The Life and Times of Ulric Zwingli Part 16

At this juncture, envoys from Freiburg, Solothurn and Appenzell, along with the two amba.s.sadors of France, appeared again in Zurich with offers of aid in new negotiations for peace. The Frenchmen declared, that the people of the Five Cantons had asked for their intercession, and although their statement before the Council was ill-received, on account of certain allusions to the pa.s.sionate behavior of Zurich as not strictly evangelical, still the latter consented to attend another General Diet of the Confederacy, to be held at Bremgarten, because Zurich and Bern refused to appear in Baden, which they blamed for an offensive partiality toward the Five Cantons. The meeting took place on the 14th of June. It was attended by all the States, by deputies from the city of Chur, from the Three Leagues (the Grisons), from Wallis (_Valais_), from Rothweil, from the _landgraviate_ of the Thurgau and the n.o.bility there, and from the district of Sargan, as well as by the French amba.s.sadors, and those of the Duke of Milan, and the Countess of Neuenberg. Gervasius Schuler and Henry Bullinger preached sermons in favor of reconciliation and concord; but how could the negotiations proceed, when the Five Cantons demanded the raising of the prohibition, before a single word should be spoken? To own thus publicly that they were wrong, and had acted hastily, was too much even for Bern, and hence she united with Zurich in requiring, before any promise to raise the prohibition could be made, a declaration on the part of the Five Cantons, that they would abide by the _Landfriede_, so interpreted, that the free preaching of the Gospel would be secure not merely in the Territories, but in districts also immediately under the rule of its adversaries. By this means the breach became yet wider, and the humor in which the deputies of the Five Cantons took their leave, led those of the burgher-cities to look for speedy and dangerous results. Before parting they consulted over the most urgent measures. Zurich affirmed, there were certain indications, that the Five Cantons were arming and would appear on the frontiers under pretext of carrying away grain, but at the same time with the determined purpose of making a formal invasion. It would be prudent to antic.i.p.ate them; at any rate to appoint leaders and a place of rendezvous for soldiers at once, and to agree upon a plan for a campaign in case of necessity. The deputies, with the exception of those from Basel and St. Gall, said that they had no authority for going so far. If Zurich were attacked, the Bernese thought she should "not be too ardent, and overshoot the mark, but wait for an advantage and not make a.s.sault, until well a.s.sured, though obliged to restrain one hamlet, or two or three together, and then she should hasten to inform us and the other Christian co-burghers of it, and then we of Bern will send quickly such a number of people as we think advisable, and with the rest, because we have to keep an eye on the Wallisers, will press against the Luzerners and Unterwaldners, so that the Five Cantons will be compelled to keep themselves apart."

Meanwhile the advocates for peace were unwearied in their efforts.

Already a second meeting in Bremgarten was appointed, and the French amba.s.sadors, on the 4th of July, addressed Zurich and Bern once more.

"Some days ago," they wrote, "several respectable men from the Five Cantons were with us, not, it is true, in an official capacity. They gave us a lively picture of the distress in their country, and exhorted us to beg you to exercise that charity toward them, which is due from one Christian to another. They a.s.sured us, that by a voluntary raising of the prohibition, you would so win upon the heart of the Five Cantons, that any reasonable demand of yours would readily be granted, and the most obstinate even would be obliged to give way. Therefore, mighty lords, we have consented, for the honor of G.o.d, for the sake of the King, and in obedience to that precept of the Gospel, which you profess: 'Love not your friends only, but your enemies also', urgently to beseech you: Do away with this misery! Remember, that they are your Christian brethren, your neighbors; that they speak your own language; that you are one nation, friends, kinsmen--were united in old times, and must be again in the future. Show love and mercy toward them, as you would wish them to do toward you. Withhold not from them that blessing, which G.o.d has bestowed on you. Regard not the words of abuse, nor anything else, by which they have injured you. Thousands among them are innocent of these things; as was indeed abundantly shown in Bremgarten. Truly you will follow the command of G.o.d, you will act as the Gospel teaches; in future generations it will bring you honor. Wise and beloved lords, we write in haste before the Diet meets again. We wish to put an end to the famine as speedily as possible. Fulfil our prayers, and we pledge you our King will remember the favor and repay it gladly, as far as in him lies."

It is not surprising, that upon a portion of the councils at least, some effect should be produced by such appeals, and no less by the reports concerning the disposition of their own people, which reached them from time to time. One of these was communicated to Zurich by the commander of Hitzkirch, Albert von Muelinen. It related to an event, that occurred in a popular a.s.sembly at Lenzburg. The government of Bern had called it together, partly to correct false rumors by a special deputation, and partly to explain the reasons of the prohibition and exhort the people to perform their duty in case of need. When now they were formally enjoined so to do, one cried out: "Where is it written in the Gospel that we must deny food to our neighbor?" another: "We will have no war for religions' sake; if they are not willing to believe in G.o.d, let them stick to the devil!" Another wished a delegate to be sent to Bremgarten, and others still referred to a declaration of the government made at the opening of the Reformation, that it should begin and end in peace. The resolute behavior of the Bernese deputies was scarcely able to prevent an actual outbreak on the part of the malcontents.

