The Life of Philip Melanchthon Part 2

We may well conceive how relieved Melanchthon must have felt, when the proper man of the Reformation again stood in the breach.

CHAPTER VI.

LABORS, RECREATION, AND TROUBLE.

The Gospel gained greater and greater victories. The preaching of the truth found open doors in Denmark and Sweden, in Transylvania and Hungary, in Silesia and France. As the spirit of primitive Christianity in Germany went forth from Wittenberg through the various provinces, so also did ZWINGLI, and Melanchthon's friend and fellow-student, OECOLAMPADIUS, labor in Switzerland with blessed results. A new time was coming, and its spring had already dawned. Perhaps no other means contributed so much to the promotion of the Reformation as the translation of the Bible, which we owe to Luther's master hand. In the Wartburg he completed the translation of the New Testament, with a spirit which to this day has not been excelled. But he was not ashamed to make use of the a.s.sistance and advice of his friends in this work.[8]

Among these friends, Melanchthon was the princ.i.p.al one, who, indeed, excelled Luther in learning. Melanchthon took very great pains to discover the true meaning of the pa.s.sages, for which his a.s.sistance had been solicited. If any expression remained dark, he could apply for an explanation to the physician, STURTZ, in Erfurt, to Spalatin, and other friends. We have before heard that he applied himself to the Hebrew language. The knowledge of this language was very serviceable to him in the translation of the Old Testament. The Book of Job particularly called forth the efforts of the Wittenbergians. Luther somewhere speaks of it in a letter: "M. Philip, Aurogallus, and I, are laboring so carefully in Job that sometimes we could scarcely complete three lines in four days. But Melanchthon labored with especial energy in his own field of labor. He saw the importance of a cla.s.sical education, and labored very zealously for its extension. But, although he mightily promoted the ancient languages, his heart was yet in the Holy Scriptures. This is proved by his explanations of several books of the Old and New Testaments, which appeared in 1523.

But his numerous uninterrupted labors were beginning to undermine his health. He was particularly troubled with sleeplessness about this time.

Recreation was indispensable for him, and his friends also earnestly advised him to it. When Luther went to Worms, he was not permitted to refresh himself by a visit to his home. He now wished to pay this visit.

One of his friends and colleagues, NESEN, intended to make a trip to Frankfort. It seemed best to join him, and from thence to visit his beloved native city, Bretten, and to see the dear relatives residing there. Luther, to whom he communicated his intentions, approved of them, relieved him of all scruples and doubts, and dismissed him with these pleasant words: "Go, dear brother Philip, in the name of G.o.d. Even our Lord Jesus did not always preach and teach, but also journeyed, and visited his relatives and friends. All I ask of you is, that you return to us soon! I will include you in my prayers day and night. And now depart!"

On the 16th of April, 1524, he departed, with a very pleasant caravan of friends. NESEN, who taught History, Geography and the Languages, in Wittenberg; Philip's fellow-boarder, FRANCIS BURKHARD, of Weimar, who afterwards became Chancellor in Saxony; JOHN SILBERBORNER, of Worms; and his dearest friend in all the world, with whom he became acquainted during the Leipzig disputation, JOACHIM CAMERARIUS, were his fellow-travellers. They rode upon horses, which were none of the best; but most likely these gentlemen were not among the best of riders. Their way led them through Leipzig. There a most worthy man, PETER SCHADE, called MOSELLa.n.u.s, who had expressed himself much in favor of the Reformation, was breathing his last. They visited him, and bade him farewell in this world. Thence they went to the city of Fulda. CROTUS RUBIa.n.u.s and ADAM KRAFT rejoiced in the arrival of the beloved Saxons, and entertained them most hospitably. Here the travellers heard of the death of the Knight ULRICH VON HUTTEN, who died upon an island in the Lake of Zurich. It is well known with what ardor this champion joined the Reformation. Neither Luther nor Melanchthon, however, could approve of everything in the conduct of the clever freebooter; for he was not inspired with the pure, evangelical spirit.

