The Life of Philip Melanchthon Part 5

When Melanchthon, therefore, applied again for leave, a severe decree of the Elector was handed to him, in which he was told that he should not, as a good subject, have meddled in this matter, without the knowledge of the Elector. No good, but rather evil, was to be expected from such a journey. "But if, over and above all these considerations, you think that you cannot omit this journey conscientiously, we must in such a case suffer you to take your own way, and to gratify your own will; and it remains for you to decide what you will do under these circ.u.mstances." The Elector also sent a letter of apology to King Francis, stating why he could not, under present circ.u.mstances, permit Philip to go. But at some future time, if Philip's services could be dispensed with, and the present difficulties and apprehensions should cease, he would permit him to visit France.

On the 28th of August, Melanchthon himself wrote to King Francis, expressing his regrets that he was not permitted to visit France at this time, and praying the King most earnestly not to suffer himself to be led, by the severe judgments and writings of some persons, to destroy things that were really good and useful for the Church. He also excused himself in letters to BELLAY the Minister, and to JOHN STURM, and expressed himself in rather strong terms in regard to the Elector. To Camerarius, to whom he was in the habit of opening his whole heart, he wrote, August 31, that he feared that the prince had been estranged from him by the efforts of evil-minded persons; and in a letter to Spalatin, he said: "His most serene Highness prevents me from taking a journey to France. And besides this, he gave me a very severe reply, although I am willing to stay at home, and take no delight in these French Conferences." This caused him great sorrow for several weeks, until he met the Elector in October, and saw that he was as friendly towards him as ever. He was also more and more convinced in his own mind that his journey to France would not have accomplished the good he expected.

Francis was a politician, and he merely regarded religion as a means to gratify his ambition. For when the Sorbonne in Paris p.r.o.nounced Melanchthon's opinion heretical, he fully agreed with this sentence.

Thus this matter terminated. The case of Henry VIII. of England was a similar one. He is well known on account of his attack upon Luther, for which the Pope gave him the t.i.tle of "A Defender of the Faith." It is also well known what a scandalous, adulterous life he led. It was such a marriage matter which at this time separated him from Rome, and brought him nearer to the Evangelical States. He wished to be divorced from his wife CATHARINE, who was an aunt of the Emperor Charles. As the Pope would not comply with his request, Henry renounced all allegiance to the Pope, and proclaimed himself the Supreme Bishop of the Church of England. This happened in the year 1534. We learn from a letter to Camerarius, that during this year Henry had invited Melanchthon twice to come to England. The King was anxious to settle his matrimonial matters, and to enter into a union with the Evangelical States. He therefore sent a special envoy, ANTHONY BARNES, who came to Wittenberg March 11, 1535, to enter into a negotiation. Melanchthon, who believed that he could and should embrace this opportunity to recommend and promote the truth, wrote to the King two days after this, in which he most earnestly commends the cause of the Gospel to him. He even dedicated the second edition of his _Loci Communes_ to the King, in a most winning letter.

Henry esteemed this honor highly, and sent him 200 gold florins, with a very gracious letter, in which he calls Melanchthon his "dearest friend," and signs himself: "Your friend Henry, King." In September we again find Dr. Barnes in Wittenberg. In the matter of divorce he had not found the Wittenbergians favorably disposed. But now he also came to negotiate concerning doctrine, and to ask leave of absence for Melanchthon, that he might visit England. The Elector, whose sagacity in this matter cannot be denied, understood very well that Henry was merely anxious to unite with the Evangelical party from impure motives, particularly his matrimonial matters; and therefore in his letter to the English envoy gave his permission to hold a Religious Conference, but did not permit Melanchthon to go to England, because he could not spare this Professor, owing to the breaking out of the plague in Wittenberg, by which the Professors had been dispersed. In December, the religious negotiations were commenced with the utmost zeal. Besides Barnes, Bishop Fox, and Archdeacon Heyth or Hethe, had also arrived. These negotiations were carried on in Wittenberg. On this account Melanchthon, who then resided at Jena, was obliged to go to Wittenberg, January 15, 1536. The marriage difficulty continued to occupy the foreground, but the Wittenbergians would not accommodate themselves to the views of the Englishmen. As to doctrine, the articles of the ma.s.s and the marriage of priests continued to be _the_ points on which they could not agree.

February 11th, Melanchthon returned to Wittenberg. The negotiations were continued until the end of April, without arriving at any definite result. But gradually all hopes of an Evangelical change of doctrine and worship in England disappeared, and Melanchthon entirely relinquished his desire to visit England, as he says to Camerarius in a letter, June 9: "I am perfectly freed from my anxiety about that English journey."

CHAPTER XIV.

THE WITTENBERG FORM OF CONCORD.