Under such circ.u.mstances, the inactivity of some, the perplexity of others, and the ill-humor of a third cla.s.s, rendered Zwingli's situation more difficult from day to day, as the number of those, who blamed him with all the evil, and pointed him out as an unceasing author of mischief, continued to increase even in Zurich. Fierce was the anger of the n.o.bles' Guild, because six of its members, accused of hostility to the Reformation, had been obliged, chiefly through his exertions, to withdraw, part from the Great and part from the Small Council. The majority of the millers and bakers also opposed him, because they attributed the fact, that the authorities had of late become far more strict in their supervision, to his preaching. "For, from the most ancient times," Bullinger, who narrates this, adds, "preachers have had to bear the blame, when obliged to preach against anything done contrary to the Word of G.o.d." To the burgher of the town, it was pretended by his enemies, that he was seeking the favor of the country-people, in order by their aid to keep down the cities; to the country-man, who, in the present condition of things, saw his cottage, his undefended property, the life and fortune of his family in continual peril, that he alone stood in the way of peace with the Five Cantons. Intrigue, mistrust, disunion reigned in the Council itself. It became more and more difficult to find suitable persons to execute important missions. Several of the most experienced statesmen endeavored to withdraw. The well-meaning sighed over the inextricable confusion.

Matters had already come to such a pa.s.s, that a feeling of his own forsaken condition took hold of the Reformer himself. "Hence he came,"

as Bullinger informs us, "before the Council and burghers, on the 26th of July, and told how he had now preached the Gospel for eleven years, and warned them with the fidelity of a father, and thoroughly and often and abundantly pointed out, amongst other things, what evil would ensue to them and the Common Confederacy, if the Five Cantons, _i.e. the crew of pensioners_, should get the upper hand. All this had no effect upon them. It could easily be seen that there were yet those in the Council, who did not disdain the wages of blood, and were the best friends of the Five Cantons and enemies to the Gospel. Further, the city had managed ill and could expect little good to come of it. And because she would not follow him and the truth, and he was continually blamed for every disaster that happened, he would now bid them farewell." He said this with tears, according to the testimony of Werner Steiner, one of his friends, and then left the council-house.

The alarm was general; much was said here and there. At last the two burgomasters and several of the most prominent members were commissioned to persuade him to retract his resolution. The meeting took place about noon of the same day. Zwingli asked time for reflection; and on the 29th of July appeared again before the Council to say that he would not abandon the post, in which the city had placed him until death. The effect of this declaration was soon manifest in the reviving spirit of the Council. None of its members were permitted to resign, and on the 6th of August the following ordinance was published: "That for some time past manifold discord, anger and contrariety have arisen in the Councils and among the burghers, so that certain individuals have frequently refused to execute the business and commands imposed upon them, and thereby encouraged others to purpose the same, is well known to us; and we desire that every one, be he of the Small or of the Great Council, when entrusted with an emba.s.sy, on horseback or otherwise, will dutifully perform it, unless he make oath that he could not do so, without the sacrifice of his life. If any fail in this duty, he shall be arraigned, and an inquiry held as to the proper punishment."

Zwingli, seeing the chief danger in the vacillation of Bern and her lack of energy, resolved, since, just at that time, another meeting in Bremgarten had been brought about by the advocates of peace, to use all his personal influence with Jacob von Wattenwyl and Peter im Haag, the Bernese deputies there. He entered the city at night-fall, accompanied by Peter Collin and Werner Steiner. The consultation took place immediately, in the house of Bullinger and in his presence. They all agreed that it was now too late to recall the prohibition, except the Five Cantons would first yield. Such a step of weakness would only render them more overbearing. But to carry it out, and yet remain at peace, was still more doubtful. The oppressed would rise up, and then all the injury, resulting from the invasion, and every kind of reproach, would be heaped upon them. Whether Zwingli gave any further counsel, is not stated in Bullinger's narrative. He simply adds, "the Bernese promised to do their best." At all events, the Reformer departed with a heavy heart. As if conscious that he would never meet again on earth the friend, who went with him as far as the city-gate, he took leave of him with weeping eyes, repeating three times the words: "G.o.d keep thee, dear Henry, and be thou faithful to the Lord Christ!"

This scene occurred on the night of St. Laurence's day, and just at that time, according to Bullinger, the famous comet of 1531 first became visible. Zwingli gazed at it from the churchyard of the Great Minster. "What can it portend?" was the question put to him by the abbot George Mueller of Wettingen, in accordance with the belief of the age. "It will cost me, my George, me and many an honorable man his life. The truth and the Church will suffer calamity, but G.o.d will not forsake them!" In the pulpit he spake in a similar strain: "Thou wilt not punish pride, Zurich. Well then! thou wilt be punished thyself; a hedge of thorns will bristle about thy head. The chain is forged, which will twist my neck and that of many a pious Zuricher. Still, G.o.d will maintain His Word, and pride will have its fall."

It seems that he was already familiar with the thought of an early death. Indeed, who knows if he did not desire it? What could vindicate him in the face of his accusers and enemies raging on all sides, like perseverance to the end, like death in defence of his cause, the freedom of that Gospel, from which alone he could hope for a better future, the regeneration of his fatherland, of humanity? He may indeed at this crisis have glanced back over his past life, and examined himself, whether he was as blameless as he was steadfast, whether the good spirit had not forsaken him. A clear conscience could bear witness that he had never sought anything, save the truth and the welfare and honor of his country. Perhaps in solitary moments the question may have come up before him: "Art thou equally content with all the means which thou hast employed?"

This was the serious question. The answer could be more or less satisfactory, just as the Reformer understood the mission of his life.

