and two Electoral chancellors, no doubt at the instigation of the Elector, arose and presented a doc.u.ment, in which they explained what they thought of the Augsburg Interim, and what they believed might be yielded. They also at the same time admonished the Theologians to yield in indifferent matters, and thus to save the country from great afflictions. Their proposition leaned towards the Interim, and wished to reintroduce the Catholic state of things, which had been abolished by the Reformation. On the 20th of October, Melanchthon departed from Torgau, deeply distressed at the plans of the Electoral Court, as he himself writes to the prince of Anhalt. In this letter of October 24th, he says that he would not countenance troublesome alterations of doctrine, and would rather suffer banishment or death. He believes that the Emperor's favor could be secured by introducing confirmation, excommunication, and foolish fasting. But wherefore also the ma.s.s? He saw very well that they did not merely wish to reconcile the Emperor, but also to introduce private ma.s.ses. "If they wish this, I wish they would acknowledge it at once, for I know that I cannot prescribe laws to them; but those could depart who would not be satisfied with such a change of the churches." As late as November 14th, he wrote to Maienburg, that he had indeed always replied with moderation, but that he would never consent to a change of doctrine, and of the ma.s.s. This he was now to prove when he came to CELLE, with Bugenhagen and Maior, November 16th. The Superintendents LAUTERBACH, of Pirna, and WELLER, of Freiberg, and also Camerarius, of Leipzig, were present. They were requested to revise the Liturgy, which had been prepared in the days of Duke Henry, of Saxony, approved by Luther, and printed in the year 1539, and had been used in the territory of Misnia up to the present time; but these changes were to be made in the spirit of the Interim. The Theologians declared, on the 18th of November, that G.o.d, who knows the hearts of all men, knows that we do not contend in an inconsiderate, wilful, or obstinate spirit, but are really anxious for peace; but that they could not accept false doctrine and idolatrous ceremonies.

Upon this the deputies, without the a.s.sistance of the clergy, placed together all the articles. This doc.u.ment is called the _Recess of Celle_. It was to be laid before the next meeting of the Chambers. But previously to this, the Electors Maurice and Joachim met in Juterbock on the 16th of December, and signed this Recess. The Chambers met in Leipzig on the 21st of December, to which Maurice had summoned all the deputies of his dominions. The Theologians present were the Prince of Anhalt, Melanchthon, Gresser, of Dresden, Pfeffinger and Camerarius, of Leipzig. The Elector presented the Recess of Celle, and called upon the Chambers to be obedient in everything which duty to G.o.d and conscience would permit them to yield. "That will be your own greatest advantage, and also for the peace and quiet of our dominions." The Interim of Celle contained the pure doctrine of the Evangelical Church, and merely wished to adopt such usages and ceremonies from the Catholic Church as were indifferent or non-essential. The Interim which was prepared here in Leipzig, with a reference to previous forms of agreement, is called the _Leipzig Interim_. They did not dispute about the fall of man; and in regard to _Justification_, they had already come to terms at Pegau. They declared in this part that man is not justified by works, but by mercy, gratuitously, without our merit, so that the glory may redound to Christ, and not to man. But yet man is not a block; he is drawn in such a manner that his own will also co-operates. Of _Good Works_, they taught that G.o.d indeed accepts men for Christ's sake, but that nevertheless good works are very needful. They said of them, that they must be in us, and are needful to salvation. Melanchthon had composed these articles, while the remaining ones were prepared by the Elector's counsellors. Of the _Church_, they said that we must receive what she teaches, "as she shall not and cannot command anything opposed to the Holy Scriptures." All other ministers of the Church should be subject and obedient to the bishops, who discharge their office according to the commandment of G.o.d, and use it for edification, and not for destruction.

_Baptism_ is to be administered with exorcism, the presence and confession of Christian sponsors, and other ancient, Christian ceremonies; and so likewise _Confirmation_. _Repentance_, _Confession_, and _Absolution_, are to be taught, and no one admitted to the most holy sacrament of the body and blood, without confession and absolution.