We have already mentioned that the division of the Evangelical party, in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, was not beneficial to the good cause of the Reformation. On this account, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse had made an earnest effort to bring about a union between the Germans and the Swiss in Marburg. He did not relinquish his hope of such a union, and made efforts to effect it at the Diet of Augsburg. One of the ablest divines of this period was the preacher and professor, MARTIN BUCER of Strasburg, born in Schlettstadt in Alsace, in the year 1491, and gained over to the side of the Gospel in the year 1518, by means of Luther's Discussion in Heidelberg. This man made it the task of his life to bring about a union in the doctrine of the Sacrament. For this purpose he had visited Luther in Coburg as early as 1530, and had found him inclined to union. Soon after, he published a confession of the four upper German cities, Augsburg, Constance, Lindau, and Memmingen, in which he closely approximated the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's Supper. Luther and Melanchthon were highly pleased with this, and the latter wrote to Bucer, January 22d, 1531, that he would write to him, although he was troubled by a fever at the time. "I saw the grounds of your union, and greatly rejoiced that you admit a presence of the body of Christ with the soul. But I do not see why you are so strongly opposed to admit a presence with the sign also." Luther expressed himself to the same purpose, and was very much surprised that Bucer represented Zwingli and Oecolampadius as holding the same view. He, therefore, expressed himself in favor of a postponement of the Form of Concord, although he confessed that he would rather lose his life thrice, if this dispute could be settled. It seems that Bucer said in several places that the differences which had hitherto prevented a union were mere trifles. Luther, therefore, in a letter to the town council of Augsburg in 1533, declared that he did not agree with the ministers there, who only presented mere bread and wine to the people. In a letter of the year 1534, "To a good friend concerning his book of secret ma.s.ses," he expressly declares: "I believe, and do not doubt, that in the Lord's Supper, under the form of bread is the true body of Christ given for us to the cross; under the form of wine is the true blood of Christ shed for us, and that this body and blood of the Son of G.o.d, Jesus Christ, is not only received by the holy and worthy, but that sinners and unworthy persons truly receive it in a bodily manner." But Bucer did not give up his efforts to bring about a union on this account, and especially endeavored to gain over Melanchthon, who, in a letter of October 10th, 1533, a.s.sures him of his love, and promises to use his utmost endeavors to bring about such a union. In September, 1534, the indefatigable Bucer published a Form of Concord. On the 16th of September, Melanchthon wrote to Erhard Schnepf and the Landgrave Philip, who was deeply interested in this matter, that he had spoken of this Form with Luther that very day; and that he was satisfied with it, provided Bucer believed what his words expressed. For Bucer confesses that, in the reception of the bread and wine, Christ is truly and essentially present. Melanchthon adds, "I would not require more." He relied much upon the Landgrave in this matter, exhorted him to act promptly, and added concerning himself: "All that I am able to do, in order to bring about a Christian unity, I am willing to do with all my heart, and know of no more agreeable task in the world. May G.o.d add his blessing!" The Landgrave was now anxious that Bucer and Melanchthon should meet in Ca.s.sel. Luther agreed to this, although he did not entertain great expectations of the result of such a meeting, and gave written instructions to Melanchthon, pointing out the basis upon which a union might be established. This doc.u.ment contains seven propositions: one of which demands, that it should not be said that they had not understood each other before; and another, that no middle meaning should be invented, as if, for instance, the opponents should say the true body of Christ is present, and the Lutherans should say that nothing is eaten but the bread. Luther said in this matter: "G.o.d is my witness, that if it were possible, I would gladly give my body and blood to put away this disunion." He here expressed himself in a very conciliatory and tolerating manner towards those who entertained different views of the Lord's Supper, and concluded with a decided confession concerning the Lord's Supper, that the body of Christ is truly eaten in and with the bread. Melanchthon also at this time expressed his views of this important doctrine to the Landgrave, and in it declares: "That the body and blood of Christ, that is, Christ essentially, and not figuratively, are truly in the bread and wine. But here we must cast aside those thoughts which our reason proposes, such as, _how_ does Christ ascend and descend, conceal himself in the bread, and is in no other place."

About the 12th of December, Melanchthon travelled to Ca.s.sel, to negotiate a Form of Concord with Bucer. Bucer had a short time before met with several ministers from upper Germany, in Constance, who fully coincided in his views of the Lord's Supper. The Landgrave took a deep interest in the matter, and treated the Wittenberg envoy in the most friendly manner. Here Bucer, with the upper Germans, expressed his opinion to the following effect:--"That we receive the body of Christ essentially and truly when we receive the Sacrament, and that bread and wine are signs, with which, when they are dispensed and received, the body of Christ is given and received at the same time." He further said, "that the body and the bread are thus united, not by a mingling of their essence, but as a Sacrament, and that which is given together with the Sacrament." With a doctrine thus approximating, together with the declaration, that the opposite side would abide by the Augsburg Confession and its Apology, Melanchthon returned from Ca.s.sel January 9th, 1535. Luther was highly pleased with it, so that he remarked: "As for my own person, I do not know how I could reject such a Form of Concord." Yet he advised that this Concord should not be finally arranged at once, but that it would be best to wait a while longer, because these differences were so great and wide-spread. We must notice here that Melanchthon returned in favor of Bucer's views. He shows this very distinctly in a letter to Camerarius; and in a letter to Brenz, who was opposed to a Concord, he remarked, that they were not treating with persons who denied the Trinity and other articles. With such he would have nothing to do, but would look upon them as persons who ought to be condemned. He confesses the true presence to him, yet with a leaning towards Bucer, and remarks that uniformity could be brought about.

