The Life of Joan of Arc Part 78

The rumour ran that she had been shot in both thighs; in sooth her wound was but slight.[1787]

[Footnote 1787: _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 334. _Journal du siege_, p. 128. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 109. Monstrelet, vol.

iv, pp. 355, 356.]

The French returned to La Chapelle, whence they had set out in the morning. They carried their wounded on some of the carts which they had used for the transport of f.a.gots and ladders. In the hands of the enemy they left three hundred hand-carts, six hundred and sixty ladders, four thousand hurdles and large f.a.gots, of which they had used but a small number.[1788] Their retreat must have been somewhat hurried, seeing that, when they came to the Barn of Les Mathurins, near The Swine Market, they forsook their baggage and set fire to it.

With horror it was related that, like pagans of Rome, they had cast their dead into the flames.[1789] Nevertheless the Parisians dared not pursue them. In those days men-at-arms who knew their trade never retreated without laying some snare for the enemy. Consequently the King's men posted a considerable company in ambush by the roadside, to lie in wait for the light troops who should come in pursuit of the retreating army.[1790] It was precisely such an ambuscade that the Parisians feared; wherefore they permitted the Armagnacs to regain their camp at La Chapelle-Saint-Denys unmolested.[1791]

[Footnote 1788: Deliberation of the Chapter of Notre Dame, _loc. cit._]

[Footnote 1789: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 245.]

[Footnote 1790: _Le Jouvencel_, vol. i, p. 142.]

[Footnote 1791: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, pp. 245, 246.]

If we regard only the military tactics of the day, there is no doubt that the French had blundered and had lacked energy. But it was not on military tactics that the greatest reliance had been placed. Those who conducted the war, the King and his council, certainly expected to enter Paris that day. But how? As they had entered Chalons, as they had entered Reims, as they had entered all the King's good towns from Troyes to Compiegne. King Charles had shown himself determined to recover his towns by means of the townsfolk; towards Paris he acted as he had acted towards his other towns.

During the coronation march, he had entered into communication with the bishops and burgesses of the cities of Champagne; and like communications he had entered into in Paris.[1792] He had dealings with the monks and notably with the Carmelites of Melun, whose Prior, Brother Pierre d'Allee, was working in his interest.[1793] For some time paid agents had been watching for an opportunity of throwing the city into disorder and of bringing in the enemy in a moment of panic and confusion. During the a.s.sault they were working for him in the streets. In the afternoon, on both sides of the bridges, were heard cries of "Let every man look to his own safety! The enemy has entered!

All is lost!" Such of the citizens as were listening to the sermon hastened to shut themselves in their houses. And others who were out of doors sought refuge in the churches. But the tumult was quelled.

Wise men, like the clerk of the Parlement, believed that it was but a feigned attack, and that Charles of Valois looked to recover the town not so much by force of arms as by a movement of the populace.[1794]

[Footnote 1792: For the opinions of the townsfolk of Paris, see various acts of Henry VI of the 18th and 25th of Sept., 1429 (MS. Fontanieu, 115). Sauval, _Antiquites de Paris_, vol. iii, p. 586 and _circ._]

[Footnote 1793: A. Longnon, _Paris pendant la domination anglaise_, p.

302.]

[Footnote 1794: Falconbridge, in _Trial_, vol. iv, pp. 456, 458.]

Certain monks who were acting in Paris as the King's spies, went out to him at Saint-Denys and informed him that the attempt had failed.

According to them it had very nearly succeeded.[1795]

[Footnote 1795: _Relation du greffier de La Roch.e.l.le_, p. 344.]

The Sire de la Tremouille is said to have commanded the retreat, for fear of a ma.s.sacre. Indeed, once the French had entered they were quite capable of slaughtering the townsfolk and razing the city to the ground.[1796]

[Footnote 1796: _Chronique de Normandie_, in _Trial_, vol. iv, pp. 342, 343.]

On the morrow, Friday the 9th, the Maid, rising with the dawn, despite her wound, asked the Duke of Alencon to have the call to arms sounded; for she was strongly determined to return to the walls of Paris, swearing not to leave them until the city should be taken.[1797]

Meanwhile the French captains sent a herald to Paris, charged to ask for a safe conduct for the removing of the bodies of the dead left behind in great numbers.[1798]

[Footnote 1797: Perceval de Cagny, p. 168.]

[Footnote 1798: _Ibid._ _Chronique normande_, in _La chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 465. Vallet de Viriville, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol.

ii, p. 120, note 1.]

Notwithstanding that they had suffered cruel hurt, after a retreat unmolested it is true, but none the less disastrous and involving the loss of all their siege train, several of the leaders were, like the Maid, inclined to attempt a new a.s.sault. Others would not hear of it.

While they were disputing, they beheld a baron coming towards them and with him fifty n.o.bles; it was the Sire de Montmorency, the first Christian peer of France, that is the first among the ancient va.s.sals of the bishop of Paris. He was transferring his allegiance from the Cross of St. Andrew to the Flowers-de-luce.[1799] His coming filled the King's men with courage and a desire to return to the city. The army was on its way back, when the Count of Clermont and the Duke of Bar were sent to arrest the march by order of the King, and to take the Maid back to Saint-Denys.[1800]

[Footnote 1799: d.u.c.h.esne, _Histoire de la maison de Montmorency_, p.

232. Perceval de Cagny, p. 168. Vallet de Viriville, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. ii, pp. 118, 119.]