"The years of our life are three score and ten, and by reason of strength they may be four score." As a rule, the half of this period may be devoted to active duties. He, then, who does not shrink from laying before the world the results of honest research and conviction; he who breaks a path and removes obstacles, that stand in the way of others; he who wishes not only to sow but to reap, to behold the rich fruits of his labor, can neither be idle nor reflect too long, in every case, about the choice of means. These are often, in and of themselves, by no means blameless, and yet the only ones by which the end can be speedily attained; for usually adversaries are to be dealt with who are not all scrupulous themselves. They must be beaten by their own weapons. Such in all ages, has been the policy of men, especially those whom history calls great. The Jesuits were neither the first, nor the only politicians who adopted the maxim, that the end sanctifies the means; although they perhaps have given it the most d.a.m.nable application. If a man is fully bound by his calling to act with promptness and decision, if the present generation, or his fatherland, suffers or gains by his action, then his task is doubly difficult, and cases may be supposed, where he is not left free to choose between means that are censurable and those that are praiseworthy, but only between those that are less censurable and those that are more so. Such is the unenviable position of the statesman; and it will thus continue, until public life is so transformed, that fair and pure measures will suffice for its maintenance; in other words, until the visible revelation of the kingdom of G.o.d here below, which Christ proclaimed, which he foresaw, and for which he himself scattered the seed in the earth.

This kingdom of G.o.d is that of universal freedom, truth and love. It is built only upon a faith not imposed, upon a personal conviction. Hence, to promote it is a very different mission, one that belongs to the preachers of the Gospel. They should employ none but the purest means, since their aim is altogether pure and holy. Whether its coming will be slow or rapid, is not for us here to consider. They are to seek greatness not by ruling and domineering, but by serving and waiting, like their Divine Exemplar. He who labors in His service, before whom "a thousand years are as one day," full of unshaken trusty leaves it to Him, to fix the time when His harvest shall be ripe. To-day the seed falls among thorns; to-morrow it drops into a fertile soil, and in the end fruit, sixty and a hundred-fold, will not be wanting. But then a laborer in this kingdom, since it often has to do with the wants and wishes of governments, or the peculiarities of states, will be drawn by necessity to take part in secular affairs, to exert a direct influence upon political life; yet he durst not swerve from those fundamental principles, which must guide his course; he cannot sacrifice the higher calling to the lower. That in the bosom of the Reformer, along with the peaceful review of all his labors and sufferings for evangelical liberty, such a consciousness may have awakened, in the last year of his life, some regret in regard to certain events in his political career, is quite probable from the deep seriousness and melancholy, which we observe in him at this period, as well as from the fervor with which he cast himself into the arms of the Supreme Disposer of all human destinies. He was not at all angry, when reminded of the duty of forbearance and love, whenever he perceived that the exhortation came from a heart that wished him well. To the end of his life he continued on friendly terms with Valentine Tschudi, his successor in Glarus, who, though cherishing all honor toward his former beloved teacher, did not approve of his frequent rough manner of proceeding, and without fear reminded him of the patience and mildness required by the Gospel. At this very time, when Zwingli was powerfully urging the use of compulsory measures against the Five Cantons, Tschudi wrote to him: "There is an old proverb, dearest teacher, 'So many heads, so many minds.' If from this source discord often arises about trifles, need we wonder, should it become yet more violent, where the most important matters are concerned? In a time, when the most learned are at their wits' end, I do not believe, like many others, that we should fan their pa.s.sions into a general blaze by always accusing our enemies, but that the more care should be taken, lest we slide from the common foundation of our faith--love. Here only can we stand firm; all else is wavering, dependent on accidental circ.u.mstances, as all earthly things are. I cannot understand, how, though the old building be so rotten, we can erect a new one, solely on the foundation of the letter, without love, without the communion of saints. How many congregations did there not formerly flourish in Asia, in Africa, in Greece? What became of them, when their leaders quarrelled, when under the mask of science, ambition arose, and like Icarus, would soar with waxen pinions toward the sun?

Human science is one thing; wisdom, kindled by the breath of G.o.d, another; and that is love. I see this love forsaking even the most learned, and in its stead appear indifference toward G.o.d; contempt of authority, a trampling upon law and judgment, a life of ungovernable pa.s.sion. Exert your utmost strength, honored teacher, to prevent it from vanishing altogether. The mere knowledge of the Word cannot protect us, if every one is allowed to interpret it as he pleases, if the spirit of concord, the Holy Spirit does not dwell in them, who use it. The generosity, which breathes through your last letter, and of which in earlier days I received so many proofs, deserves my warmest thanks. It may easily happen, that I will yet be obliged to take refuge with one of my friends; for some are angry at my slow progress, and others at my slight disposition, to apologize for the old order. But I cannot abstain from aiding the weak and comforting distressed consciences. I will rather endure reproach for too much lenity, than render the breach incurable by untimely violence. Little salvation as I expect from ceremonies and external acts, I look for just as little in science also, until the spirit of concord return to our bosoms, and its peaceful culture be made possible. Indeed drag-chains even can become indispensable to the wagon, when it rolls in its rushing course down toward the abyss. G.o.d be with us! May his Spirit lead us into a secure haven! Do all that in thee lies, to attain this end."

But what could Zwingli do in the circ.u.mstances by which he was surrounded? To hold back the wagon, or to guide it, was no longer in his power. A higher Hand had already seized the reins, to direct it according to a plan, which, though dark and mysterious to the men of that age, succeeding generations, who are able to see all the events in their connection, have learned to admire for its wisdom. We again draw near one of those periods in the lives of nations, when everything must be ventured for the cause of truth and liberty, the rights of conscience preserved by death, past errors atoned for by a glorious expiation, and the censure of posterity disarmed by the magnitude of the sacrifice.