Letters arrived from every side, declaring how gladly all would unite with the Wittenbergers in the Lord's Supper. So also did they write from Augsburg, to whom Luther wrote: "If this Form of Concord is established, I will sing with tears of joy: Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace. For I will leave peace in the Church, that is, the glory of G.o.d, the punishment of the devil, and vengeance upon all enemies and adversaries." Such encouraging letters also came from Strasburg, Ulm, and Esslingen, which filled Luther with great joy. He remarked to the Strasburgers, that it would also be necessary to interest the princes and cities in this matter. As to the time, it would scarcely be possible to hold the conference before next Easter. The Elector would be requested to appoint the place of meeting. He also expressed his cordial wishes to the preacher, Sh.e.l.ling, in Strasburg, towards the close of December: "I have received your letter with pleasure, and a.s.sure you that I am just as anxious for the Concord as I observe you to be. Let Him bear witness whom no one can deceive. Therefore pray G.o.d, as we also do, that this union, which, thanks to G.o.d, is prospering better and better, may at last be fully established. May G.o.d not be merciful to me, if anything is wanting on my part, or if I lay difficulties in the way; so anxious am I that peace should be restored to the Church before my death." Melanchthon had written to the ministers in Augsburg: "I would willingly endanger my life to promote this Concord, and I trust that the way is already prepared for it. May Christ rule and guide the designs of the G.o.dly." Thus the two leaders were warmly in favor of the Form of Concord. The place was also appointed, the Elector selecting EISENACH.

But all at once, Melanchthon began to fear that greater divisions might be brought about by this conference, as he writes to the Landgrave of Hesse in April: "Now I have all the time feared, if this should be held at this time, that some rigorous individuals might attend, and thus more disunion and offence than improvement would be the consequence." He then goes on to say that no negotiations should be undertaken without the presence of the Landgrave and the other princes and States, and that, on the whole, too great haste should be avoided. His concern may have been caused by an epistle sent forth at this time by Zwingli and Oecolampadius, which could not promote unity. This was prefaced too by a letter of Bucer, who praised these men on account of their orthodoxy. On this account Melanchthon was so anxious, and feared that it would only increase discord. "This disease," he wrote to Veit Dietrich on the 15th of May, "cannot be healed suddenly. But I beseech G.o.d in mercy to look upon the Church, and to deliver it from all offences."

Notwithstanding all this, the Conference was held. But because Luther suffered great bodily pain at this time, and could not go to Eisenach, he proposed Grimma, which was nearer. Melanchthon was already on the way thither, when Bucer, with his friends Capito and Wohlfahrt, called Lycosthenes, arrived in Wittenberg, May 21, 1536.

Luther was not greatly pleased with their coming, for he had read the epistle already mentioned, and thought that the opposite party were not seeking a sincere union. However, this does not seem to have been the case, for on the road to Wittenberg they had visited FREDERICK MYCONIUS at Gotha, who soon led them to converse on the Lord's Supper, and found them inclined to unite with the Wittenbergers upon a proper basis. This he relates in a detailed narrative of the proceedings of the Convention. MENIUS also had understood this to be the case, and they both informed Luther and Melanchthon of it. Early on the 22d of May, Bucer and Capito visited Luther, but the convention did not begin until three o'clock in the afternoon. One side was represented by Luther, Pomera.n.u.s, Jonas, Cruciger, Melanchthon, Menius, Myconius, Weller, and Rorarius; the other merely by Bucer and Capito. Bucer opened the meeting by a lengthy address, in which he particularly expressed his joy on account of this Conference, and stated that this was now the fourth year that he had been laboring to bring about a union. Luther replied, and expressed his disapprobation of the epistle of Zwingli and Oecolampadius, prefaced by a letter from Bucer, which did not at all agree with this union. He believed it would be better to leave matters as they were, than to make this business, which is already bad enough, a hundred times worse by a fict.i.tious form of concord. This of course greatly perplexed Bucer; but in a long speech he again declared that there was no deception in the case, but that the Upper Germans had fully expressed their sentiments, and that the said epistle had been printed against his will, yea, even against his express injunctions; and that his own letter had been written to others during the previous year, and had not been intended for publication. Luther now, in his reply, demanded that they should, _first_ of all, publicly recant their previous opinion as incorrect; and _secondly_, that they would henceforth teach in unison with the Wittenbergers. He began to explain this doctrine at length; but, during this address, he became so feeble, that he was obliged to desist. They did not resume the conference until three o'clock in the afternoon of the next day. Luther insisted upon the two points referred to yesterday, and requested an answer from them.