Nesen remained in Frankfort; but Melanchthon and his remaining companions, after a short stay, hastened to the end of their journey. It is said that when he first beheld his beloved native city in the distance, overcome with joy, he dismounted, and falling upon his knees, exclaimed: "Oh! my native soil! I thank thee, Lord, that I have been permitted to see it again!" And now they went to Bretten, to his mother's house. How she rejoiced to behold her son again! She had in the meantime ceased to be a widow, and had married a widower named Christopher Kolbe. It seems she had remained a good Catholic; and perhaps had no other fault to find with her Philip, but that he had taken too decided and zealous a part in the Reformation. Now there was opportunity to speak of these things; and the son did not neglect to instruct his mother as to the object and extent of the Reformation. But she seems to have remained steadfast in her old persuasion.

The mother knew very well that her son had gained a great name. She could see this with her own eyes during his stay in Bretten. CAMPEGIUS, at that time the Papal legate in Germany, was then in Heidelberg on account of a great hunt. We can well conceive how anxious he must have felt to detach Melanchthon from Luther; and he must have thought it worth while to make an attempt to bring about this desirable result. He had a very shrewd secretary, named NAUSEA, who was sent upon this difficult and important errand. When he arrived in Bretton, he immediately repaired to Melanchthon, in order to introduce the matter.

He seconded his appeal with the best inducements, but he did not find a reed that could be swayed to and fro by the wind. The Wittenberg Professor declared, in a firm and decided manner: "If I discover anything to be true, I hold it fast, and maintain it without any regard to the consequence of any mortal, without any regard to advantages, honor, or gain. I shall never forsake those who were the first to bring better things to light. But in the same manner I shall also continue to prove true to myself, that I shall teach and defend the truth without quarrelling or abuse. I therefore advise every one who earnestly desires peace and unity, to do all he can to heal those wounds which can no longer be concealed, and to restrain the mad rage of those who are constantly tearing them open again!" He added a small essay on the princ.i.p.al points of the Lutheran doctrine, in which he particularly gave prominence to the difference between divine and human righteousness, and that they were only striving against work-holiness.

Nausea returned to Heidelberg, without having effected his object; but Melanchthon received another visit, from three professors of the University. These did not come to alienate him from _that_ cause, which was the cause of G.o.d. On the contrary, they presented him with a richly ornamented goblet, as an acknowledgment of his meritorious services, for which he returned his cordial thanks in a letter.

Whilst Melanchthon was spending most agreeable days in Bretten, his travelling-companions sojourned in Basle. ERASMUS of Rotterdam resided in this city, and by his great reputation also attracted these Wittenbergians. This will be the proper place to say something of the relations existing between this renowned scholar and Melanchthon. It was Erasmus who, at a very early period, recognized and admired Melanchthon's talents and great acquirements. Melanchthon had taken this great man, who exerted such an influence upon the restoration of the sciences, for his model. But Erasmus was a man who preferred standing on neutral ground, and considered the Reformation commenced by Luther, and supported by Melanchthon's learning, as by far too extravagant. He was very fond of the honor of this world, which prevents so many learned men from arriving at a knowledge of the truth. Although he, therefore, at first expressed his approbation of the work in Wittenberg, he gradually became more and more opposed to it. He manifested his hostility particularly in his work "ON FREE WILL." He shows in this, like all persons who do not consult the word of G.o.d, and a deep inward experience, that the great corruption of this world of sin, and the indescribable riches of divine grace, were both mysteries to him. He also expressed his views more fully in a letter to his friend at Wittenberg, on the 6th of September, 1524; and did not forget to state that he could not agree on all points with Melanchthon's book, Loci Communes, in which he had, however, found much that was excellent.

Nothing else could have been expected, for Melanchthon had most decidedly expressed the doctrine of the renewed Church. He could, therefore, neither be satisfied with Erasmus' publication against Luther, nor with his letter to himself.

It is well known to every one acquainted with these disputes, that Erasmus had found a powerful opponent in Luther, by means of his work "Of the Bond Will," which is one of the ablest and most powerful productions of the Reformer. The gulf between these two men became wider and wider. All mediation was impossible.