The Reformer continued firm as a rock. About the end of August he wrote to Conrad Som of Ulm, after giving some notice of the appearance of the comet: "I stand unshaken prepared for everything, seeking my help in G.o.d." He heard without alarm, how people in one place were terrified by monstrous births, and how in another reports were afloat concerning portentous signs, a shield and banner seen in the sky; ships manned by spirit-warriors crossing Lake Luzern; and the shooting of guns by night, that wakened from slumber the neighbors on the Reuss. Ulric Meier, _vogt_ of Schenkenberg, wrote to him a long letter, telling how the inhabitants of an entire parish, he himself, the preachers and a proprietor of that district, had seen blood ooze from the earth, after a stormy night, more dreadful than any he had ever before witnessed; he gave him this accurate information, so that he might not believe, if others should tell him yet worse things; and had written moreover to the government of Bern. Whether G.o.d had spoken, or whether it was delusion or magic, may perhaps be discovered hereafter. But why should stories like these, which undoubtedly produced a fearful commotion in the trembling mult.i.tude, daunt him, who was fixed in his faith, his action, his purpose--reconciled even to the a.s.surance of an early death? One thing alone could cause him pain--the thought of leaving behind his wife and children, a growing family, destined perchance to feel the consequences of every change of fortune. He desired for them an easier life, than he had led; that they might not sink before their time beneath a load of trouble and toil. "Spare your young folks," he wrote to Berchtold Haller and Megander of Bern; "they, who are now fairer than milk, redder than roses, should not stalk along pale, withered, bloodless, with corpselike faces, slain in their bloom by the unnatural severity of excessive toil? My shoulders are not granted to you all. I trust in G.o.d, such times will not last forever. Spare yourselves also. The future needs you; for what will remain, if all the good die?"

In such a mood he beheld the last effort of Zurich. It was the 9th of September, 1531. From all quarters came in reports of warlike preparations and movements in the Five Cantons. Schwyz and Uri at last consented to join the others in an attempt to carry off the food denied them, by force of arms; the Catholic _landvogt_ in the free bailiwicks had already seized on a wagon of salt at Bremgarten. A troop of auxiliaries, obtained by Luzern through the mediation of the Nuncio and paid by the Pope, was known to be on the march from Italy. In a long manifesto, addressed to the Confederates, and especially her own subjects in city and country, the government enumerated her just grievances against the Five Cantons, replied, as far as she was able, to their complaints against Zurich, offered once more to accept the _Landfriede_, in the sense in which she understood and could only interpret it, and to raise the prohibition, as soon as the insolent calumniators were punished, absolved herself, if this were not done, from all the consequences, and concluded with these words: "We live in the firm and a.s.sured hope, that you, our dear subjects, will be equally concerned with us about the above-named scandal, abuse, contempt and despising of our faith and of the Divine Word, and other injuries done us, contrary to the federal compact and the _Landfriede_, and that you will honestly and fairly fulfill, as a loyal people, the offers and promises you have made us; moreover, do not doubt that we, your lords and rulers, will act toward you in all honor, friendship, fidelity, love and kindness, and not forsake you in the hour of need; because we are not seeking our own advantage, but the honor of G.o.d, and after that, of the Common Confederacy, of our city and canton, and then the honor, fame, profit and welfare of you all." Rudolf Lavater, _landvogt_ of Kyburg, was appointed commander-in-chief, called into the city and full authority given to him, the banneret Schweizer and Tnig, captain of the artillery, to admit, if they saw fit, others into their council, to call out the soldiery, and to march to battle, as soon as they found it necessary; in short, to do everything needful "to protect and save the interests and honor of the canton." A commission to this effect was handed over to Lavater. But with that effort all power seemed to be exhausted. As if with the commission all responsibility had been shifted from their shoulders to those of others, neither firmness, prompt.i.tude, nor unanimity were to be found in the Councils.

Indeed there existed traces of actual treason. Scarcely did an order go forth from one side to the rural districts, before it was followed by a countermand from the other. Troops, who were summoned, received on the way notice to return home. Unwilling to see himself frustrated at every point, Lavater retired, for a while, to Kyburg. The inhabitants of the frontiers toward Zug and Luzern, were partly intimidated and partly incensed by a flood of disparaging reports, which were sent thither. Pet.i.tions from Bern, not to be too rash, not to make the first attack, were continually arriving. These were supported by a majority of the members of both Councils, who, paralyzed by fear, by a criminal regard to their own private interests, or buoyed up by a haughty self-confidence, affected to consider the step taken by the adverse party as a mere show, or as greatly exaggerated by public rumor. A hearing was granted to the ever-busy advocates of peace, whose numbers were now swelled by a delegation from Stra.s.sburg; and through their entreaties and promises, every decisive measure was postponed.

Meanwhile, the courage of the Five Cantons so increased, in view of the helplessness of their opponents, that early in October, their deputies a.s.sembled in Brunnen, in order to take final action. Here the treaties were first read, and then all were questioned, upon oath, by the bailiff Richmuth of Schwyz, whether they had been so violated by Zurich and Bern, that war could be lawfully declared against them. It was decided unanimously in the affirmative, and on the 9th of October, after a long explanation of all the motives that prompted them to this course, the campaign was begun.