Bucer consented to recant, and confessed in his own name and that of the Swiss, that the bread in the Lord's Supper is truly the body of Christ, and that the wine is truly the blood of Christ; and that the body and blood of Christ, namely, the natural, essential body, are received, not only by the heart, but with the mouth of those who receive it, if worthily, unto salvation, but if unworthily, unto d.a.m.nation. His friends also, upon Luther's inquiry, expressed themselves to be of the same opinion, and earnestly requested that they might be received in a brotherly manner into such a union, as members of Christ. This was done, and Luther, as Myconius says, a.s.sured them of it "with great fervor and joy, which was visible also in his eyes and entire countenance."

The same narrator proceeds to say, that it made so great an impression upon the whole a.s.sembly, that "Capito and Bucer began to weep, and we, on both sides, thanked G.o.d with clasped hands and devout gestures."

Melanchthon, who was known to be peculiarly skilful in preparing a Form of Concord, was commissioned to draw it up, which he cheerfully did. On the 29th of May, this Form was signed by both parties. In the _first_ article it declares, that there are two things in the holy sacrament, a heavenly and earthly; and that the body and blood of Christ are really and essentially present with the bread and wine, and are thus presented and received. In the _second_ article they reject the Romish doctrine of transubstantiation; and in the _third_, they declare that "the body and blood of Christ are also truly presented to the unworthy," but unto condemnation. They had also agreed in regard to Baptism and Absolution.

Thus was the concord established with the gracious a.s.sistance of G.o.d. It caused great joy among the Lutherans in every quarter, and declarations of approbation were sent to Wittenberg from many sides, and even the Swiss partially acceded to it. All were of course not satisfied; for instance, Amsdorf, who was not at all pleased with the Form of Concord.

But Melanchthon rejoiced most of all; for he now discovered that the fears which had troubled him so much were groundless. He from henceforth continued to abide by the Wittenberg Form of Concord.

CHAPTER XV.

RECREATION AND TROUBLE.

After the completion of this work, Melanchthon felt desirous of carrying out a plan of a journey for recreation, which he had formed a long time before. Whither did he wish to go? To no other place but his home. He therefore, on the 17th of July, 1536, addressed a pet.i.tion to the Elector: "I would, in all humility, inform your Electoral Grace, that there are some matters in which my poor children are also concerned, which I ought to settle with my brother, and which cannot be done through other persons, or by letter. In addition to this, Magister Camerarius, who is now dangerously ill, has expressed a strong desire to see me. I would therefore humbly pray your Grace to grant me, and Magister Milichius,[18] whose father has earnestly entreated him to visit him, leave of absence to visit our homes for about five weeks."

Already on the following day, he and Milichius received a gracious permission from the Elector, and also at the same time permission to make use of a one-horse carriage belonging to the Elector.

But when he was about to depart, important difficulties arose, which made it necessary to postpone his intended journey. Pope PAUL III., who had ascended the Papal chair at the death of Clement VII., seemed to be in earnest about summoning a General Council of the Church. The Emperor had held the opinion since 1530, that a General Council must be held, if harmony was to be restored to Germany. But Pope Clement was never in earnest in the matter; and even the Papal Nuncio, PAUL VERGERIUS, seems only to have gone to Wittenberg in order to deceive. But now it had a different appearance. Pope Paul had already published a bull, June 2d, 1536, calling a Council to meet at Mantua, on the 23d of May, of the following year. But it offered no hopeful prospect, for it said, among other things: "Not only to exterminate all heresy and error from the vineyard of the Lord, and to improve the morals of the Christian Church by such holy and wholesome medicine, but also to effect a general peace and unity among all Christian believers, and to reconquer our kingdom and lands by a general crusade against the Unbelievers." It proceeds in the same tone. The Lutherans could not greatly rejoice in a Council which was to accomplish such things. It was generally reported at this time, that a Papal Nuncio would come to Saxony; and it was of importance to know how he was to be received. We may easily understand that the Elector was not disposed to meet him in the most friendly manner.

However, he requested the opinions of the divines and jurists in Wittenberg. They replied that it would only be possible to consent to a Council, under certain conditions. Let us hear what principles were expressed in Melanchthon's opinion. He thought that it would be best, if the Council could be prevented, for the Pope evidently had no other intention than to condemn the Protestants. That they had a perfect right to protest against the Council, but as they had continually appealed to such an one, it would now bring "disgrace" upon the Protestants, if they should fly from it. Neither he, nor the other Wittenbergers, would permit the Pope to be judge in this General Council of the Church.