_Extreme Unction_ might be practised according to the customs of the Apostles, yet without any superst.i.tion and misapprehension. The ministers of the Church should be earnestly and diligently examined prior to _ordination_. The _Ma.s.s_ should be celebrated in future with ringing of bells, lights, and vessels, singing, appropriate dress, and other ceremonies. It also referred to further particulars as to the manner of celebrating ma.s.s. The pictures of the pa.s.sion of Christ and the saints may be present to remind us of them, but are not to receive any divine honor. The _hymns_ are also introduced again. The days of Corpus Christi and the festivals of the holy virgin are to be added to the other festival days. _Abstaining from meat_ on Sat.u.r.day and Friday, and in Lent, is introduced as an outward observance. The ministers of the Church are to _dress_ differently from the laity.

The Chambers accepted this Interim, only expressing their scruples in regard to Ordination, Confirmation, Anointing (Chrism) the festival of Corpus Christi, and the Ma.s.s. They were a.s.sured in regard to this by a declaration from the Theologians, December 28th, and the Elector also gave a.s.surances. On the 6th of January, 1549, Melanchthon returned to Wittenberg, and on the same day wrote to Maienburg: "The Leipzig negotiations effect no change in the Church, because the contention in regard to the ma.s.s and the canon is postponed until further negotiations. Yet I wish that some things had been prepared differently."

CHAPTER XXIX.

DISPUTES ABOUT THE LEIPZIG INTERIM.

The more decided and strict adherents of Luther, who had before found so much fault with Melanchthon, now exhibited particular enmity towards him. He was bitterly reproached on account of his compliance. But we now enter upon a part of the history of his life, and of the evangelical Church, which is not of a very refreshing character. But this too should not be wanting, and will exhibit Melanchthon to us in such a light that we cannot refuse our sympathy, and even acknowledgment to the goodness of his heart, although we may regret the want of an energy like Luther's. These disputes mainly arose from the Interim. In the month of January, the Theologians of Berlin made inquiries of those at Wittenberg concerning the Interim. Agricola had boasted very much of it in the pulpit, and said that now the door of all Europe was opened to the Gospel. They wished to know now whether they comprehended among these "indifferent things," all that had been customary in the Papacy, such as holy water, salt, herbs, palms, consecration of unleavened bread, processions with flags and torches, unction at baptisms and sick-beds, the laying of the cross in pa.s.sion-week, &c. They therefore asked for a copy of the agreement of Juterbock, and, on the whole, a fuller explanation of these indifferent things, or _Adiaphora_, as they are called. They also asked for further explanations in regard to extreme unction. They replied by Bugenhagen and Melanchthon, on the 11th of January. They were not able to send the articles of Juterbock, because they had not been present at the secret conference, and did not possess a copy of them. They did not enumerate the consecration of oil and salt among indifferent things, and had always rejected this and other matters. They exhorted those of Berlin to adhere to the Church discipline formerly given by the Elector. They also added this much-disputed sentence: "As such great devastations are occurring in other places, we believe that it is better to endure a hard servitude, if it can only be done without impiety, than to separate ourselves from the Churches." Questions and answers, however, did not everywhere pa.s.s off as well as in this instance. The excitement increased among the more determined friends of truth, when the Interim was about to be introduced; and the prince of Anhalt had considerably revised and altered the Liturgy, which had been introduced by Duke Henry. Several conferences were held, and Melanchthon was again actively engaged. On the 13th of April he was present at a meeting of the Chambers at Torgau, where the Interim was to be read. He here communicated the fact, that an adherent of Flacius, most likely Deacon Schultz of Torgau, had accused the Theologians of an intention to lead the people back again to Popery.