On the same day, 600 Luzerners and 50 volunteers from each of the other cantons reached Hochdorf, and from thence, strengthened by 400 men from the upper free bailiwicks, advanced to Hitzkirch. From the latter place, the commander Von Muelinen fell back upon Bremgarten, and sent call after call to Zurich for aid. On the 10th, the chief force of the Five Cantons, each division under its own _landamman_ and _schultheiss_, advanced to Zug, where they waited for the approach of the Zurichers. They brought with them a challenge against Zurich, to the following effect:

"We, the captains, bannerets and commons-at-war of the Five old Christian Cantons make known to the Councils and commons of Zurich, by this our letter: For a long time now, as regards our fair and honorable rights and desires, contrary to sworn treaties and the _Landfriede_ concluded between us, contrary to Christian discipline and unity, contrary to Confederate loyalty, love and friendship, and contrary to all natural law and equity, have we been violently deprived and dispossessed of our just rights in the government of St. Gall and the bailiwick in the Rheinthal, not by you and your adherents only, but by our own people also, whom in defiance of G.o.d, honor and law, you have seduced from their allegiance. Not satisfied with the attempt to create disunion amongst us by cunning and intrigue, to drive us from our old, true Christian faith, you pretend that we are not willing to hear the Word of G.o.d, nor to suffer the Old and New Testaments to be read, and therefore call us unG.o.dly, malicious sellers-of-flesh and perfidious reprobates; and because we do not attach ourselves to your newly invented religion, you refuse to sell us provisions, and undertake to crush us by hunger, and not us alone, but to destroy the very child in its mother's womb. You grudge us this, though G.o.d gives it, and it has not grown up as yours, nor upon your soil; for what good, honest people would gladly send us, you will not suffer to pa.s.s through your territories, which is an open and wanton violation of the federal compact and the _Landfriede_. And though we have made every reasonable offer for the sake of peace, quiet, and the perpetuation of our common Confederacy, and for this end appealed for aid to the other cantons, yet neither have you acknowledged our rights, nor has any one shown a disposition to help us, and for a long time now we have been obliged to suffer and endure this oppression and injustice; and since there appears to be no end to overbearing and violence, and we can look for neither right nor fairness, we are driven to complain to G.o.d's worthy Mother, to all the heavenly host, and to all good men, who love justice and equity. If we and ours were to suffer such scandal, shame, contempt, blasphemy and arrogance any longer, we would stand recreant before G.o.d and the world. Wherefore, for the honor of religion and truth and the glory of G.o.d's Holy Name, we are forced, by the aid of Heaven, to put down such crime and tyranny, compelled to take vengeance; and so much and so far as G.o.d gives us power, grace and strength, will we chastise you by the edge of the sword and no longer abide such haughty oppression and constraint; and we hereby boldly proclaim, that, against you and your abettors, we will uphold our own honor and that of our allies."

This decided movement on the part of the Five Cantons produced the greatest confusion in Zurich. The commander elect, the head of the board of war, was absent; the Councils were wavering and split into factions, the majority of the people without confidence or sympathy; and Zwingli, although calm, to the last moment true to the call of duty, full of unshaken faith in the justice of his cause, and certain that a better future would dawn upon his fatherland, had yet no hope for the present; none for a speedy victory; none for himself. Four days before his death, he said in the pulpit: "Our only true possession is the friendship of G.o.d, from whom, neither death nor any earthly power can sunder us;" and then again: "They achieve the most glorious victory, who are actors and not spectators merely. Hence, courage amid the perplexities and dangers through which the holy cause of the Gospel must be upheld! May others enjoy the fruit of our labors! We will find rest in Heaven."

In such a frame of mind, he was not surprised by the reports of his friend Bullinger, abbot of Cappel, whom Lavater had sent to the Five Cantons as a trusty spy. These were of the same tenor and spoke of the fixed determination of the enemy, the first step already taken, and the distress and prayers for help on the frontiers. At his request, or by order, of the government, Lavater returned to Zurich on the 9th of October; but just as the character of the news varied, an immediate dispatch of troops was talked of in the Council, or its order already communicated, recalled. Nothing was done that day, but to send several members to Bremgarten and Cappel, to reconnoiter. A restless night was pa.s.sed; new warnings had arrived. On the morning of the 10th, the pastor of Rifferschweil and the landlord of the Albis made their appearance; the one an eyewitness of the flight of the people before the invading Catholics, the other, a messenger from the deputies of the government, with pressing entreaties to hasten the departure of the army. The Small and Great Councils were called together, but the meeting was by no means full. Perplexity, hesitation, and even secret joy at the confused state of affairs kept a portion of the members at home. Lavater had also summoned to the senate-house Zwingli, the banneret Schweizer, William Tnig and Hans Daeniker, to whom the conduct of the baggage train was committed. They all agreed, that the alarm should be sounded immediately, and first in the more remote districts, so that their inhabitants might a.s.semble under the banner simultaneously with those who dwelt nearer. They notified the councillors of their resolution, but again found opposition among them.

In vain did Lavater appeal to his commission. The dispatch of some 100 men, under George Gldli, was only effected about noon, and that with the injunction, to venture on nothing decisive, but to secure a good position. The artillery, which ought to have gone with them, was not fully underweigh until evening. At last, as night set in, about seven o'clock, permission was given to sound the alarm, which was now done very irregularly throughout the canton, varying in proportion as they, who were appointed to the service, were well-disposed, or had, perchance, here and there, received secret counter-orders. About midnight Peter Fuessli reached the summit of the Albis with the artillery, for the draught of which he had found it difficult to procure teams. According to his narration, the alarm was sounded in several "_kilchhrenen_" (parishes); commotion reigned in nature.

Tschudi tells us of an earthquake on that night, "which mightily shook the canton, even mountain and valley." On the morning of the 12th, about six o'clock, the banner was hung out of the senate-house. But the commander-in-chief had to wait some time before any soldiers collected around it. There was nothing like regular division into companies or mustering beforehand. Whoever had courage to come as a volunteer, placed himself in the ranks. They were scarce 700 men, all told, councillors, clergy, and gray haired fathers in part, along with fiery youths; and so they hurried off, for word was brought, that Gldli had already engaged the enemy on the other side of the mountain.