However, the Elector differed altogether from the temperate views expressed in these opinions. He held, that the Council summoned by the Pope was neither a free nor general one, and that it ought not to be attended to; he even thought that an opposition Council should be called, in which nothing should be transacted "but what is founded in divine and holy Scripture, and drawn up in accordance with it."

While matters were in this state, Melanchthon began his journey August 23, with Professor MILICH, who wished to visit his home, Freiburg in the Brisgau. They pa.s.sed through Frankfort and Bretten, to Tubingen, where his most faithful friend Camerarius had received an appointment a year before. We may easily imagine what a cordial reception he met with here.

From Tubingen he wrote to Milich: "By G.o.d's grace, Joachim is now quite well. Oh, that it might be of long duration! I was received in the most friendly manner." He remained three weeks in Tubingen, and could scarcely separate himself from Camerarius, and therefore remarks in a letter, that he would rather be with his Joachim than anywhere else.

"But I do not see how I can separate myself from those with whom I have hitherto a.s.sociated." He thus again declined the renewed invitation of Duke Ulrich of Wurtemberg, to accept a professorship there. The learned from every quarter came to Tubingen, to see and to converse with Melanchthon. When these were a.s.sembled at a dinner upon a certain occasion, in the house of Phrygio, Melanchthon asked the preacher ZELL, of Strasburg, what he thought of the Lord's Supper? He honestly replied: "When G.o.d the Lord permitted me to arrive at a knowledge of his holy Gospel, I never believed, taught, and preached otherwise in regard to the Lord's Supper, but that the true body and the true blood of Jesus Christ, my Saviour, are offered to all those who receive and partake of the Lord's Supper. But as for believing that I must receive the body and blood in the Lord's Supper, _substantialiter_, _essentialiter_, _realiter_, _naturaliter_, _praesentialiter_, _localiter_, _corporaliter_, _transubstantialiter_, _quant.i.tative_, _qualitative_, _ubiqualiter_, _carnaliter_, I believe the devil has brought these words from h.e.l.l. Christ simply said, 'This is my body, this is my blood.'"

Melanchthon replied, in a pleasant manner: "You have given a correct answer." On the 14th of October, he went to Nurtingen, and there consulted with the Duke about the arrangement of the University. From this place he wrote an encouraging letter to the professors of the University, in which he a.s.sures them that the Duke entertained the kindest feelings towards the University, and looked upon it as one of the most important inst.i.tutions of the state.

The Duke commissioned Melanchthon to write to Brenz at Hall, to induce him to accept a professorship in the University. Melanchthon discharged this honorable duty on the 17th of October. He entreated Brenz in the most earnest manner, in the name of the Duke, to accept of the appointment at least for _one_ year, until a suitable person could be found. Yea, he conjured him for the sake of Christ and the good of the Church, and said that he would go himself, if the Elector of Saxony would suffer him to go for a time. "But," he adds, "I cannot preach, and therefore would be of little use in such a situation." Brenz actually accepted the call, and received the permission of his government for this purpose. The Duke dismissed Melanchthon in the most friendly manner, and presented him with one hundred gold florins. He journeyed through Goppingen and Ellw.a.n.gen to Nuremberg, where a circle of devoted friends resided, such as Baumgartner, Ebner, Dietrich, Roting, Osiander, and others. A dispute concerning Private Confession was carried on here at this time. Andrew Osiander was involved in it. He adhered to this ancient and established custom of the Church, whilst others maintained that forgiveness of sins was to be sought in preaching, in the general Confession, and in the Sacrament. Osiander granted that forgiveness was also granted in preaching, but did not wish the servant of Christ immediately to say: I absolve thee from thy sins, without knowing who should be bound and who absolved. He feared confusion, because the wicked man might thus falsely comfort himself with absolution; and he called this absolution juggling. Against this last, Melanchthon declared himself in writing and verbally, for he understood very well that absolution "is effectual to those who receive it with true faith, and comfort themselves with it,"--"although others are present to whom the absolution does not apply. These, however, are reminded and excluded by the condition of repentance." It was, however, also his opinion that efforts should be made to re-establish Private Confession more and more in future. At the same time he modestly suggests that others also "who have more knowledge," should give their opinion in this matter. From Nuremberg he wrote to Camerarius, and revealed his troubles in regard to these disputes: "Oh that this evil might be remedied! I am oppressed and consumed by private and public cares. Therefore I so earnestly long for your company, with whom I somewhat refreshed myself. I am most painfully troubled about these disputes, by which, as is very evident, Churches and States are rent. Therefore we will withdraw from all such disputes, and devote all our zeal to the education of youth, and to form their judgment, so that, as much as possible, we may provide for posterity. I shall exert myself more and more to instil moderate and useful principles into the minds of the young, and to restrain them from such foolish disputes."

