The Life of Philip Melanchthon Part 11

I do not believe that we really oppose each other in this question." In regard to the propositions for peace, he believed it would be best if they should be prepared by impartial judges. There must be _one_ confession in doctrine, "and as we do not contend about ceremonies, but rather confess that we yield in these, do not any longer accuse us, and do not heap false charges upon us. Let us unite, with mutual good will, and by one confession, against the fearful fury of the enemies of the Son of G.o.d, who is not only blasphemed by the Papists, but also by many others." But Flacius was not satisfied with this answer, and believed that it was necessary to have the matter decided by umpires.

On the 17th of January, 1557, the Superintendents Curtius of Lubeck, Paul von Eitzen of Hamburg, Morlin of Brunswick, and Hennig of Luneburg, met in Magdeburg, and pledged themselves to adhere to a confession which had been published in the year 1550, against the Interim, and which bore the t.i.tle: "Confession, Instruction, and Admonition of the pastors and preachers of the Christian congregations of Magdeburg." Flacius, and his friends Wigand, Judex, and Baumgartner, remained in the little town of Coswig, which was not far off, and exhorted the Superintendents, who had proceeded to Wittenberg with terms of agreement, that they should take a determined stand. On the morning of the 21st of January, the negotiations were begun in Melanchthon's residence. He addressed them in the most cordial manner, and a.s.sured them that he was desirous of peace, and had therefore remained silent. "I take a box on the ears, and still remain silent, while Flacius and Gallus do not stop their abuses." He agreed to accept the umpires, and Morlin presented eight articles to him, which had been prepared at Brunswick, with this condition, that either side shall have the privilege to add to or take away from them what they pleased. The eight articles were as follows: 1. Unity of doctrine is to be restored, in accordance with the Augsburg Confession and the Smalkald articles. 2. All opposing errors of the Papists, Interimists, Anabaptists, and Sacramentarians, were to be rejected. 3.

All corruptions, and especially that concerning the necessity of good works to salvation, in the article on Justification, which oppose true apostolical doctrine and the Augsburg Confession, were to be put away and condemned. 4. The Saxon Churches are not able to depart from the Confession which they published during the last persecution. 5. No agreement in ceremonies should be entered into with the Papists until they agree with us in doctrine, and cease to persecute the true doctrine. 6. In the time of persecution a sincere Confession should be made, and no servitude opposed to Christian liberty should be permitted.

7. We also, in a most Christian manner, beseech our teacher to testify, by a public writing, that his views in regard to indifferent matters, and the necessity of good works to salvation, agree with the Confessions of our Churches; and 8. If one of the parties should be suspected of secretly adhering to some errors, an explanation should be required."

Melanchthon was at first highly displeased with these articles, but on the following day he replied as follows: "For thirty years I have labored not a little in these churches, in teaching, developing truths, in daily judgments, conferences, and in treacherous conflicts. And it would have been very becoming in you to spare and pity me. But now, that which the worthy Jacob Sturm prophesied to me has come to pa.s.s; for when he, together with some other friends, accompanied me a part of the way when I left Ratisbon, and I said to him, that we would not see each other again in this world, he replied: 'We shall still come to you some day to crucify you.' Articles are laid before me, in which I am not only required to strangle myself, but very many of my friends. You spare Flacius. You know yourselves what intimate friendship subsisted between some of you and myself. And on this account, I am so much the more surprised to see you treat me so harshly. If I do not agree to your articles, you will excite your party against me; but if I do agree, many in our churches will complain of me that I have given them cause for offence. There is, consequently, danger on both sides, and it would have been better to negotiate with many concerning this." He agreed to the first two articles; but to the third he wished to add, that, although new obedience is needful according to the law of G.o.d, and Christ did not suffer in order that we should abide in sin and death, yet the expression, good works are necessary to salvation, should not be employed. His writings were opened to the eyes of the whole world. "I accept the fourth, fifth, and sixth articles, although they accuse us very much, as I would rather receive a blow than oppose harmony. As far as the seventh article is concerned, there is no necessity for a new publication, for every one is able to learn from my writings what I think of indifferent things." He concluded by entreating them not to oppose him at once, and that they should follow their own judgment rather than Flacius. Flacius was not satisfied with this reply, which was brought to Coswig by the mediators, and they returned to Wittenberg with several additions to the articles.

Melanchthon thanked them for their trouble, and said that he hoped they had now learned to know him as a man inclined to peace. "I shall, with G.o.d's help, abide by the general Confession of these churches, and shall not sow discord. I have always honored you as pious teachers of the Church, and I love you with all my heart. I replied to the articles you laid before me, so that I might not appear anxious to fly from the light, and unwilling to bring about harmony. And this shall be my last answer. If you are not satisfied with it, I appeal to the judgment of the Church." He adhered to his previous declaration, merely in other words. The mediators departed, without having effected their object; but Flacius would not yield. This conflict between Melanchthon and Flacius had also attracted the attention of Duke JOHN ALBERT, of Mecklenburg; and he felt himself called upon to attempt to bring about a reconciliation. He therefore sent VENETUS, of Rostock, and his counsellor, MYLIUS, to Wittenberg, with proposals of peace. These proposals were composed in the spirit of those of Magdeburg. When the envoys arrived in Wittenberg, about February 20th, they did not meet Philip, who was then on a journey to Dessau and Leipzig. When he had returned, heard their wishes, and saw the proposals, he replied very briefly, that Flacius entertained many errors; that the prince was ungracious; they sought to ruin him (Melanchthon); and that he would not condemn any of those who had been present at the debates concerning indifferent things, who are now dead. He expressed himself to this effect, and promised to present his reply on the following day. He retained the propositions, and examined them carefully.