In a letter to Erasmus, in answer to the one already referred to, Melanchthon expressed his decided adherence to Luther's doctrine, and declared that if the Bible should teach differently, he would gladly adopt it. He took Luther's side, and defended him against Erasmus'

attacks upon his character. But Erasmus adhered to his own opinions, and especially censured Luther's violence. He was particularly displeased with this violence in Luther's polemic treatise against himself. This relation to the great man in Rotterdam caused Melanchthon much trouble.

It was one of the many sorrows which afflicted him.

But we have thus already returned to Wittenberg, and we must first see what happened to Melanchthon on his return. It was difficult to part from Bretten, for his mother did not wish him to depart so soon. It seemed to her, as we often feel when bidding farewell, that she was then beholding him for the last time. But at last, with his companions who had returned from Basle, he tore himself away from his home. Not far from Frankfort he met with a singular adventure. The young Landgrave PHILIP of Hesse, who had early exhibited a warm interest in the progress of the Reformation, was travelling with his retainers to Heidelberg. He had, no doubt, heard that Melanchthon was on the road. He sees a company of travellers approaching, and he feels that Melanchthon must be among them. He rode towards them, and asked for him. When Melanchthon discovered himself, and was about to dismount in token of respect, the Landgrave prevented him, and requested him to change his route, and to remain with him over night, because he would like to have many matters explained to him. He bade him entertain no fear, but be of good courage.

Melanchthon a.s.sured the Landgrave that he was not afraid, and that he was a very unimportant person besides. The prince replied: "But, nevertheless, Cardinal Campegius would be not a little rejoiced if you were to be delivered into his hands." On the condition that, after his return to Wittenberg, he would prepare a written statement concerning these innovations in religion and send it to the Landgrave, he permitted him to continue his journey, and gave him the promise of a safe conduct through the Hessian dominion. This writing was really prepared, and bore the t.i.tle: "An Epitome of the renewed Christian doctrine, addressed to his most serene highness the Landgrave of Hesse." The journey was safely completed, but he soon experienced great sorrow in Wittenberg. His beloved travelling companion, Nesen, wished to cross the Elbe in a fisherman's boat, as he had often done before; but upon the present occasion, it was July 5th, the boat struck against the trunk of a tree, was capsized, and Nesen was drowned. Besides this, his beloved Camerarius, who was daily more endeared to him, removed from Wittenberg.

He felt very lonely and forsaken, and in this frame of mind wrote to Camerarius: "I sit at home like a lame cobbler."

CHAPTER VII.

THE WAR OF THE PEASANTS

The hopes raised by the proposed plans for reform, by the new Pope Hadrian VI., were not realized. How often have men been deceived in their hopes, when they looked towards the city on the seven hills! The Diet in Nuremberg opened in a threatening manner, for the Pope and the Emperor insisted on severe measures, and the execution of the Edict of Worms. But it came to pa.s.s here, as the Elector Frederick the Wise is said to have remarked before the Diet: "In heaven it has been resolved far otherwise than in Nuremberg!" Already in the year 1523, death summoned Hadrian from the scene. True to the proverb, "The Pope does not die," another one, Clemens VII., of the same spirit as all the rest, ascended the throne. He insisted upon the execution of the Edict of Worms, and caused this opinion to be proclaimed during the Diet at Nuremberg, which had been opened again. The Emperor made the same demand by his amba.s.sador. But all these violent measures were defeated by the action of the princes, who said "that they would do what they could."

The more the Gospel began to penetrate to every quarter, to find good soil and to strike deep root, so much more the hostility of the Catholics increased. Persecutions arose, and martyrs began to bleed for the Lord's cause. Melanchthon took an especially deep interest in the terrible martyrdom of Henry von Zutphen, who was burned at the stake towards the end of the year 1524.[9]

The _war of the Peasants_, which commenced in Swabia as early as 1524, but took a new and dangerous turn in the beginning of 1525, still more increased the hate of the enemies of the pure Gospel, and gave them a plausible excuse forcibly to exterminate these ecclesiastical novelties and the innovators themselves. As when fire has been placed in the different quarters of a city, and it breaks out on every side, so that the inhabitants do not know where to begin to extinguish it, so was it in the peasants' war. Almost everywhere the peasants arose and threatened death and destruction to the authorities and existing laws.