While he was thus pouring forth his sorrows, he himself was threatened with a great trial in Wittenberg. A preacher named Conrad Cordatus, of Niemegk, a zealous adherent of Luther, had been present at a lecture, delivered by Cruciger towards the end of July, 1536. In this, Cruciger expressed the opinion that in the article of Justification, good works are the condition, without which we cannot be saved. Cordatus was greatly and properly shocked at this, for such a form of expression was totally opposed to the doctrine of the Lutheran Church. In the following month he wrote to Cruciger, to call him to account, on account of this wrong doctrine. The professor did not reply. Cordatus wrote again, threatening that he would not be silent until he should hear a recantation of this heresy. If this should not be done, he would apply to the theological faculty for a decision. He also said that there were many trifling Theologians in Wittenberg, who would rather read and hear the dead Erasmus than the living Luther. Now Cruciger replied, and defended his views. On the 17th of September, Cordatus came to Wittenberg, and visited Cruciger. He here heard that what he had read concerning the Gospel of John was the work of Melanchthon, who, as Ratzeberger relates, in a manner composed their lectures for the professors. "For no labor was distasteful to Philip, and he served every one cheerfully." The next day Cordatus went to Luther, and presented the whole matter to him. Luther replied: "You are not the first to inform me of this. Michael Stiefel and Amsdorf have already asked me about it." It is not known how much more was spoken and resolved, although it seems that Luther labored to suppress the difficulty. Melanchthon's journey of recreation was not a little embittered, for he received the news of this occurrence in Wittenberg. Even while yet upon the road he found it necessary to write to Luther, Bugenhagen, Jonas, and Cruciger, in which he at length justifies his manner of teaching. He says: "I never wished, and in this particular point of dispute, I have never taught anything else but what you all together unite in teaching." He declared that many had fallen into the opinion, especially on account of this proposition--"We are justified by faith alone," that we are justified by the new life, or the gifts communicated to us.

Hence arose the question: If we are only acceptable by Grace, wherefore is the new life required? Although he highly praised good works, he yet distinctly states that they are neither the price nor the merit of eternal life. He prayed for Christ's sake that they should be convinced concerning him; that he had taught thus with the best intentions, and not on account of stubbornness of opinion. He had never wished to hold opinions different from their own, and if they wished to make him suspected and estranged, he would rather remove far away from them.

Cordatus already circulated the report that Melanchthon would return to Wittenberg no more. But on the 5th of November, a few days after his letter, he arrived, and almost the first thing he did was to write a friendly and conciliatory letter to his accuser, in which he reminds him of old friendship, and says that he should have spoken to him first of all, if he found anything reprehensible in him. He concludes thus: "This cause, in which we are engaged, is not our own, but Christ's, whose glory I truly desire to serve." Cordatus had raised considerable excitement, which spread even to the Court of the Elector. Towards the end of December, Cordatus referred the decision of this matter to Jonas, then Rector of the University, who had already besought him to desist from the accusation. Another event, however, put a stop to this disagreeable matter for the present.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE CONVENTION AT SMALKALD.

We have before referred to the proceedings inst.i.tuted by the Elector, when he received notice that Pope Paul III. was about to convene a Council at Mantua. The Evangelical States appointed a meeting at Smalkald, February 7, 1537, in order to deliberate whether they should accept the invitation to attend the Papal diet or not. The Elector, at the same time, as Luther informs us, commissioned him "to arrange articles of our doctrine, in order to see if it should come to this, what and how much we could and would yield to the Papists, and which we finally intend to adhere to." This led to the so-called "_Smalkald Articles_," which were very properly adopted among the Confessional writings of the Lutheran Church. When he had completed this work, the Theologians from abroad, Amsdorf, Agricola, and Spalatin, met with Luther and Melanchthon in Wittenberg, in order to discuss these articles before they should be delivered at the meeting at Smalkald. This doc.u.ment contains three parts. The _first_ relates to the doctrines of the _Divine Majesty_, in which both parties were agreed. The _second_ part treats of the articles "which refer to the office and work of Jesus Christ, or our Salvation." 1. It speaks of Justification by Faith alone.

"From this article," it declares, "we cannot move or let anything fall, if heaven and earth should fall." 2. They treat of the Ma.s.s and Invocation of Saints. 3. Of charitable foundations and convents. And 4.