On the following day he came, accompanied by his son-in-law Peucer. His answer was a very short one; and when the envoys requested him to prepare better propositions, he refused to do so, in a pa.s.sionate manner, and said: "If you wish to crush me, do so; for this is the general lot of peace-makers. I commend myself to G.o.d." And Peucer also added: "You shall not in future trouble my father-in-law any more with such disputes." And with this they were dismissed. The envoys returned to Magdeburg, without having gained their purpose, in order to consult with Flacius and Wigand. Flacius was called to Jena in April, 1557, where the Gymnasium had been raised into an University.

CHAPTER x.x.xIII.

THE RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE AT WORMS.

In the spring of 1557, he would have had an excellent opportunity to get rid of the Flacians, for the Elector of the Palatinate called him to the University of Heidelberg. "However, I have not yet come to any conclusion in regard to my removal," he wrote to Languentius from Leipzig, "because I must first learn the sentiments of the Court." He wrote to Camerarius: "I wrote this letter on the 31st of March, on which day, 420 years after Christ, Jerome died in his 91st year, in the town of Bethlehem, whither he had fled from the rage of his intriguing enemies. I would already have fled to those solitudes, if I had no family." But the Court would not permit him to go, and he remained. He was very much afraid of a journey to Denmark, whither the Elector wished to take him, because the king intended to a.s.semble a number of Theologians, to discuss the sacramental controversy. Some one had told his father, 60 years before, that Philip would be shipwrecked on the Baltic Sea, and this sea he was now to cross. But no doubt he also dreaded a Conference where the subject of the Lord's Supper was to be discussed. A pastor of that place had spilt some wine, of which Melanchthon sarcastically remarked, "What a misfortune!" However, this journey was not undertaken; but another took its place. He wrote to Camerarius: "The Court would now prefer it, if I should go to the Rhine.

But we shall remain here until new letters from Court order us to go, which is not at all disagreeable to me, because I look upon my stay here as a blessing." At last the orders arrived. He bade his hearers farewell on the 14th of August, in the following words: "I will not deliver any lectures to-day, because many poor students ask for letters of recommendation about the time of our departure. But I beseech the Son of G.o.d, our Lord Jesus Christ, who has said, 'I am the vine, ye are the branches,' that he would guide us. And I also conjure you, for the Lord's sake, to commend yourselves and us to him in devout prayers, and that you may become an ornament of the Church by your becoming conduct."

Accompanied by his son-in-law Peucer, by Eber, and several others, he departed for Worms. They travelled by way of Schulpforte and Erfurt, to Frankfort. They arrived there on the 26th of August, and here learned, to their great sorrow, that Schnepf, Strigel, Stossel, and the Counsellor Monner, of Weimar, were earnestly engaged in Worms, in urging a condemnation of all the errors which had been introduced. They intended this for Melanchthon particularly. He at this time wrote to Camerarius: "Many sorrows are troubling me, partly the cruelty of my foes, and also the misfortunes of my son, who, although he is still alive, is suffering great bodily and mental debility." On the 28th of August, they arrived in Worms. The Theologians were filled with joy when they again beheld the countenance of the aged and venerable Melanchthon.

One of his enemies, the before-mentioned Monner, thus wrote to Flacius about this: "All our Theologians here received him in the most honorable manner, and adore him almost like a deity. When we came out of Church three days ago, all greeted him as their instructor, but I stood aloof.

When he saw me, he said, rather coldly, 'Doctor!' and slightly touched my hand. He immediately turned away from me, and departed to his lodgings, accompanied by a large number of persons. I and Martin Stossel immediately went to our own. His heart seems to be entirely estranged from me. But I do not care the least for this, and I believe that we should not seek the friendship of persons who pollute the pure doctrine, yea, I rather believe we should fly from them, in obedience to the pa.s.sage: 'If there come any unto you, and bring not this doctrine, receive him not into your house, neither bid him G.o.d speed.'"

This Basilius Monner, together with his Weimarian friends, endeavored to persuade the Theologians to condemn Adiaphorism, Maiorism, Osiandrism, and Zwinglianism, before the opening of the Religious Conference. "For,"

as Eber wrote, "these, in their judgment, are the only heresies in Europe which ought to be destroyed root and branch." Flacius, by his letters, also incited his Weimarian friends to insist upon this. Besides this, their instructions required the same. On the 5th of September, the Theologians of the Augsburg Confession met, for the first time, in the town-hall. Here Monner rose up, and declared that their instructions enjoined it upon him and his colleagues to insist, first of all, upon a condemnation of errors, so that they could then oppose the Papists even as one man. Schnepf also arose, and declared that if this should not be done, they would not have anything further to do with the Conference.