He at the same time presented a defence to the Chambers, in which he showed that it would be necessary to yield somewhat in indifferent matters, if the main things in doctrine and the Sacrament were sustained. But that they had also yielded somewhat, because they had been seeking to bring about uniformity in doctrine and ceremonies. But this could not be looked upon as strengthening the Papacy. Their opponents declared, indeed, that fear had driven them to compliance, but to this they would reply: "We ought not to be condemned for being so fearful as to yield indifferent to needful things, and that we are thus fearful, not for our sakes, but the good of the people, children, and the entire government." Luther himself had frequently advised compromises in indifferent matters. That they had not introduced any new ceremonies. He defends himself most powerfully against the objection, that they were introducing idolatry, and thus concludes: "This is indeed a new form of Popery, that these violent persons wish to force every one to hold the same opinions as themselves, and fearfully condemn every one who does not at once agree with them."

The ministers of Hamburg also addressed a long epistle to the Wittenbergers, in which they condemn the principle expressed by them in their reply to those of Berlin, that it would be better to endure a hard servitude in indifferent things, than to leave the churches on their account. They thought that too many things were comprehended under this term, and wished the Theologians of Wittenberg to explain what they meant by indifferent things. Melanchthon replied in a very friendly manner, on the 16th of April. He begins thus: "We are pleased if you admonish and correct us in the spirit of love; for this is a very necessary duty in friendship, and much more in affairs of the church.

But yet, we entreat you that you would judge us leniently, according to your wisdom, reputation, and benevolence; and that you would not condemn old friends who have labored much for more than twenty years, and have endured, and do still endure, the greatest conflicts, as we are furiously persecuted by certain other persons, with many false accusations. We therefore do not reply to them, lest hatred and discord might be still more inflamed, in these sorrowful times." He declares that, by the grace of G.o.d, the same Gospel is still preached in Wittenberg, as in Hamburg. They would never permit any alterations in doctrine, and in the Lord's Supper, because these were the eternal counsels of G.o.d. They had far more to contend with than those who abused them. They did not consent to anything in customs and ceremonies which contradict the word of G.o.d. He further declares that by indifferent things, or Adiaphora, they did not understand magical consecrations, adoration of images, nor carrying about of the consecrated bread and the like, which they rejected by their words and writings, yea, not even the ridiculous stuff which occurs at funerals. Among the Adiaphora, they counted those things which the ancient Church already possessed, such as festivals, public readings, confession and absolution before the Lord's Supper, examination at confirmation, ordination to the ministerial office, and the like. He also defends the principle that it would be better to endure a servitude not opposed to the word of G.o.d, than to leave the Church; and he also thinks they should rather have been comforted than condemned, inasmuch as they still adhered to the true foundation. In conclusion, he urges unity. But the Wittenbergers, and Melanchthon, who was looked upon as their leader, were to endure still severer conflicts. We, in pa.s.sing, will merely refer to the two pastors, ZWILLING and SCHULTZ, in Torgau, who preferred to be deposed from their ministry, rather than wear the white surplice, and called those who wore it, traitors and idolators. Melanchthon regarded these manifestations with great regret, and in his sorrow wrote to the Prince of Anhalt: "I would rather go into exile, than contend continually with such obstinate men."