Of the Papacy. The _third_ part included the doctrines of Sin, of the Law, Repentance, of the erroneous repentance of the Papists, of the Gospel, of Baptism, of the Sacrament of the Altar, of the Keys, of Confession, of Excommunication, of Ordination and Vocation, of the Marriage of the Priests, of the Church, of Justification and good works, of Monastic Vows, and Human Ordinances. Luther says, "These are the articles to which I must and will adhere until I die, if it pleases G.o.d; and I know of nothing in them that I can alter or yield. But if any one wishes to yield anything, let him do it upon his conscience."

These articles, which are composed with a truly Lutheran vigor, were highly approved of by the Theologians. They subscribed them in Wittenberg. Melanchthon also signed them, and added these remarks: "I, Philip Melanchthon, also consider the above articles right and Christian. But concerning the Pope, I hold, that his superiority over the Bishops, which he otherwise possesses, should also be conceded by us, jure humano, (according to human right,) on account of the peace and unity of those Christians who now yield obedience to him, and may do so in time to come." Luther had disputed this _human right_ of the Pope, in the article on the Papacy; and surely not without good reason. For a Pope, as he was now presupposed by Melanchthon, had never existed in any place. If he accepted the Gospel, he was no longer Pope; he could not longer be Pope. It was clearly an erroneous yielding to the powers on the opposing side, and must be explained by Melanchthon's timidity, as is manifested in his letter to Veit Dietrich, January 20: "When I think of the Convention, and of the terrible conflicts, which, I believe, will arise there, I shudder all over my body." The Elector was highly pleased with Luther's articles, and did not agree with Melanchthon's view of the Pope; for he saw very well that they would by this expose themselves to future suppression and extermination.

Towards the end of January, Luther, Melanchthon, and Bugenhagen, departed for Smalkald, although Melanchthon's health was seriously affected. They pa.s.sed through Torgau, Altenburg, and Weimar. In the latter city, Luther preached before the retinue of the Papal Nuncio. He was not afraid to complain that the kings and bishops hated the Evangelical party more than the Turks. On the 7th of February they arrived at Smalkald, and eight days after this the Convention was opened. But they had not been here long, when Luther became very ill with violent pains of the stone. Immediately every attention was paid by the physicians of the princes, but in vain. Luther begged Melanchthon to send for Dr. Sturz, of Erfurt, in whom he reposed great confidence.

Philip wrote to him: "I beseech you to come at once, and do not fail, when such a man is in danger." He took Luther's illness much to heart, which he manifested in all his letters at this time. He wrote to Jonas, "Let us pray to G.o.d earnestly, that he would preserve him, and restore him to health." Luther did not wish to remain in Smalkald any longer, and had himself conveyed away. When he was riding out of the gate of the city, he turned to the friends who were escorting him, with these words: "G.o.d fill you with hatred against the Pope!" This legacy to those remaining behind was faithfully taken to heart by them.

The object of this meeting of Smalkald was, as Melanchthon stated in a letter to Jonas, partly thoroughly to discuss doctrine, in order to promote uniformity in all the churches, and partly also to deliberate to which articles they would adhere to the last, and in which they might yield should any hope of peace appear. This, too, was the Elector's plan, but it did not succeed, particularly as far as _yielding_ was concerned, because the more determined Theologians were altogether opposed to it. They entertained the opinion, which was no doubt correct, that to yield would be explained as inconstancy both by friends and foes, and the Emperor would only press them more urgently because they seemed to fly. Even a closer comparison of doctrine did not become popular, doubtless because they feared that if disunion should arise, the League would be broken. Luther's illness and departure also interfered with the deliberations. The Theologians, together with Bucer and Blaurer, who represented the upper Germans, as well as the princes, continued to adhere to the Augsburg Confession and the Apology. They also subscribed the Smalkald articles.

Melanchthon wrote to Jonas, that, in order they might not be idle, and play the part of dumb persons, they had received orders to write something in regard to the power of the Roman Chief-Priest. He applied himself to this task, and confesses himself that it was sharper than he generally wrote. He still entertained the opinion that the Council should not be rejected unconditionally, and did not wish to dispute the Pope's right to call such an one, even if he should not be considered judge. Those who were more determined, granted that some of the reasons of Melanchthon were acute and true, but they were not expedient; for even if they should promise an attendance of the Evangelical party in this Council, their opponents would interpret this as a submission to the right of Papal decision. He himself could not deny that his views were somewhat dangerous, and finally yielded to the majority; but it drew forth sighs and complaints, which he poured into the heart of his friend Camerarius. But he also confesses that the lawfulness of the good cause affords great consolation, let the consequences be what they will.