But let us hear what Melanchthon says of this, in a letter to Prince Joachim, of Anhalt, of September 6th: "The first act was an accusation against myself, taken almost word for word from the libels of Flacius, and brought forward by Schnepf. I briefly replied to them, that we all agreed in doctrine, because we all adopted the Augsburg Confession, together with its Apology, and Luther's Confession, which he wrote prior to the Council of Mantua. I also spoke a little of my views, that I believed it would be better to retain the order of festivals, and other usages, which were not sinful in themselves, than to leave the churches; I appealed to the opinions of the other persons who were present, and added, that it would give me very great pleasure if I would be entirely excluded from the deliberations of this Conference. The envoys of the princes fully agreed with me, and admonished the accusers to lay their private disputes to one side, and to unite in a general deliberation how the enemy should be refuted. This was done yesterday. I do not know, as yet, what my accusers propose to do further. I bear these calumnies with equanimity. I wrote the Confession and the Apology, which they constantly quote; and now they are debating how they shall get rid of their author. However, I trust that, with G.o.d's help, I have been able to be of some use to students. I would much rather always engage in this work, than quarrel in such conferences, in which I have witnessed and experienced many deplorable conflicts."

The majority insisted upon leaving particular condemnations for the present, until the articles referred to should come up during the regular course of debate. The protestation of the Weimarians was not entered upon the minutes, but they succeeded in having it received as their personal conviction, by the envoys of the princes. JULIUS VON PFLUG was elected President of the Conference, and called the speakers of both sides together on the 11th of September, to open the discussion.

Melanchthon wrote: "According to the custom of orators, he spoke of the evils produced by discord, in his address. Sidonius replied, and I succeeded him. I mentioned some reasons why we were obliged to differ from our opponents. Our friends are all one in their Confession. The Weimarians, and they alone, had demanded some condemnations."

But soon violent contentions arose, especially in regard to the source of knowledge. The Catholics insisted upon the continual agreement of the Church, but the Protestants would not suffer any other authority than the Bible and the most ancient confessions. Original Sin elicited a still more excited debate. The cunning Bishop Sidonius of Merseburg made these contentions a desirable excuse for breaking up the conference. He knew the two Protestant parties, and imitated those, as Melanchthon says, who wish to drive the bees from their hives: smoke is blown in for this purpose. "So they are seeking plans to divide us, and to break up the conference. I have observed all along that our opponents neither desire the truth nor union." This was written to Matthesius, September 29th.

On the 2d of October, he made the following report to the Elector Augustus: "By the grace of G.o.d, our side made a very good beginning. But afterwards the cunning Papists insisted upon knowing whether we were all of one and the same opinion. I replied repeatedly in the public a.s.semblies, that we all agreed in the Confession. But now the Weimarians presented their condemnations, and because they saw that they could not keep pace with the other Protestants, they departed in the beginning of October, declaring that they had been excluded from the Conference. The other Theologians wished to continue, while the Catholics rejoiced at this rupture, and said that they did not know who were the true adherents of the Augsburg Confession. The President Pflug postponed the sessions until the King should decide the matter." He wrote to Matthesius, October 3d: "I very much doubt whether this debate, which has been commenced between us and our opponents, will be continued.

Everything seems to be arranged in such a manner on both sides, that the whole matter will be brought to a conclusion. I earnestly long for the society of my family, and would rather repeat prayers with my beloved sons and daughters than continue to contend with these venomous sophists. However, I shall not leave here until we are officially dismissed."

While Melanchthon was thus expressing so great a desire to behold his family, a change was about to take place in his house at Wittenberg, which caused him great sorrow and many bitter tears. His wife was taken ill on the 27th of September. She had a presentiment of her approaching end, received the Lord's Supper, and as she was now confined to her bed, prayed to G.o.d that he might grant her patience. And this her prayer was heard. Not a word of impatience pa.s.sed her lips, and it was easy to see that she was perfectly prepared to die. An old account says: "In such obedience to G.o.d, and with frequent prayer to the Son of G.o.d, she fell asleep in Christ; and so peacefully, that those present could scarcely perceive the moment of her death." She died at three o'clock in the morning of the 11th of October. At the time of her death, Melanchthon was in Heidelberg, whither he had been called by the Elector Otto Henry, in order to a.s.sist Micyllus in improving the University of that place.

He spent some very happy days here, as he was not only receiving honorable attentions from the Prince and the learned, but also enjoyed the opportunity of embracing his beloved brother George. And now his friend Camerarius also arrived. He saw his happiness, but had come to disturb it; for he had been commissioned by the University of Wittenberg to bear the sad tidings to Melanchthon. While they were walking in the garden of the Elector on the following morning, Camerarius discharged this melancholy duty. Melanchthon heard him calmly, raised his eyes to heaven, and exclaimed: "Fare thee well, I will soon follow thee!" And he then began to speak of the troubles of the Church, and the troubled times that were to be expected; but his sorrow for the loss of his wife would still return. He wrote an affectionate letter to his nephew Sigismund, who was staying at Wittenberg at the time, in which he expresses his anguish at the departure of his beloved wife, and calls upon him to act the part of a father in his family. To the letter of sympathy from the University, which Camerarius had brought, he replied on the 31st of October: "That he was seeking all possible grounds for consolation; but notwithstanding all this, my love to her and her daughters always comes upon me again with such force that I am almost overcome." He returns his hearty thanks for the attentions of the University, and closes thus: "If I am to live any longer, I would not wish to live in any place but with you, whose virtues, sincerity, and faithfulness I value so highly. And I also love our well-deserving University, which G.o.d has. .h.i.therto protected against wicked attacks and the rage of cunning men. I call upon him to guide and protect it for ever."