Nothing is more easy than, with preconceived opinions, either to proclaim this war a n.o.ble struggle for freedom, or, on the other hand, to trample under foot the just sighs of the deeply injured peasants. It is well known that no event in the days of the Reformation was more welcome to its enemies than this desperate and b.l.o.o.d.y rebellion of the peasants. They at once proclaimed this war to be a legitimate fruit of the new doctrine. It cannot be denied that this opinion has some appearance of truth, but then only if we look at the mere surface of things, and carry an evil-disposed heart within us. The peasants themselves have partly given occasion for this opinion, because in the well-known "twelve articles of the peasants," they mingled spiritual and temporal demands together. It is, however, not our purpose to give a history of the peasants' war, which still awaits a _true_ representation, even if it were carried out in the shortest outlines. We are here but to consider how the Reformers, particularly Melanchthon, demeaned themselves in this critical event.

In Melanchthon's home, the palatinate, this extravagant spirit had also seized the peasants. There too they rose up on every side, however little reason for it they might have had, under the reign of the Elector LOUIS of the palatinate. This prince wrote to Melanchthon, whom he esteemed very highly, requesting him to come to Heidelberg to a.s.sist him by his counsels in this dangerous affair. He says of Melanchthon: "You who were born and raised in the palatinate are more learned and experienced in the Scriptures than others, celebrated, and doubtless favorable to peace and justice." If it was impossible for him to come, he should send his advice and opinion, "according to divine and truly evangelical Scripture" to him in writing. On this account Melanchthon wrote his "Pamphlet against the articles of the peasantry." As Luther's writings in regard to the war of the peasants have frequently given offence, because he stood firmly by the word of G.o.d, which demands obedience towards the authorities, so did it also fare with Melanchthon.

He too, like Luther, must submit to be called a Court-theologian. But their theology was drawn from the word of G.o.d, and redounded to the glory of G.o.d, let the enemies to the right and left say to the contrary--whatever they please. The peasants declared they would submit themselves to the word of G.o.d. This Melanchthon seized upon. He wishes to present to them "the Gospel, and the true Christian doctrine; for no doubt there are many among the ma.s.ses who sin from ignorance; who, it is to be hoped, if they are properly instructed, will forsake such wicked practices, and consider the Judgment of G.o.d, their own souls, and their poor wives and children. But many are so wanton, and blinded by the devil, that they do not desire, and cannot abide peace." After having spoken of Faith and Love, he proceeds to obedience to government, and says: "Whereas this article is even despised by those who call themselves evangelical, we will hold before them the Gospel and the Word of G.o.d, in which they may see how desperately they are fighting against G.o.d under the pretext of the Gospel."

The beginning of the 13th chapter of the Epistle to the Romans will ever be the princ.i.p.al direction in this matter. Melanchthon, too, refers to it, and fully and convincingly explains this pa.s.sage to every one whose pa.s.sions have not blinded and disordered his senses. He proceeds to say: "From all this we therefore conclude, that, because the Gospel demands obedience to government, and forbids rebellion, although princes may do evil; and also further requires that we endure wrong, they act against the Gospel, inasmuch as they arise against the government, and use force and violence against them. And they prove themselves liars in this, that they write they desire to live in accordance with the Gospel, and yet thus openly act against G.o.d, so that it is easy to observe that the devil is instigating them, desiring to destroy their bodies and souls.

For the end may be whatever it will, such wickedness will be punished at last."

Melanchthon now proceeds to consider each of the twelve articles separately. In the _first_ article he proves, that the government is bound to have the Gospel preached. But if a government, possessed by Satan, will not permit it, we ought not to raise a tumult, for G.o.d has forbidden it. Each one is to profess his faith, and suffer, if the government be hostile. "It is not possible to be a Christian, and lay the cross upon the shoulders of others; you must bear it yourself." In the _second_ article "Of t.i.thes," he takes the side of right, and refutes the misapplied scriptural pa.s.sages of the peasants. In the article "On Va.s.salage," he also defends the established order of things, and proves that the pa.s.sages quoted by the peasants had no reference to bodily, but to spiritual freedom. "Therefore," he says, "the expectation of the peasants has no pretext. Yes, it would be better if so wild and unruly a nation, like the German, had less liberty than they really possess."--"Our authorities indulge the people in all wantonness, and only require money of them, but keep them under no restraint, which causes great disorders!"