But Melanchthon's princ.i.p.al opponent at this time, and also afterwards, was MATTHIAS FLACIUS, who indeed embittered his life in an indescribable manner. He was born of respectable parents in Albona, in Illyria, in the year 1520; and after the death of his father, went to Milan and Venice, to prosecute his studies. When a youth, he already loved the Bible, and intended to enter a cloister, to serve G.o.d better. But a pious monk, who afterwards suffered martyrdom for the Gospel's sake, dissuaded him from this step, and revealed to him how the Gospel, which had been darkened by the Papacy, had again been brought to light by Luther. This at once kindled a fire in the heart of the inflammable young man. Against the wishes of his relatives, and supplied with a very slender purse, he set out for Germany, and in the year 1539 arrived at Basle. He here found a really paternal friend in the well-known reformer, SIMON GRYNaeUS. He made rapid progress in the study of divinity, both at this place, and also in Tubingen, whither he went the following year. However, he felt himself drawn to Wittenberg, the mother-city of the Reformation. Here he enjoyed the good fortune, so often longed for, to hear Luther and Melanchthon; and he also enjoyed many benefits, especially at the hands of the latter. In Wittenberg, he for three years pa.s.sed through severe inward conflicts, for he could not believe divine grace, and deeply felt the wrath of G.o.d abiding upon him. Bugenhagen brought the greatly-distressed young man to Dr. Luther, who, as is well known, had been made a powerful comforter by his own deep experience; and it seems that from that time, light began to arise in his troubled heart. In the year 1544, he was already professor of the Hebrew language in Wittenberg, and taught with great success. At his marriage in the year following, he rejoiced to see Dr. Luther present at the wedding. He was greatly attached to the reformer, and with him hated everything that savored of Popery. However, he evidently proceeded much further in this respect than Luther, who was willing to suffer wholesome customs to remain, even though they came from the Catholic Church. On this account, Flacius regarded the Interim with the greatest displeasure; and spoke with Eber, Maior, Pomera.n.u.s, and particularly Melanchthon, that they should zealously oppose it by word and deed. But when he saw that they would not consent, but rather, as we know already, accepted the Interim of Leipzig, he published various severe writings against the Interim and its defenders, yet without mentioning his name. And as the Interim succeeded notwithstanding all this, and was about to be introduced into Wittenberg, he resolved rather to leave Wittenberg than see this change.

He removed to Magdeburg, where various persons, among them Amsdorf, who had been expelled from his bishopric, who were all highly incensed at the compliance of the Wittenbergers, had taken up their residence.

The most violent publications were sent forth from this Chancery of G.o.d, as Magdeburg was called. They gave various insulting names to their opponents at Wittenberg, such as knaves, Samaritans, and Baalites; but Melanchthon was the princ.i.p.al mark of their attacks, because they blamed him especially for the introduction of the Interim. In a letter to MOLLER, he thus temperately expresses his sentiments in regard to the Interim: "I often advised that no innovations should be made now, for the people would at once cry out that we were destroying the Gospel, or at least beginning to do so. But the courts exclaimed that it would be necessary to yield somewhat to the Emperor, so that he would not send his armies into these parts, and suppress the Church, as he did in Swabia. But although I am not able to say whether we shall appease the Emperor by the re-introduction of a few indifferent ceremonies, yet the courtiers declare that such will be the case, and exhort us not to expose the fatherland and the Church to devastation, on account of these non-essential matters. We therefore contend for essential matters, for purity of doctrine, and the form of the Lord's Supper, so that the Papal ma.s.s may not be introduced again, as it was done amid the groans of all the G.o.dly, in Swabia. But I have never contended about holidays, the order of hymns, and similar matters; and I do not believe that such contention could be reconciled with the moderation needful in the present troubled state of the Church. But when some are opposed to all order, and all laws, it really seems far too uncivilized to me. I have many years ago wished that our churches might introduce a few ceremonies. A similarity in such matters, conduces to unity. Of course, there must be moderation in all such things. We do not make the least alterations in doctrine or essentials. But transubstantiation is the fountain of all the misery in which we find ourselves at the present time, and which awaits the Church in future. This has added strength to the Papal ma.s.s, concerning which we shall again hear the most severe commands of the Emperor at the next diet. You know that I have treated all other questions of dispute in a manner calculated to remove all doubts from the mind of every pious man, who judges leniently; but in regard to the question of transubstantiation, I have always been very short, owing to the slanderous judgments of some of our own side."