The Imperial Amba.s.sador, HELD, a decided enemy of the Evangelical party, was to receive their answer. They informed him that they could not approve of the Council of Mantua, and therefore begged the Emperor to provide a free Council. Held made many objections, and promised that the Emperor would see to it, that everything should be lawfully decided in the General Council. However, the Evangelical states were not satisfied with such general declarations. They delivered a written statement, prepared by Melanchthon, both to him and the Papal Nuncio, Bishop Vorst of Aix, in which they justify themselves for declining to meet with the Council. He proved in a thorough manner, that there was no divine right const.i.tuting the Pope the head of the Christian Church, and that he consequently deserved no obedience. He also disputed the power of the bishops, because it was merely founded upon human regulations. The princes and divines a.s.sembled in Smalkald were so highly pleased with this work, that they subscribed it with joy. During this meeting, the Theologians present felt themselves urged to recommend a proper appropriation of the possessions of the Church to the princes. They said in their address: "May your electoral and princely highnesses, for G.o.d's sake, take this great want to heart, and exhort the states that the possessions of churches and convents be princ.i.p.ally retained for and applied to the support of churches and schools, which will be for the glory of G.o.d, and the good of the people, and will also prevent their dissipation, which would injure the Church, government, and country."

The princes received this address in a very gracious manner, and the Landgrave of Hesse declared that in this thing help must be given by deeds, and not merely by words.

Thus the Convention was brought to a close, and Melanchthon rejoiced to be able to go home again. On the 14th of March he returned with Luther, who had recovered again, and whom he found on the way to Wittenberg. He could not thank G.o.d sufficiently that his friend Luther was well again, and in all his letters he calls upon his friends to thank the Lord for this. On the 16th of March he wrote to Agricola: "I was seized by a peculiar sorrow when I saw Luther's danger. I was moved to it by the loss of the Church, but also by my love for this man, and my admiration of his distinguished and heroic virtues. I could not but be greatly troubled at the danger of such a man. Therefore, I heartily thank G.o.d and our Lord Jesus Christ, that he has looked upon our tears and sighs, and has restored Luther to health." In another letter he calls upon Spalatin, not only to be thankful for this, but also to pray G.o.d "that he would preserve such a teacher for his Church for a long time."

CHAPTER XVII.

CONFLICTS IN THE EVANGELICAL CAMP.

On the day after his arrival in Wittenberg he wrote to Veit Dietrich: "Wittenberg, by the grace of G.o.d, is still quiet;" and as late as the 14th of April he wrote: "There is still peace here, and Christ grant that it may endure for a long time." He little thought that conflicts, which should trouble him greatly, would soon break out in this camp. The dispute which had arisen, certainly not without Melanchthon's fault, was interrupted for a while by the convention at Smalkald, but it was not yet to be brought to a conclusion. On the 14th of April, Cordatus addressed a letter to Melanchthon, in which he accuses him of making Cruciger's cause his own, and also complains that unworthy motives were imputed to him. It is true, Melanchthon had made this cause his own, and could not well do otherwise. He had invited Cordatus to an interview, by a man named Ungarus; but he did not come, because, as he himself confesses in the letter already mentioned, he was too much excited against Melanchthon, and particularly because Melanchthon had before that only spoken jestingly of the whole matter, and his present earnestness was altogether unexpected." He also addressed a letter to Dr. Jonas, then Rector of the University, in which he prays that Cruciger should be compelled publicly to recant the error he had publicly proclaimed. That he could not now desist, in his own name, from that which he had begun in the name of Christ. Jonas replied in a very haughty manner, and accused him of seeking notoriety, because he was disgusted with his obscurity and little church, and advises him to obey, and to tame his violent disposition. But this merely served to call forth stronger letters from Cordatus to Jonas and Melanchthon, in which he threatened that he would apply to the whole Theological faculty. At the same time he also gave notice of this matter to Chancellor Bruck, and said: "I cannot endure that so great a crowd at Wittenberg oppose the blessed doctrine of the pious man Luther, who is indeed the only Doctor of these things, and that too, G.o.d knows, without just cause."

And besides, that Melanchthon had written to him yesterday: "I have of my own accord altered many things in my little volume, and I rejoice that I made these alterations." Melanchthon, in a letter to Bucer, April 23d, complained most bitterly of Cordatus, and insisted upon his proposition, that new obedience is necessary to eternal life. In this too, as in a letter to Dietrich, he spoke of retiring from Wittenberg if he should see that the conduct of Cordatus met with approbation.

This dispute at last attracted the attention of the Elector, who directed an inquiry to Luther and Bugenhagen, May 5th, through the Chancellor, whether it was true that Master Philip, Dr. Cruciger, and many masters and students, entertained different opinions from Luther and Pomera.n.u.s in some doctrines. The Inquiry referred to several points, especially to _Justification_, concerning which, Cruciger is said, by Melanchthon's direction, to have taught publicly a year ago that we are not justified before G.o.d by faith alone, "but that works were also necessary, for they are _causa sine qua non_," (the condition, without which we cannot be saved.) The Inquiry also referred to another point, according to which men might securely, and without burdening their consciences, receive the Sacrament in _one_ kind. There is also said to be a difference in reference to "free will."