He returned to Worms, and remained through the greater part of November, without being particularly engaged. He wrote to Hardenberg on the 14th of November that he had very little to write about, "because, after our colleagues departed, leaving their condemnations behind them, our enemies felt themselves obliged to embrace this opportunity for breaking off the conferences. On this account there are no meetings at the present time. You no doubt hear that the whole of Saxony is celebrating triumphs, because of the beautiful condemnations which emanate from the judgment-seat of Amsdorf. I pray G.o.d to deliver me from those sophists." He also wrote to his friend Mordeisen: "If you will permit me to live in another place, I shall reply truly and effectually to those ignorant intriguers, and for the good of the church. If the discussion of doctrine is to be continued, I hope that a truly Christian harmony will prevail among our colleagues who are still present."

During this time, and at the instance of the Elector Frederick and Duke Christopher, he prepared a formula, in which he shows himself to be very yielding. He in this expresses himself against the fanatics, Servetus, Schwenkfeld, and the Anabaptists, in the strongest terms. In the article on justification he adhered to the word "_alone_," in retaining the proposition: "That we are justified before G.o.d by Faith _alone_." Faith must always be founded upon the merits of the Mediator. Against the Antinomians, (enemies of the law,) he insists upon the proposition: "New obedience is necessary, because the rational creature must obey G.o.d." He rejects the proposition that good works are necessary unto salvation, because this implied merit, and obscures the consolation of the Gospel; and he only retains the expression: "Good works are necessary, because man owes obedience according to the commandment of G.o.d." He adheres to the Augsburg Confession and the Apology, in the doctrine of the _Lord's Supper_. He rejects transubstantiation, and the local inclusion of the body and the blood, which was unknown to the ancients; he also rejects Zwinglianism, which merely recognizes signs, and says, that "Christ is truly and essentially present, making us members of his body, applying his grace to us, and will prove himself powerful in us." In regard to _indifferent things_, he appeals to the Confessions, and does not wish to see the churches, who have the Gospel, disturbed by any new changes.

But if others discover other misdeeds under this name, we will leave it to the decision of a Synod.

This form of agreement met with the approbation of the Theologians; the Wirtembergers being the only ones who made some objections on account of Osiander's position in the doctrine of Justification. Melanchthon was in the meantime awaiting the royal decision as to the Conference, in order to discuss the various points at the proper place. At last Ferdinand decided that the Conference, already commenced, should be continued. The Catholics now urged the recall of the Saxon Theologians, which was opposed by the others. Therefore the President adjourned the Conference, with the intention that it should be continued at the next diet.

Melanchthon and his friends presented a declaration, in which they stated that they were not to blame in this matter, and were true adherents of the Augsburg Confession. This declaration was prepared on the 1st of December. On the 6th of December, he departed with his companions, filled with the saddest feelings, which he thus expresses in a letter to Hardenberg, December 26th: "Although many friends, prudent men on the banks of the Rhine, dissuaded me from returning to the Elbe, I have nevertheless returned; perhaps it is my destiny, and perhaps it is because I must bestow the little I possess upon my heirs, after the death of my wife. But I expect a new banishment.... As soon as the times become more propitious, I have resolved to consult with you, unless I am forced to leave before that time. Perhaps death will soon conduct me to a more peaceful church.... And truly! I feel an earnest longing for the wisdom of that heavenly school, and hope for that, when we shall see those things we particularly desire to understand, with our own eyes. My enemies have already circulated the report that they will drive me out of entire Germany. They believe that they have so much power. If it pleases G.o.d, I am willing not only to leave Germany, but even this life."

The Conference therefore did not terminate well. The strict Lutherans blamed Melanchthon and his adherents for this, and called them "holy Pharisees;" the moderate Protestants charged the breaking up of the Conference upon the Catholics; while the Catholics, full of delight at the misfortunes of their enemies, labored to convince the whole world of the state of discord in the Protestant camp, and showed that it must of necessity come to this.

CHAPTER x.x.xIV.

THE LAST YEARS OF HIS LIFE REAL YEARS OF SORROW.

The hostility existing between the stricter and more moderate Lutherans for the few last years, increased more and more, notwithstanding all efforts to the contrary, made by the well-known Duke Christopher, the Elector of the Palatinate, and the Landgrave of Hesse. When the Elector Augustus, the Elector Joachim II., and Duke Henry of Brunswick, met in Leipzig, February, 1558, to consult as to the plan of transferring the Imperial Crown to King Ferdinand at the next Convention at Frankfort, they also spoke of the divisions in the Evangelical Church. Melanchthon received an invitation, during the month of February, to come to Dresden, in order to present his views in regard to this subject. He began to write a declaration, "but sorrow interrupted this work," he says. He thus writes to prince Joachim of Anhalt, in reference to the occasion of this work: "The Elector of the Palatinate and the Duke of Wurtemberg, have frequently requested our Churches to hold a Synod. When asked concerning this, I replied, that it would not be possible to call a Synod, until the princes had agreed, not only upon resolutions, but also upon their Confession, and had discussed this matter with believing and learned men. I therefore received orders to prepare an opinion concerning certain controverted points, and to forward it, as soon as possible, to the banks of the Main. I shall send or bring this doc.u.ment as soon as possible, for I am anxious to hear your Highness's opinion in regard to these propositions which I have written down."