The men at Magdeburg, and Flacius particularly, would not be silent; but Melanchthon did not reply. He speaks of this in a letter to BAUMGARTNER: "I have not yet answered our neighbors in the city of Parthenope, (Magdeburg,) because the facts themselves refute them; and what a conflagration would be caused, if we should reply!" He was induced to remain silent by his love of peace, and perhaps he also hoped that Flacius, owing to his extravagant views, would not secure many adherents. But in this he was mistaken; and he says himself, in a letter written September 20th, to Pastor LAUTERBACH of Pirna: "If they do not stop challenging us, I shall answer them. In the meantime I will refute this outcry by other useful writings. We see how the devil is spurring on unruly spirits, to create greater confusion. We will therefore call upon the Son of G.o.d, our Lord Jesus Christ, to direct us." At last, October 1st, 1549, he replied to the attacks of Flacius. In answer to his reproach that doctrines were changed, and abolished ceremonies were being reintroduced, Melanchthon gives the unequivocal reply, that he confessed all that he had recorded in his book, _Loci Communes_, in which was found the doctrine of the Augsburg Confession of the year 1530. As far as the _change of customs_ was concerned, he was free to confess that he had advised the Franconians and others not to leave the churches on account of this servitude, provided it could be borne without impiety. "But when Flacius maintains that I have said the church ought by no means to be left, even if all the old abuses were to be introduced again, I p.r.o.nounce this to be a palpable lie." He also particularly complains of this, that his opponent made use of expressions which had been uttered in private conversations and in jest.

He concludes in a conciliatory manner, by saying that he had not taken up the pen on his own account, but for the sake of those who were injured by the writings of Flacius. "They should satisfy themselves that they adhered to the true foundation faithfully in these churches, namely, the pure Gospel, all the articles of faith, and the use of the Sacraments without any perversion. And it is certain that the Son of G.o.d is present in such services, and hears the prayers of such an a.s.sembly."

In November he was summoned to Dresden on account of this affair. The Court of the Elector seems to have been at this time disturbed by the publications of Magdeburg. But let us hear what Melanchthon says of it, in a letter to the Prince of Anhalt: "They were deliberating at Court about a modest reply and refutation of the slanderous accusations of our neighbors. However, I advised them not to publish it; for it is very evident that such publications do not cure and pacify slanderous persons, but rather tend to irritate them more. And Pythagoras has said, we ought not to extinguish a fire by the sword. The newest publication of Magdeburg, in which they show very plainly that they thirst after my blood, was not yet known at court. I often think of departing: may G.o.d direct me! The end will show what kind of spirit rules those who are troubling our already sufficiently troubled churches still more."

These disputes still went on, and Flacius published Melanchthon's letters which had been written with great timidity during the Diet of Augsburg. These were accompanied by biting original notes from the hand of Flacius. Melanchthon said of him, in a letter written in January, 1550: "I believe that honorable men detest his poison. For he does not contend for a princ.i.p.al point of doctrine, but publishes books filled with slanders and lies, by which he wishes to gain these two points: to render me detested by the people, and even to rouse those against me who still regard me with friendly eyes. But G.o.d, the searcher of hearts, will protect me against this slanderer."

CHAPTER x.x.x.

THE CONFLICT WITH OSIANDER.

We can briefly pa.s.s over a conflict which arose in Hamburg, concerning the object of Christ's descent into h.e.l.l. The superintendent, aePINUS, of that place, had expressed the opinion that Christ's descent into h.e.l.l was the last stage of his humiliation, and that he there suffered the pains of h.e.l.l for us. The Wittenbergers, at the head of whom we are always to regard Melanchthon, declared in an opinion that the descent into h.e.l.l represented Christ's victory over h.e.l.l and the devil, and counted it, as it indeed is, one of the stages of his exaltation. But, although the contending parties were not entirely satisfied, yet this conflict did not produce such results as that excited by OSIANDER, in regard to the doctrine of Justification, which may be called the heart's blood of the Evangelical Church. Andrew Osiander, or Hosenmann, or Hosen-Enderlein, was born of poor parents in Gunzenhausen, December 19th, 1498. He contended with great poverty in the school and University; but, by his talents, he soon acquired great knowledge, yet not equal to that of the learned Wittenberg Professor. Melanchthon always recognized his talents and other excellent gifts, so that he was anxious to draw him to Wittenberg to occupy the chair of Cruciger, when Osiander no longer wished to remain as Pastor in Nuremberg, on account of the Interim. Duke Albert of Prussia had once heard Osiander preach in Nuremberg, and had been gained over to the side of the Gospel by that sermon. The Duke always remembered this gratefully, and was rejoiced that he was now able to call him as first professor of Divinity, to the new University of Konigsberg, in 1544. In his very first disputation, held April, 1549, he spoke of _Justification_, but in such a way, that it was very evident that he did not stand upon the ground of the Evangelical, but rather of the Catholic Church. He explained _Justification_ as meaning "to make just," and concluded that man becomes just before G.o.d by means of the righteousness or holiness communicated to him. He also entirely separated repentance from faith.