[Footnote 1800: G. Lefevre-Pontalis, _Un detail du siege de Paris_, in _Bibliotheque de l'ecole des Chartes_, vol. xlvi, 1885, p. 12.]

On Sat.u.r.day the 10th, at daybreak, the Duke of Alencon, with a few knights, appeared on the bank above the city, where a bridge had been thrown over the Seine some days earlier. The Maid, always eager for danger, accompanied the venturesome warriors. But the night before, the King had prudently caused the bridge to be taken down, and the little band had to retrace its steps.[1801] It was not that the King had renounced the idea of taking Paris. He was thinking more than ever of the recovery of his great town; but he intended to regain it without an a.s.sault, by means of the compliance of certain burgesses.

[Footnote 1801: Perceval de Cagny, pp. 168, 169. Morosini, vol. iii, p.

219, note 4. Vallet de Viriville, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. ii, p. 120, note 1. G. Lefevre-Pontalis, _Un detail du siege de Paris_, _loc. cit._]

At this same place of Saint-Denys there happened to Jeanne a misadventure, which would seem to have impressed her comrades and possibly to have lessened their faith in her good luck in war. As was customary, women of ill-fame followed the army in great numbers; each man had his own; they were called _amietes_.[1802] Jeanne could not tolerate them because they caused disorder, but more especially because their sinful lives filled her with horror. At that very time, stories like the following were circulated far and wide, and spread even into Germany.

[Footnote 1802: Diminutive of _amie_ (W.S.).]

There was a certain man in the camp, who had with him his _amiete_.

She rode in armour in order not to be recognised. Now the Maid said to the n.o.bles and captains: "There is a woman with our men." They replied that they knew of none. Whereupon the Maid a.s.sembled the army, and, approaching the woman said: "This is she."

Then addressing the wench: "Thou art of Gien and thou art big with child. Were it not so I would put thee to death. Thou hast already let one child die and thou shalt not do the same for this one."

When the Maid had thus spoken, servants took the wench and conveyed her to her own home. There they kept her under watch and ward until she was delivered of her child. And she confessed that what the Maid had said was true.

After which, the Maid again said: "There are women in the camp."

Whereupon two wantons, who did not belong to the army, and had already been dismissed from it, hearing these words, rode off on horseback.

But the Maid hastened after them crying: "Ye foolish women, I have forbidden you to come into my company." And she drew her sword and struck one of them on the head, so sore that she died.[1803]

[Footnote 1803: Eberhard Windecke, pp. 184, 186.]

The tale was true; Jeanne could not suffer these wenches. Every time she met one she gave chase to her. This was precisely what she did at Gien, when she saw women of ill-fame awaiting the King's men.[1804] At Chateau-Thierry, she espied an _amiete_ riding behind a man-at-arms, and, running after her, sword in hand, she came up with her, and without striking, bade her henceforth avoid the society of men-at-arms. "If thou wilt not," she added, "I shall do thee hurt."[1805]

[Footnote 1804: Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 90.]

[Footnote 1805: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 73.]

At Saint-Denys, being accompanied by the Duke of Alencon, Jeanne pursued another of these wantons. This time she was not content with remonstrances and threats. She broke her sword over her.[1806] Was it Saint Catherine's sword? So it was believed, and doubtless not without reason.[1807] In those days men's minds were full of the romantic stories of Joyeuse and Durandal. It would appear that Jeanne, when she lost her sword, lost her power. A slight variation of the story was told afterwards, and it was related how the King, when he was acquainted with the matter of the broken sword, was displeased and said to the Maid: "You should have taken a stick to strike withal and should not have risked the sword you received from divine hands."[1808]

It was told likewise how the sword had been given to an armourer for him to join the pieces together, and that he could not, wherein lay a proof that the sword was enchanted.[1809]

[Footnote 1806: _Ibid._, p. 99.]

[Footnote 1807: _Ibid._, vol. i, p. 76.]

[Footnote 1808: Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 90.]

[Footnote 1809: Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, pp. 122, 123.]

Before his departure, the King appointed the Count of Clermont commander of the district with several lieutenants: the Lords of Culant, Boussac, Lore, and Foucault. He const.i.tuted joint lieutenants-general the Counts of Clermont and of Vendome, the lords Regnault de Chartres, Christophe d'Harcourt and Jean Tudert. Regnault de Chartres established himself in the town of Senlis, the lieutenant's headquarters. Having thus disposed, the King quitted Saint-Denys on the 13th of September.[1810] The Maid followed him against her will notwithstanding that she had the permission of her Voices to do so.[1811] She offered her armour to the image of Our Lady and to the precious body of Saint Denys.[1812] This armour was white, that is to say devoid of armorial bearings.[1813] She was thus following the custom of men-at-arms, who, after they had received a wound, if they did not die of it, offered their armour to Our Lady and the Saints as a token of thanksgiving. Wherefore, in those warlike days, chapels, like that of Notre-Dame de Fierbois, often presented the appearance of a.r.s.enals. To her armour the Maid added a sword which she had won before Paris.[1814]

[Footnote 1810: Perceval de Cagny, p. 169. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, pp. 335 _et seq._ Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, pp. 112 _et seq._ Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 356. _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 246. Berry in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 48. Gilles de Roye, p. 208.]

[Footnote 1811: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 260.]

[Footnote 1812: Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 109. Perceval de Cagny, p. 170. Martial d'Auvergne, _Vigiles_, vol. i, p. 114. Jacques Doublet, _Histoire de l'abbaye de Saint-Denys_, pp. 13, 14.]