He then reviews the remaining articles, of the chase, forests, services, taxes, penalties, &c. Of the right of heriot, a tax, he says that the government ought to abolish it, and remember the poor orphans. He concludes his pamphlet with very earnest words to the princes and peasants. To the former he says, they should humble themselves, because they had transgressed in many ways. "For G.o.d has always, from the beginning, overturned governments, when their wantonness became too great." He advises them to abolish the abuse of the ma.s.s, the celibacy of the clergy, and to appropriate the possessions of convents for useful purposes, especially for schools. Thus, should the princes lend a friendly hand, there should be some hope that words might answer a good purpose; but should this clemency be unavailing, the princes should strengthen themselves to treat the rebels as murderers. Melanchthon, who completed this pamphlet before the conclusion of the war of the peasants, added an appendix as soon as he heard that the peasants had been put down on every side. Now, the amiable man is merely a herald of peace and clemency. In this appendix he says: "As G.o.d has now given the victory, and the murderous rabble, which would not have peace, has been punished according to the laws of G.o.d, the princes should further be very careful that no harm befall the innocent, and also show mercy to the poor people, some of whom sinned through fear, others through folly." He points them to the example of David, who punished at the proper time, but at another also showed mercy, and concludes his excellent production in the following words--worthy of being taken to heart: "The Government should also look to it, that the word of G.o.d might be preached in the proper way, and that those customs of the church which oppose the word of G.o.d, be changed. Then G.o.d would grant them peace and prosperity in their government, as he did to Hezekiah and other pious monarchs, who put away the old abuses in the services of religion. For he declares, 1 Sam. ii. 30: 'For them that honor me, I will honor, and they that despise me shall be lightly esteemed.'" Not all the victorious princes regarded this truly Christian word, but punished and oppressed the peasants most severely, whilst they laid the blame of the rebellion upon the gospel thus recommended. But the Elector Frederick the Wise did not act thus. The peasants had also risen in rebellion in his dominions. THOMAS MuNZER, one of the most crazed and preposterous of beings, stood at their head. He endeavored to screen himself behind divine revelations, for all his violence against the government. When the rebellion was increasing, the Elector was confined by illness. These events moved him deeply; but in a letter to his brother, Duke John, he thus expressed himself: "It is G.o.d's sending and work, and G.o.d grant a happy conclusion." Again, he says: "Perhaps occasion has been given the poor people, particularly by prohibiting the word of G.o.d. Thus the poor are oppressed in many ways by us secular and spiritual authorities. G.o.d avert his anger from us!" This was Frederick's opinion, and his brother fully coincided in it. The Lord also gave the victory to the princes in Saxony and Thuringia.

Melanchthon has described this rebellion in its beginning and close. He thus begins his narrative: "After Dr. Martin Luther had preached several years, and had taught the pure and true gospel, the devil sowed his seed by its side, raised many false and hurtful preachers, in order that the gospel might again be darkened and suppressed, and much blood might also be shed. For Christ himself has given the devil this name, and has thus painted him, that he was a murderer from the beginning, and will cause murders to the end of the world."

Before the termination of the war, the Elector fell asleep on the 5th of May, 1525, in a truly Christian manner, so that his physician said: "He was a child of peace, and died peacefully." As it was desirable to prevent all superst.i.tious customs at the funeral of the Elector, Luther and Melanchthon were requested to give their opinion. They did so; and the funeral ceremonies were conducted in this manner. Not only did Luther preach his celebrated funeral sermon, but Melanchthon also delivered a Latin oration in the church, which shows how well he was able to appreciate a prince of Frederick's character. He spoke of the excellent qualities of the deceased, and his love for the word of G.o.d, and concluded thus: "I pray that G.o.d in his mercy may receive into his own keeping the soul of Frederick! May he also bless the administration of the government by his brother, protect our country in these unhappy times, and grant you all that affection for public peace, that you may reverence your princes with all fidelity and conscientiousness, according to the command of G.o.d."