At last this doc.u.ment was completed, and appeared by the t.i.tle: "Opinion delivered by Philip Melanchthon, concerning a Synod of all the Electors, Princes and States, adhering to the Augsburg Confession." He declares in the beginning of this, that he would like to hear the judgment of Christian princes and men; and that he did not dread a Synod on account of Flacius and his party. Although they condemned him, he was satisfied, and had no desire of being with them, because they did not seek the glory of G.o.d. It would not be necessary to convene a Synod on account of the outcry raised by Flacius; "for I have maintained silence hitherto, and am prepared to remove from this country, if it is desired. I refer to this, in order that no one may think I am dissuading from the holding of this Synod, because I fear that I might be condemned or banished."

He says further: "Several Electors and Princes wish all the adherents of the Confession to hold a General Synod. Now I have always entertained the opinion that no such Synod should be called, until all the Electors and Princes are perfectly agreed, not only upon what they intend to propose, but what they finally intend to resolve and abide by." Unless this should be done, it would only end in greater dissensions. In regard to images in the churches, and the abjuration by other persons in baptism, it would be well to exercise patience in these customs. In regard to _Free will_, a very important point of dispute, he maintained the following:--It is not right to a.s.sert that man is like a block, and remains pa.s.sive both in evil and in good works, even if it is said that the will is pa.s.sive in good works. "It is indeed true, that G.o.d performs much wonderful illumination, and great deeds in conversion, and in the entire life of the saints, which the human will merely receives; but nevertheless we must teach that we must regard the word of G.o.d in all our afflictions, in order that we may strengthen ourselves by this, and at the same time pray G.o.d for help. For G.o.d works by his word. Man is not to rest in unbelief, and to think that he will wait, that he will be drawn to G.o.d against his own will, by some strange Anabaptist vision and miracle."

He appeals to Luther, and denies the "poisonous" conclusion, as if by this man obtained some merits. It would be well to hear the opinion of sensible persons in a Synod in regard to this matter. We are already familiar with his opinion of Osiander's doctrine, in which he properly makes a distinction between Justification and Sanctification; he expresses his belief that uniformity might easily be restored in this matter. In the _third_ article, of the _Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ_, he speaks of transubstantiation as idolatry, and regrets that Protestants too entertain such or similar views, "just as an a.s.s of Erfurt wrote to me lately, that the little pieces which fall upon the ground are also the body of Christ, and should be worshipped." He rejects the doctrine of the Bremen ministers, that the bread is the essential body of Christ, and the wine the essential blood of Christ; and the opinion of Westphal in Hamburg, that the body of Christ is present everywhere, in stone and in wood. He fears that a Synod might produce great divisions; yet he expresses his views as follows: _First_, nothing is sacrament except the inst.i.tuted use. This had already greatly disturbed Eck in Ratisbon, so that he became drunk and quite unwell. He then confesses that the Son of G.o.d is thus truly and essentially present; that when we partic.i.p.ate of the Lord's Supper, he gives us his body and blood with the bread and wine. He rejects Zwingli's doctrine, that it is a mere outward sign, and that Christ is not essentially present. He proceeds to protest against the proposition: "Good works are necessary to salvation;" and also against the Antinomians, concerning which points we have already referred to his views.

We are also familiar with his views of the Adiaphora, or indifferent things. He offers to accept the decision of a Synod in this, "whether it affects me gently or ungently." In the article on _Matrimonial_ matters, he speaks of _Consistories_, and advises that these be arranged like those in Electoral Saxony, where these form and execute decisions. He once more requests a serious consideration whether a Synod should be held, "because we have reason to fear that it will cause still greater divisions." But if it should be resolved upon to a.s.semble one, the opinions of all the learned should be listened to in a friendly conference, and if they agree, resolutions should be pa.s.sed and subscribed. But in case of disagreement, the opinion of all should be heard, and the resolutions pa.s.sed according to the truth, "let it please or displease whom it will."

At the Convention at Frankfort, held in the beginning of March, 1558, Ferdinand the First received the crown of the German Empire. He pledged himself to preserve religious and civil peace, "continually and firmly."