Zwingli also, responding to the summons of the Council, of his own accord joined the departing troops. He had taken leave of his wife and children and of his friends in such a way, that, as Bullinger remarks, "they perceived he expected never to return home again." Even his horse seemed to have a foreboding of evil. He shied, as Werner Steiner relates, and as many saw with terror, backwards. Too sagacious not to observe that he must encounter contradictory measures, the lukewarmness of allies, and secret treachery, which he more than once predicted; too manly to retire now in the hour of need; too full of confidence in G.o.d, not to believe that He would protect His own Gospel, though it should for the moment call for its martyrs, he acknowledged the duty of abiding by his Zurichers, whose temporal and eternal welfare he desired from the bottom of his heart, in the defence of their native soil, even unto death; of proving by his own blood, that it was no mere selfish ambition or love of revolution, which had prompted him to speak and act, as in their blindness, his raging enemies had a.s.serted. Not in sullen stupefaction, not in a fit of frenzy or of recklessness did he march forth, but with the earnestness of a man, who knows what may happen, and, not girding himself with his own hands, relies on the arm of Him, who is best acquainted with the human heart, and pardons the mult.i.tude of our errors, if only redeemed by faith, love, and a spirit of self-sacrifice. A Winterthurer, Hans Maaler, who rode one rank behind him, narrates that he heard him pray for himself and especially for the church of Christ with great fervency.

On the summit of the mountain the wearied soldiers were obliged to rest for a while. From the valley below, the thunder of cannon was distinctly heard in the neighborhood of Cappel. But how few in numbers, how motley was the host that here a.s.sembled once more around the banner! A part, consisting of the heavy-armed and the aged, were still climbing upward, and the artillery, again delayed for want of horses, lingered far behind. There was little to encourage a prudent general to venture rashly, with such fragments of an army, from ground, which he could hold even with these, down into the open field; at least, whilst he could count with certainty on a considerable increase in the course of a few hours, and could employ the interval in the most needful instruction and arrangement of his troops. There was reason also to hope, from the tenor of the commands, which he had received, that Gldli, as soon as he could no longer defend himself at a distance with his cannon, would rather fall back upon the mountain. It was, therefore, military experience, and not cowardice, which led William Tnig to advise a halt, till the arrival of those in the rear. But Zwingli, whose thoughts dwelt only upon his last duty, and the distress of his neighbors, attacked by an invading force and anxiously waiting for help, immediately replied: "I will go down to the good people in G.o.d's name; to die with them, or to aid in their deliverance." Lavater, already perhaps despairing of success, but resolved to maintain his reputation for personal courage, likewise spoke in favor of haste, whilst the gray-haired banneret, Tnig, withdrew his proposal to halt. "I am as stout as you," said he, "and you will find it so." The event soon proved his saying true.

It was three o'clock in the afternoon, when the banner reached Cappel.

Only a few of the most active entered the battle-field with it. The rest of the soldiers followed in great disorder. For some time, Gldli and his men, strengthened by the inhabitants of the surrounding country, had sustained, with trifling loss, the fire of the enemy's artillery, and answered it with their own. Just as Lavater, Zwingli and the other leaders came up, a pause ensued, in consequence of a council of war in the hostile camp, which resulted in a change of position. The Zurichers also met to deliberate. The challenge of the Five Cantons was produced by Gldli and handed over to Zwingli. It was now evening. A renewal of the battle was no longer antic.i.p.ated.

Peter Fuessli proposed that the cannon on hand should be removed to a hill, lying somewhat in the rear, and a secure position taken behind it. The others, though differing in opinion, went along with him to look at the spot; but just at this most unfavorable moment, when deprived of their best leaders, the Zurichers saw themselves threatened by the enemy, who were close upon them. For whilst the Catholic captains were discussing their affairs to little purpose, and their main forces lay in the back-ground, the _vogt_ Jouch of Uri had slipped unperceived with a number of marksmen into a little grove, which commanded the flank of the Zurichan army. Volunteers from the Five Cantons, Unterwalden especially, advanced in front. Against these, all of the Zurichers, who were most eager for the fray rushed, without waiting for orders, and never dreaming of an ambuscade. Then an irregular conflict arose. Lavater, Zwingli and the greater part of their companions returned to take their place in the ranks, as soon as they heard of it. At this very moment, the rest of the Catholics pressed forward, and all at once Jouch and his marksmen opened fire.

The peril of the Zurichers was manifest. "How is it, Master Ulric,"

said Leonhard Burkhard, a member of the baker's guild, who were not friendly to the Reformer, "are the turnips salted? Who shall eat them?"