Melanchthon sustained a great loss in the death of this exalted patron; but JOHN THE CONSTANT, who now held the reins of government, bore the same affection in his heart towards the chosen instruments of the Reformation.

He even took a more decided stand than his brother, as we shall see hereafter. Melanchthon feared that the wheels of the machine would be interfered with too much. The slow, prudent conduct of the Elector, which he had extolled in his address, pleased him very well. To his fears in this respect another event was added during this year, which incited their enemies to increased slanders. This was Luther's sudden marriage in June, 1525, to CATHARINE VON BORA, who had been a nun.

Luther took this step, standing upon the word of G.o.d, and in defiance of his enemies. But there seemed to be no end to the noise; yet Melanchthon, who had declared himself in favor of the marriage of the clergy, could not but approve of the marriage. Yet he would have prevented it during this period of ferment, had it been in his power to do so. But when Luther began to be concerned himself, Melanchthon became his comforter.[10]

CHAPTER VIII.

HIS LABORS FOR THE CHURCH AND SCHOOLS.

Although Melanchthon's professional activity was princ.i.p.ally directed to the education of good teachers and pastors for the schools and churches, yet the confidence enjoyed by him, and his splendid reputation, which bore his name far beyond the confines of Saxony, soon afforded him an opportunity to exert a very salutary influence in the erection of new, and improvement of established schools. Even before he had, together with Luther, arranged the school in Eisleben, and also one in Magdeburg, of which CRUCIGER was Rector, he was invited to Nuremberg, by JEROME BAUMGARTNER, towards the close of the year 1524, in order to establish a Gymnasium,[11] and to act as its Rector. But nothing could induce him to leave Wittenberg. He therefore declined the offer of an appointment in Nuremberg, although he had the establishment of this inst.i.tution of learning much at heart. One year after the invitation to visit Nuremberg, he undertook the journey with his friend Camerarius. This celebrated imperial city, which was then called "the eye of Germany,"

attracted him on many accounts; for it had an eye open to the Gospel, and numbered among its inhabitants many of the most distinguished minds, with whom Melanchthon was intimately connected. Among these were Pirkheimer, Baumgartner, Lazarus Spengler, Ebner and Nutzel. He entered Nuremberg on the 12th of November, 1525. He communicated his views in regard to the arrangement of the school, and proposed able men as teachers. Camerarius, his beloved friend, was appointed Rector of the school. Other men also accepted the call extended to them. In the following year we find Melanchthon, true to his promise, in Nuremberg again. He formally opened this learned inst.i.tution with a Latin address, May 23, 1526. In this address he uttered weighty words concerning the necessity and utility of the sciences. He concluded with the appropriate prayer: "I pray Christ that he may a.s.sist your important work by his grace, and that he may accompany your intentions and the diligence of those who shall study here, with his blessing." Among his friends in Nuremberg, he also numbered the celebrated painter, ALBERT DuRER, whose heart was also with the work of the Reformation. He spent a few very pleasant days with him and the rest of his friends, but returned to Wittenberg in June. Important business awaited him there, but in the middle of July he was seized with a severe illness, and his physician considered his recovery doubtful; but the Lord could not spare him yet.

In the beginning of the year 1526, he was formally appointed to deliver lectures on Theology, although he remonstrated against it. His salary was increased to 200 florins. But the most important duty in which he was engaged at that time was in partic.i.p.ating in the visitation of the schools and churches in Saxony. It may well be imagined that these were in a miserable condition. The Apostolic doctrine, which was proclaimed in Wittenberg with Apostolical power, had not found an entrance everywhere. In some of the schools and churches they still pertinaciously adhered to the beaten path. In other quarters it was patchwork, a new patch upon an old garment. There was one case of a minister who preached the gospel in his princ.i.p.al church, but read ma.s.s in the under-parochial church where they required a different practice.