His brother, the Emperor Charles V., had retired to a small residence by the side of the convent of St. Just, belonging to the monks of the Order of St. Jerome, near to Placentia, in Spain, in the month of September, 1556. He lived here for two years, engaged in earnest meditations upon the vanity of all earthly things, and in the expiation of his sins. It is said that he regretted not having acted more severely against the Protestants; and he died in September, 1558, praying for the unity of the Church. In Frankfort, whither other princes had also been invited, besides the Protestant Electors, it was resolved to restore harmony between the contending parties in the Evangelical Church. This was to be promoted by a treatise prepared by Melanchthon, which has become known as the _Recess of Frankfort_. There were four princ.i.p.al points of dispute. The _first_ referred to justification, and makes a distinction between justification and sanctification. "This consolation is continually to be remembered in this life, that a man is just, that is, pleasing to G.o.d, and a recipient of forgiveness of sins, not on account of newness (the new life), but by faith in Christ, and his merits alone, through mercy, for the sake of the Lord Jesus Christ." The _second_ article speaks of the proposition, good works are necessary to salvation. Although it is true that _the new obedience_ of the justified is necessary, according to the commandment of G.o.d, yet it ought not to be said that it is necessary _to salvation_, because the doctrine of grace would be obscured by this. The _third_ article, of _the true sacrament of the body and blood of the Lord Jesus Christ_, declares its agreement with the Augsburg Confession, namely, "that the Lord Jesus Christ is truly, in a living manner, and essentially present in this his ordinance of the Lord's Supper; that he has also given his body and blood to be received by us Christians, with the bread and wine thus ordained by him, and that he bears testimony by this, that we are his members, that he appropriates himself and his promise to us, and works within us." The _fourth_ article, of _Adiaphora_, _or indifferent ceremonies in the Church_, declares that these may be observed or neglected; and if the true Christian doctrine of the holy Gospel is preached in a proper manner, these ceremonies may be retained without injury to the cause of truth. But if the true Christian doctrine of the holy Gospel should be polluted or persecuted, then not only the indifferent, but also other ceremonies, are injurious. The Recess expresses its agreement with the Augsburg Confession in the strongest terms, "that nothing opposed to said true Confession should be permitted to be taught, preached, or introduced among the people, in the churches, schools, and throughout the land."

On the 18th of March, the Recess was subscribed by the three Electors, Otto Henry, Augustus, and Joachim, by the Count Palatine, Wolfgang von Veldenz, Duke Christopher, and the Landgrave Philip. It was also finally resolved that they would request the other Evangelical states to subscribe it."

Melanchthon at this time expressed his convictions to Matthesius, that the Weimarians would certainly object to it; and the event proved that his supposition was correct. The Recess was violently opposed, not only by the Weimarians, but by all strict Lutherans. Flacius called the Recess, "The Samaritan Interim;" and the aged Amsdorf prepared a refutation, at the request of Duke John Frederick of Saxony; and it was also proposed to hold a meeting in Magdeburg in May, in opposition to the meeting at Frankfort. Saxony was very anxious to bring it about, but in vain. Melanchthon was greatly distressed at this new dispute, and in his letters at this time, frequently expresses his desire to be relieved from this miserable state of existence. On one occasion he said: "I am so over-burdened with labors that I expect my end daily, and yet my enemies are anxious to drive me away before that." He was also greatly grieved at the death of his old friend, the faithful Bugenhagen, who died peacefully on the 20th of April; although he rejoiced to see another friend, Paul Eber, appointed Pastor in his place. He wrote a letter of consolation to one of his friends, Conrad Nessen, who was sick at the time, in which he says: "My breast is filled with a strong mucus, which threatens me with death, and admonishes me frequently to think of my sick friends, and of my own death. We know with certainty that G.o.d gives life, and strengthens the powers of our body, as long as it is his will that we should serve the general welfare in this sorrowful battle of life. I pray to him with all my heart that he would stand by and help you and me, and ease our illness, as long as it pleases him to retain us in this life; and I pray him, that for the sake of his Son, the Lord Jesus Christ, he would lead us into the sweet communion of the heavenly Church, and grant us the enjoyment of his light and wisdom, whenever he shall be pleased to deliver us from this prison. Let us look unto that fountain of light and wisdom, and bear our present sufferings with less sorrow, in the hope and expectation of that better life." He also wrote to the Landgrave of Hesse: "My enemies have declared that they would make Germany too narrow for me, although I do not know what has filled them with this Cain-like bitterness against me, which induces them to drive me into strange lands. Your electoral highness, and many sensible men in Germany, are well acquainted with my peculiar labors, afflictions, and sentiments. If it pleases G.o.d, I am perfectly willing, not only to leave this country, but even this life, for I have remained thus long for the benefit of this school. If I must go, I am perfectly ready and willing, even as I expect death daily."

The Refutation of the Frankfort Recess, already mentioned as prepared by the Weimarians, was sent to the Elector Augustus by the Dukes of Saxony.

Melanchthon received it, and now prepared his "Reply to the Weimarian Doc.u.ment." He pa.s.ses over the calumnies in it, for the sake of peace; and does not agree with them, that it is altogether improper for civil rulers to set up articles of religion; he would rather rejoice at this, and call upon others to be thankful "that they thus distinctly confess their adherence to the true doctrine, and seek unity among themselves."

He refutes the various attacks upon the articles of justification and good works, of the Lord's Supper, and of the Adiaphora. As the _Synergistic_ dispute, of which we have already spoken, was also drawn in, and the Theologians of Jena intended it all as an attack upon the aged Melanchthon, although their a.s.saults were ostensibly directed against Pfeffinger of Leipzig, the gulf was widened, and the animosity continued to increase. Both sides sent forth the most bitter publications. In Thuringia they even proceeded from mere words to deeds.