"I," said he, "and many an honest man here with me, in G.o.d's hand, whose we are living and dead." "And I along with you, though it cost me my life," added the former. He too fell a victim. Lavater, seizing a lance, marched to the thickest of the fight. "Remember" cried he, "the honor of G.o.d and Zurich; quit yourselves like men." The banneret Schweizer did the same, and Zwingli, requested by Bernhart Spruengleir to encourage the soldiers, spoke with a loud voice: "Fear not; if we suffer, it is for G.o.d's sake. Call on Him. He will strengthen us and ours." In fact he inspired in the bosoms of the n.o.blest among them courage to remain true to their convictions unto death, and leave behind for future generations an example of duty fulfilled and honor saved.[1] After a short and furious struggle, the half of the Zurichers present lay stretched upon the field of battle; the fourth part of whom either expired immediately, or afterward died of their wounds. Zwingli whilst in the act of speaking to a soldier falling at his side, was struck with such violence by a stone (as appeared from the deep dinge in his helmet, which was brought to Luzern as a trophy of war) that he also sunk down. In this prostrate condition he was stabbed a number of times in his legs. "The body they can kill; the soul not." These are said to have been his last words. Around him lay eighteen others of the most distinguished of the clergy--among them, Diebold von Geroldseck, who had formerly called him to Einsiedeln, Wolfgang Joner, abbot at Cappel, and the commander Conrad Schmid in the midst of 39 men of Kuessnacht. Seven members of the Small and nineteen of the Great Council had fallen. Besides these, there were sixty-five burghers of the capital, eleven of Winterthur, and 410 men of the canton. The banner, defended by Schweizer till he fell, was saved by the heroic exertions of Hans Kambli, Adam Raef and Ulric Denzler. By nightfall the Catholics had achieved a decided victory. They refrained from pursuit, and, collecting on the meadows near the houses, knelt down to offer up a prayer of thanksgiving. Many of them then sallied forth, torch in hand, to visit the scene of carnage, but with different ends in view; some to secure the clothing and the weapons of the slain; others, inspired by revenge or fanaticism, to deal a finishing stroke on those of the wounded, against whom they bore a grudge; but many also, prompted by the n.o.bler motive of comforting and bringing help where it was yet possible. Salat of Luzern thus gloried in his fanaticism: "Some, when asked, as they lay struggling in the agonies of death, whether they wished to confess and receive the holy sacraments, answered. Yes! and were thus preserved, according to Christian usage, and died as good Christians. Others, when so asked, made the sign of No! These were then left to die like _infidel dogs_, or finished, perchance, by a stab or blow, _so that they might the sooner he led off to the Devil, as they were fighting on all fours_." Bullinger praises the humanity of the enemy in the following words; "On the contrary, there were not a few among the Five Cantons, who deeply deploring this sad business as a great misfortune, treated the captive Zurichers in a friendly manner, caused their wounds to be bound up, and placed them beside their campfires; for the night was cold, and a heavy frost lay upon the ground. They regretted that the prohibition of the export of provisions (without which the common people could not have been induced to take up arms) had been laid, and that such great injury had resulted from it, and honest Confederates set in hostile array against each other. A party of those who were searching through the field of battle, came upon Zwingli. He lay with his face to the earth. They turned him around and asked him, like the others, to confess. He repeatedly shook his head, by way of denial. 'Die then, stiff-necked heretic!' cried Captain Vokinger of Unterwalden, and gave him his death-blow. The news that his body was found, soon spread among the Catholics. Numbers went out to look at it--among them, Bartholomew Stocker of Zug, who had known and esteemed the Reformer in his lifetime. He often afterward said, that 'in the form and color of his face he did not appear to be dead, but alive, and, to his great surprise, looked just as he did when he preached.' Hans Schnbrunner, formerly, the head of the convent at Cappel, could not refrain from tears. 'Whatever thy faith was,' said he, 'I know that thou wert an honest Confederate. G.o.d be merciful to thy soul!' But rage prevailed among the majority, who demanded that the body should be divided into five pieces, and one sent to each of the Five Cantons; others wished it to be burnt. _Schultheiss_ Golder and the _amman_ Thoss exhorted them to leave the dead rest, and judgment to G.o.d. They were overpowered by loud cries, and withdrew. At the tap of the drum an inquisition was proclaimed, sentence pa.s.sed and the corpse quartered by the executioner of Luzern, burned, and its ashes mixed with those of a dead hog." What a religion, that could fancy such frenzy would be pleasing to G.o.d!

Terrible beyond description was the effect produced by the fearful reports, which now reached Zurich, blow after blow. Some, like Anna Reinhart, who received in succession the sad tidings of the death of a husband, a son, a son-in law, a brother, and a brother-in-law, submitted with Christian resignation.--Others acknowledged in the calamity a judgment upon their own sins, on account of the too little respect paid to the rights of their Confederates, the violation of treaties and the forcible introduction of reforms, which can only rest upon a sure basis, when the result of conscientious persuasion. These views were uttered in louder or softer tones. The most vulgar, cowardly and pa.s.sionate gave vent to their secret hatred against certain individuals. But then also, not a few were found, who, instead of giving way to despondency, encouraged their neighbors, called for redoubled exertions and cast themselves into the breach. The government was roused. Directly after the receipt of the first news, then about midnight, and again in the morning, Bern was written to for speedy aid and the collective cities of the Christian _Buergerrecht_ for an auxiliary force. As Lavater did not appear for a time, other leaders were sent to the heights of the Albis, in order to collect the fugitives and place them in the ranks of the new troops, who were coming up. It would have been yet possible to recover everything and wipe out the disgrace of defeat, by resolution and concord. Of the former there was enough; of the latter not. Indeed, the army of Bern, which approached, was strong in numbers. It had set out on the same day in which the battle of Cappel was fought, but under a leader, the _schultheiss_ Diessbach, who, swayed by his personal dislike to the Reformation, wavered in his purpose and did not push forward with zeal and activity.

The Zurichers, with ranks swollen by the arrival of several thousand solders, were encouraged by Lavater, again in their midst, and the governor-general Frei, next him in command, to descend from the Albis and hazard another battle. They earnestly begged the Bernese to march up rapidly through the free bailiwicks and lend them support. The Five Cantons, threatened thus in front and rear, would be compelled either to fight, or to retreat. Diessbach refused. Even when Zurich, at his request, withdrew her troops from the Albis, forsook her own canton and joined the Bernese at Bremgarten, he still hesitated. The united forces, now exceeding in number those of the Catholics, occupied five days in advancing the distance of a few miles, where they again encamped. Frei could no longer endure such treasonable inaction. On his own responsibility, aided by the men of Basel, Schaffhausen, and St.

Gall, he pressed on by night to the Gubel. The Bernese slept without concern. But the Gospel of Christ is not to be upheld by swords and lances. A second time Zurich was beaten, and her brave captain fell among the slain.