The confusion in doctrine, church customs, and church treasuries was truly deplorable. Luther did not complain without reason: "Help, dear Lord, what frequent distress have I seen, because the common people, particularly in villages, know nothing at all of Christian doctrine, and it is but too true that many ministers are unskilful and unfit to teach.

And yet all are called Christians, are baptized, and enjoy the holy sacraments, and do not even know the Lord's Prayer, or the Creed, or the Ten Commandments, and live on like the brutes...."

Luther had taken this distress to heart long before, and had earnestly appealed to Court, to inst.i.tute a Visitation of all the schools and churches in the land. The Elector John, who was greatly concerned for the spread of the truth, ordered such a visitation. It took place in 1527, and was a real work of necessity, but at the same time full of blessings. Different commissions were appointed for different parts of the country. Melanchthon was ordered to visit Thuringia, accompanied by Jerome Schurff, Erasmus of Haugwitz, and John of Planitz. Great indeed was the spiritual distress discovered by them! Melanchthon often went out and wept, as he writes himself: "What can be offered in justification, that these poor people have hitherto been left in such great ignorance and stupidity? My heart bleeds when I regard this misery. Often when we have completed the visitation of a place, I go to one side and pour forth my distress in tears. And who would not mourn to see the faculties of man so utterly neglected, and that his soul, which is able to learn and grasp so much, does not even know anything of its Creator and Lord." However, the Elector's instructions to the visitors enjoined it upon them to proceed in the most lenient manner. They obeyed strictly, and no doubt accomplished more in this way than if they had fallen upon everything in the stormy spirit of a Karlstadt.

Melanchthon was also commissioned to prepare an _Instruction_ for the ministers in the Electorate of Saxony. This called forth a little volume with the t.i.tle, "Instruction of the Members of the Visitation to the Pastors in the Electorate of Saxony." It was handed to Luther for inspection, who was entirely satisfied with it, and therefore made but few alterations. He added a Preface to the book, in which he explained the necessity of the Visitation. This volume may be called the first Confession of Faith of the Lutheran Church, and on this account already deserves to be better known. As might be expected from Melanchthon, it is conceived in a spirit of great moderation, and, whilst it gives prominence to the princ.i.p.al doctrines of the true Church, treats the opposite opinions with great forbearance. Let us select a few pa.s.sages from this book of Instruction. The _first_ chapter treats "_Of Doctrine_." It says: "But how many now only speak of the forgiveness of sins, and nothing or very little of repentance, and yet there is no forgiveness of sin without repentance; and forgiveness of sins cannot be understood without repentance. And when we preach forgiveness of sins without repentance, it will come to pa.s.s that the people will believe that they have already obtained forgiveness of sins, and will thereby become secure and careless. Therefore we have instructed and exhorted Pastors that, according to their duty, they should preach the _whole_ Gospel, and not one part without the other." In the article "_Of the Ten Commandments_," he requires that the people might be brought to a knowledge of their sins, by an exhibition of the law and of their sins, and proceeds thus: "Besides this, it will be profitable to preach of faith, in this manner, that whosoever feels pain and sorrow for sin should believe that his sins are forgiven him, not because of any merit of his own, but for Christ's sake." But the instruction always reverts to this, that faith is nothing without repentance. "Where there is no repentance there is a painted faith." After having thus given prominence to the two first parts of the Christian life, he proceeds: "The third part of the Christian life is to do good works, such as chast.i.ty, to love our neighbor, to help him, not to lie nor cheat, not to steal, not to murder, not to be revengeful, not to take vengeance into his own hands, &c. He then enters upon a consideration of the Ten Commandments.

In treating the second commandment, he requires "_the true Christian prayer_." This section fully treats of the manner in which we ought to pray, and renounces all abuses. "Whatever it may be, we are to seek help _from G.o.d alone_." The fourth commandment is treated at length, and proceeds to show how children should treat parents, and parents their children, and particularly how subjects should conduct themselves towards the government. An entire section is devoted to the consideration of _Tribulations_, as a part of good works. They are to be careful to teach that all tribulations come from G.o.d, but also, that G.o.d is to be called upon in the midst of them. In considering the _Sacrament of Baptism_, the lawfulness of Infant Baptism is proved from its ant.i.type, circ.u.mcision. They should perform the ceremony in the German language, in order that those present might understand its meaning.