For when the Dukes of Saxony had published their _Confutation_ in the beginning of the year 1559, in which all heresies, that also concerning free will, were condemned, Victorinus Strigel, and the Pastor Andrew Hugel of Jena, refused to submit to it. They were both seized and taken to the castle of Leuchtenburg. Melanchthon thus writes to a friend in regard to this: "During the night succeeding the joyous festival of Easter, the aged Pastor Andrew, together with Victorinus, were seized at Jena, and carried to the neighboring castle of Leuchtenburg, in which is the prison for robbers. The piety and moderation of these men had gained them a distinguished reputation. But Flacius is burning with rage against us. He proves this by thus ill-treating these men, who, although they are not connected with us, are yet displeased with the harsh measures employed against us. The Elector sent this Confutation to Wittenberg, that an Opinion might be given in regard to it. "It is only with great pain that I am able to read those subtleties and tricks,"

Melanchthon writes to Cracovius; "but I shall freely express my opinions to the Prince, and shall entreat him graciously to dismiss me, if he is better pleased with this venomous fabrication." His _Opinion_ is dated on the 9th of March, and speaks in very plain terms. Its princ.i.p.al objection against the Weimarian Confutation is this: that it does not recognize their (the Wittenbergers) efforts against the blasphemers of the Son of G.o.d--such as Servetus and Campa.n.u.s, Schwenkfeld, and the Antinomians. "The Weimarian book does not say a word of this, (particularly of the Antinomians,) for there are many in many places who are filled with this heresy, who consider themselves holy, although they continue to live in sin against their own conscience." The Confutation also speaks of old and _new_ Zwinglians, without mentioning whom they refer to by the term _new_. Now they wish to be looked upon as the most zealous devourers of the Pope, and yet they dare not say a word about that grossest of all idolatries, that there can be no Sacrament except according to the inst.i.tuted form." He rejects the proposition, as he had done before, that the body of Christ is present everywhere, in wood and stone, and says: "I abide by the formula presented to the Elector, and it is certainly true that the Lord Jesus Christ is essentially present in his ordinance, but not present as wood and stone are present. He gives us comfort, and bestows his body and blood upon us." "In regard to _Free will_, it is very evident that their princ.i.p.al attacks are against me, Philip." He rejects the doctrine that all works, good and evil, _must_ be done as they are, and a.s.serts that man, even before regeneration, has a free will to maintain external propriety of conduct.

And if this liberty still partially belongs to our sinful nature, how much more shall this be the case after regeneration, "when we obtain help by the influence of the Holy Ghost!" "We regard the word of G.o.d as the beginning, which word condemns sin, and at the same time offers forgiveness and mercy for the Lord's sake. We maintain that a man must regard the preaching of both the law and the Gospel; and if he comforts himself with the Gospel, and finds comfort in true sorrow, it is certain that G.o.d sends his Holy Spirit into his heart, who continues to operate there, and a conflict continues throughout life, in order that faith may become stronger." This rule must remain: "Grace precedes, the will accompanies it, G.o.d draws no man but him who is willing." He also proceeds to speak of Osiander, Stancarus, of the proposition "Good works are necessary to salvation," and particularly also of the Adiaphora, in the manner repeatedly referred to on previous occasions. In regard to ceremonies, he says that the two Dukes of Saxony had formerly come to the same conclusion, and that the present condemnation applied to their resolutions as well as "_our own_." The Landgrave fully concurred in this Opinion, and sent it to Duke John Frederick, who remarked, that Melanchthon had not been mentioned once in the Confutation, and that he exemplified the old saying: "Whoever is. .h.i.t cries out." However, the Duke was prevailed upon to release the prisoners. In August, 1560, Flacius and Strigel held a discussion, in which Flacius unintentionally so far forgot himself, that he maintained that Original Sin was the substance of human nature. He was greatly persecuted and distressed on account of this proposition. He died at Frankfort on the 11th of March, 1575, uttering these words: "Jesus Christ, thou Son of G.o.d, have mercy upon me!"

The pure Gospel had also penetrated into Bavaria, and had found many friends there; so that the Chamber of Deputies of the Duchy pet.i.tioned Duke Albert in the year 1556, that he should permit the pure preaching of the Gospel, and the use of the cup to the laity. But the Duke, whom Melanchthon calls a man of mind and wisdom, would not listen to it, for he had given himself up to the influence of the Jesuits. They finally succeeded in securing the suppression and banishment of all the friends of the Gospel. In order to ferret out all heresy, they prepared thirty-one articles for the use of the Inquisition. Whoever was not able to reply to these in a satisfactory manner should be punished and banished. These articles were published in September, 1558, and Melanchthon saw them during the same month. In the month of May of the following year, he published his "Answers against the wicked Articles of the Bavarian Inquisition." This publication is one of the most important of his works, because it may be called his last Confession--his spiritual swan's song, (dying strain). Of these Bavarian articles, he says: "Whosoever reads these idolatrous articles, which have been prepared by a dishonorable raving monk of Bavaria, let him not be deceived by the appearance of the Church, but remember that we should not blaspheme acknowledged truth, and that blasphemers of acknowledged truth and murderers of the members of Christ are not the Church of G.o.d."

He not only deals thus with the thirty-one Articles, but also with those Articles which had created dissensions in the Protestant Church.

We are already acquainted with his views, according to which, appealing to Luther, he maintains that in the work of conversion grace precedes, and the human will follows; as Chrysostomus says: "G.o.d draweth, but only him who is willing." Yet, at the same time, he also admitted that G.o.d so operated in all his saints, that their will remained in a pa.s.sive condition. He also refutes Servetus and the Anabaptists, and confessed the orthodox doctrine of the union of the two natures in Christ.