When Melanchthon at first heard indistinct rumors of this Konigsburg dispute, he regarded it as a mere battle of words; but he came to a very different conclusion when he received further particulars. On the 12th of August he wrote to Camerarius concerning Osiander, that he denied all imputation. And to a friend in Pomerania: "I do not believe that Osiander's controversy is a mere dispute about words, but he differs from our Church in a very important matter, and darkens our only consolation in true conflicts, or rather destroys it, by teaching us to rely upon essential righteousness, and does not lead us to the promise which offers us mercy by the obedience of the Mediator." Osiander continued to express his views more boldly, and was much displeased with those who were constantly appealing to Melanchthon. He said that they should no longer offend him by the stupid words: "Our preceptor Philippus teaches differently!" The confusion in Konigsberg increased.

He now also published his work: "A Confession concerning the only mediator Jesus Christ, and Justification." In this he maintains that the Redemption, by the death of Christ, has been bestowed upon all men. By Justification, man is not only _declared to be righteous_, but he is _made righteous_, inasmuch as the essential righteousness of G.o.d is communicated to him through faith in Jesus Christ. He disregarded the human nature of Christ entirely, and laid all stress upon his divinity, the righteousness of which enters the heart. He thus continued to adhere to his Catholic doctrine of Justification.

On the 1st of May, 1551, Melanchthon wrote a friendly letter to Osiander, in which he a.s.sures him of his high esteem, and says: "You are greatly mistaken if you suspect me of entertaining different feelings."

He at the same time also, in a supplement, added a few propositions for serious examination. But at last, when the views of Osiander seemed to be spreading more and more, he in January, 1552, published his well-known work: "Reply to the work of Mr. Andrew Osiander concerning the justification of man." As this work presents the pure doctrine of the Evangelical Church concerning justification, in a clear and calm manner, and at the same time also displays the amiable character of Melanchthon, it will not be amiss to present some extracts. He says in the beginning, that he rejoiced that others had also expressed their views in regard to this article; however, he would likewise speak, having been called upon to do so, by many distinguished and other persons. He would express his opinions in a clear and simple manner, in order that those who have been filled with trouble and sorrow by this dispute, may see upon what it rests, and what will be for the comfort of their souls. He had never intended to depart from Luther's views in this very important article. "As for the slanderous attacks of Osiander, in which he does me wrong, I will leave these to G.o.d, who knoweth the hearts of all men, and who is our judge. I have always loved and honored him, as every one knows, and I truly wonder whence all this bitterness proceeds.... I know that all my writings are too insignificant and weak, and therefore I have always submitted them to the judgment of our Church." He then proceeds to speak of the _Grace of G.o.d_ and the _free gifts_, according to Romans v., and says, _Grace_ is the forgiveness of Sin, and acceptance of our person with G.o.d; but the _gift_ is the divine presence in us, by which we are renewed, and find comfort and the beginning of life everlasting. These two, Grace and Gift, we have by the merits of Christ; and this is not gained by our works, but is alone obtained by our faith in the Lord Jesus Christ. This faith must ever continue, receive and retain both Grace and Gift, for the sake of the Mediator Christ, even though Regeneration has been commenced. It is like this, when John says, that _Grace_ and _Truth_ came through the Lord Jesus Christ. Faith reposes all its confidence in the entire Lord Christ, G.o.d and man, even as the same Lord Christ G.o.d and man is Mediator and Redeemer according to both natures. For although the human nature alone felt wounds and sufferings, yet the whole Christ is Mediator and Redeemer. For this suffering would not have been the price, if the Redeemer were not G.o.d at the same time. They had at all times confessed that we must all undergo a change.