Here, too, they are directed to repentance and faith. _Of the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ_, it teaches, "That in the bread is the true body of Christ, and in the wine the true blood of Christ," and mentions two of the princ.i.p.al pa.s.sages of the Bible. The miracle is not wrought by the merits of the priest, but because Christ has so ordered it, that his body is present wherever men commune. They should teach in the most decided manner that _both_ kinds, bread and wine, should be distributed; yet no one, who, because of the weakness and fear of his conscience, could not receive both kinds, should be forced to receive both. Under such circ.u.mstances the Pastor should offer but _one_. It treats fully "_Of true Christian Repentance_." Added to this, is the section, "_Of true Christian Confession_." It says: "Papal Confession, namely, to rehea.r.s.e all our sins, is not commanded, for it is impossible to do it."

Yet, every one going to communion should be previously examined by the pastor. The article "_Of true Christian Satisfaction for Sin_," shows that Christ alone has made satisfaction for our sin. In the chapter "_Of human Church Regulations_," the pastors are exhorted to insist upon the princ.i.p.al matters in their sermons. Sundays and festival-days are to be observed. Yea, they even suffer Apostles' and Saints' days to remain.

But on the latter they are to permit labor. But it is not their intention hereby to establish or commend the invocations and intercessions of the saints, for Christ _alone_ is the mediator who intercedes for us. Matters relating to marriage are also briefly considered. Of _free will_ it says, that we are able to perform worldly piety and good works by our own strength, given us and preserved for this purpose by G.o.d. This is the righteousness of the flesh. But they also teach--"Man by his own power cannot purify his heart, and produce divine gifts, such as true repentance from sin, a true and unfeigned fear of G.o.d, true faith, cordial love, chast.i.ty, an absence of revenge, true patience, earnest prayer, freedom from covetousness, &c."

_Concerning Christian Liberty_, the errors of the vulgar are set aside, and liberty in Christ exhibited. We are also freed from the ceremonies of the Old Testament. The _Turks_ are not forgotten, and it also mentions how the _daily exercise in church_ is to be conducted. Would that it were so still in our churches! _Concerning true Christian Excommunication_, they teach that it is to be employed against those persons who live in open vices, after they have been admonished several times. They are not to be permitted to come to the Lord's Supper; but they are not prevented from hearing preaching. Overseers, called Superintendents, selected from the pastors, were appointed in particular districts. Besides this, this instruction of the visitation devotes a full chapter to schools.

The Commissions of Visitation labored in this mild, conciliatory, and truly scriptural spirit, and that, too, with blessed results. The Catholics pretended to find a creeping back, as Luther calls it, in this book of instruction, and began to rejoice aloud.[12] When the little volume appeared publicly in 1528, and also during the previous years when a Latin sketch of it had been printed, different opinions were expressed concerning it. But the most singular attack upon the book was made by one of the evangelical party. A former friend of Melanchthon, JOHN AGRICOLA, rector in Eisleben, considered it unscriptural, and leading to the papacy, if repentance was derived from the law, and not from the gospel. This dispute made so much noise, that the Elector considered himself obliged to arrange a meeting in Torgau, between Agricola, on the one side, and Melanchthon, Luther, and Bugenhagen, on the other. It was held in November, 1527. Agricola could easily be refuted from the Scriptures; however, he was a man obstinately wedded to his own opinion, who, as it is well known, stirred up this very matter ten years after, in the most violent manner, at which time he made use of the most daring expressions, such as "Moses deserves the gallows." But this Antinomian spirit, which was manifested by the ultra-evangelical party from time to time, was refuted by Luther in the most powerful and conclusive manner. Melanchthon refers to this, and refutes it in a number of writings.

In the summer of 1527, the university was removed to Jena, because the plague had broken out in Wittenberg. When Melanchthon had finished his first visitation tour, he continued to lecture in Jena, and wrote against the Anabaptists, who were also carrying on their sectarianism in various parts of Saxony. In the autumn of 1528, he made his second visitation tour into Thuringia, together with Myconius and Menius.