He was also destined to behold a violent dispute in regard to the Lord's Supper, which arose in his native land, the Palatinate. A certain TILEMANN HESSHUSS, who was born at Wesel in the year 1526, and had been a pupil of Melanchthon, had, upon his recommendation, been called to Heidelberg in 1558, as professor and general superintendent. A dispute arose between him and a certain Deacon, WILLIAM KLEBITZ, of that place.

Klebitz leaned towards Calvinism. The Elector Frederick III., who had succeeded Otto Henry in 1559, admonished Hesshusius to express himself in regard to the Lord's Supper, in accordance with the Augsburg Confession. Hesshusius declared that he would look upon all who did not teach that the body of Christ is _in_ the bread, as Zwinglians. He excommunicated Klebitz from the pulpit, and even attempted to s.n.a.t.c.h the cup from his hand at the altar. The Elector upon this deposed both of them, and sent his secretary ZEISLER to Wittenberg to obtain Melanchthon's advice. He replied on the 1st of November, and begins in the following manner: "This answer is not a difficult but a dangerous one. Yet I will say, what I am able to say in regard to this dispute, praying the Son of G.o.d that he may direct your counsels, and bring this matter to a happy conclusion." He approves of the proceeding of the Elector in ordering both sides to remain silent, and deposing them, and wishing them to use the apostle Paul's formula: "The bread which we break, is it not the communion of the body of Christ." The apostle does not say that the substance of the bread is changed, as the Papists maintain; nor that the bread is the essential body of Christ, as those of Bremen say; nor that the bread is the true body of Christ, as Hesshuss says; but communion: that is, that by which a union with the body of Christ is effected." He declares again, as he had often done before, that he believed in a presence of Christ, "not on account of the bread, but on account of man." Christ makes us to be his members, and hereby testifies that he will make our bodies alive. Thus the ancients expressed themselves in regard to the Lord's Supper. It cannot be proved that he wished to open the door for the introduction of Calvin's doctrine into the Palatinate by this.

It is well known from the history of the Church in the Palatinate, that the Elector Frederick banished the Lutheran and introduced the Reformed doctrine into the Palatinate, and at times made use of very harsh measures to effect this. This grieved the aged Brenz so much, that although he had hitherto maintained friendly relations with Melanchthon, he made efforts to convene a Synod at Stuttgart. Here it was agreed to make the doctrine that Christ's body is everywhere present, which is called the doctrine of the _Ubiquity_, the Confession of the Church of Wurtemberg. This gave great offence to Melanchthon; and disputes concerning the Lord's Supper arose on every side. The princes, especially the Landgrave, were anxious to hold a General Synod, of which Melanchthon did not expect any good results, and he therefore endeavored to dissuade them from it, in an opinion published December 18th, 1559, in which he says: "The name _Synod_ is a beautiful one, and Christian Synods, like those of the apostles, should be convened for the settlement of disputes. But these Synods have frequently been the cause of great and cruel disorders; and it is about as great a risk to call one as to make war. Therefore, it would be well if the Electors and Princes would not be too precipitate, and unadvisedly begin so dangerous a work. I do not say this for my own advantage; for, although my enemies and their adherents condemn me, as they have persecuted and slandered me, I nevertheless rejoice that I am at last separated from such hypocrites, who encourage idolatry and murder; and, as long as G.o.d grants life and reason to me, I am determined, by G.o.d's help, to adhere to that form of doctrine which I prepared forty years ago, in the beginning of the visitation, for the benefit of youth, notwithstanding great persecution; and I commend our churches and authorities, and myself, to our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of G.o.d." He adds, in conclusion: "Finally, as union is not to be expected in such a Synod, it is not advisable to a.s.semble one; and as the meeting of the Electors and Princes is to be held for the purpose of deliberating in regard to the Synod, I, as an humble individual, think that this meeting should also be omitted. For the princes would be urged continually, until they would yield something to please others, and in the end it would give rise to dissatisfaction."

While he was thus remonstrating against the holding of a General Synod, the Elector of the Palatinate, the Duke of Wurtemberg, and the Landgrave, insisted upon summoning one, and their envoys endeavored to secure the a.s.sent of the Elector Augustus to this plan. Melanchthon writes: "I do not know what good this plan will effect, while parties are so greatly opposed to each other." He was also greatly distressed at this time, on account of the persecutions endured by his friend HARDEBERG, in Bremen, because of the Lord's Supper. Hesshuss, expelled from Heidelberg, came to Bremen, but declared that he could not accept the situation offered to him, until Hardeberg would adopt different views. He proposed a discussion, against which Melanchthon remonstrated in the strongest terms. But when he found that it was nevertheless to take place, he resolved to go to Bremen himself, in order to a.s.sist his friend. But Hardeberg would not enter into the discussion, and was deposed in February, 1561. But Melanchthon did not live to see this. He saw heavy thunder-clouds rising around him on every side, animosities were becoming more and more bitter from day to day, and the inmost life of the Evangelical Church seemed to be destroyed. It is not at all to be wondered at, that he began to long more and more earnestly for the eternal world, surrounded as he was by such gloomy prospects. He therefore says, in a letter to Baumgartner, of Nuremberg, a few weeks before his death: "I am consumed by my longing for the heavenly fatherland; and if I should be obliged to live much longer in this misery, I would wish to get farther away from this barbarity." This wish was soon to be gratified, and we are now approaching his departure; but will first of all briefly view his domestic life, and his manifold meritorious services.

CHAPTER x.x.xV.