And yet the Catholics did not gain all they desired. Their faith, as well as their former just position in the Confederacy, were now secured, and the unnatural prohibition against the export of provisions done away; but the Reformation still survived, and their victories did not give them power sufficient to crush again the liberty of the Gospel, where it had taken root, or to limit Zurich in her territorial rights. This, however, they attempted to do, and directly after the defeat at Cappel invited all the parishes on the further side of the Albis, together with the entire population on the left sh.o.r.e of the lake, to abandon Zurich, swear allegiance to them and give hostages for their fidelity in the future; in return for which, they promised to guarantee their original liberties and "receive and treat them, as faithful, loving subjects should be by a mild and paternal government."

In case of refusal, they were to be dealt with in "a hostile and warlike manner," without mercy. The offer was unanimously rejected, and information sent to the Council of Zurich, which was repeatedly a.s.sured, that they were resolved to abide by the Gospel till death. The latter government also remained unshaken, even by the new disaster at the Gubel; indeed, now for the first time, exhibited a degree of courage and activity, that was not looked for. And although the Duke of Wuertemburg had been informed that "the trade of our city is nearly ruined," orders were sent, only four days after the defeat at Cappel, to the Zurichan allies, who were still engaged in the siege of the castle Musso, on the borders of Graubuenden: "Persevere, do not break up, nor let our affairs trouble you, but prosecute the war boldly and earnestly, and give the enemy no rest till he surrenders." This reply was also made, when the Council of Bern, in contrast with the sluggish leaders of her army, referred the mediators, sent from Solothurn, Appenzell and Neunburg, to Zurich with the declaration that without her consent their could be no talk of peace: "It shall never be forgotten, but told to our children and children's children." Her town-clerk was authorized, the very day after the battle on the Gubel, to inform the soldiers on the Italian frontiers: "We are ready to pledge hide and fur and all that G.o.d has given us, not to abandon the field, till the religious rights of the bailiwicks are secured." Word was sent to the camp at Baar: "We wish to know what happened at the defeat on the mountain, who was to blame and who was innocent. You should remember every day the disgrace of our city of Zurich and seek means to recover our lost honor." Continually and repeatedly were the Bernese captains and the government exhorted to prosecute the war with greater vigor; and when the latter, in order to justify her irresolution, referred to the armed preparations on the Rhine and on her western borders, against which she was obliged to guard, when she communicated the fact that the Archduke Ferdinand had, immediately after receiving the news of the disaster at Cappel, sat more than half a day in council and, leaving the Imperial Diet, ridden off to Inspruck, the indignant reply was made. "We can get nothing more out of it than this, that all our friends are on the other side of the Rhine, and your reports and ours in no wise agree; and since these things are not half so dreadful as represented to you, we beg you not to be frightened at such bug-bears, but come manfully to our aid." The _Landgrave_ of Hesse, who had offered money and a thousand men, and the Duke of Wuertemberg, who had placed at their disposal all his heavy guns at Hohentwiel, were warmly thanked; but as there was less lack of men than of concord in the camp, it was resolved to decline this foreign a.s.sistance, which could scarcely have been used.

In the camp itself undoubtedly lay the chief causes of the crippled condition of affairs, the confusion and the unfortunate results. Not only did a continual strife prevail between the Bernese and Zurichan commanders, but the latter stood isolated among his own people. He himself felt that he had lost the confidence of his troops, and although he could point to undeniable proofs of his bravery in Italy, and of his undaunted spirit and presence of mind in the popular rebellion at Tss, and although he was among the last to leave the battle-field of Cappel, and that only when all resistance had become impossible, yet an inner voice perhaps whispered to him, that among the glorious band, who had there laid down their lives, the name of the chief commander should not have been wanting. Intimidated and perplexed, he attempted no decisive measures. "Of Lavater many said,"

so Bullinger tells us, "that he was frightened, and durst no longer talk among and with the people. The constrained position of the general had its effect upon the army. Several of the cowardly and faithless began to desert, rain set in, and provisions grew scarce. In spite of every entreaty, to protect at least the Zurichan frontier, the army of Bern retreated to Bremgarten." "Why do you hesitate to follow?" said the ensign Hugi of Solothurn. "You shut your eyes on your own necessities, as your fathers before you in the old Zurich war. As they, so you are at variance; as they, so you have lost the hearts of your Confederate brethren; you have no power to make further resistance, and yet you will not give way."

And in fact the government did not consider it just then consistent with honor and duty. It was resolved not to entertain the proposals for peace made by the mediators; because one of the conditions of the Catholics was, that in the Territories it should be decided by a new vote whether they would return to the old or continue in the new faith.

Bern also a.s.sented to this course. But now an army of 4,000 men from the Five Cantons, among whom were the lawless foreign mercenaries of Ab Isola, rushed upon the cottages and hamlets of the unprotected territory of Zurich, overran the left sh.o.r.e of the lake, and ravaged as far down as Thalweil. Terror seized the canton. Many fled to the city; all the roads were filled with weeping-women and children, mingled with lowing herds, and the alarm-bells resounded on every side. The councils were called together and the troops still lying at Bremgarten summoned by their honor and oath to hasten up without delay. They obeyed, but in vain were the Bernese, first by the treasurer Eddlebach and then by the burgomaster Roist and two a.s.sociate councilmen, conjured by everything which they held sacred, this once to come to the rescue of their old confederate-sister, only to enter the city for its immediate protection, whilst the Zurichers would fight without the walls. The cold answer was, that they would think over the matter, and write to the troops at Zofingen and the government at Bern. Not all of Diessbach's army shared this feeling with him. Jacob Mai thrust his sword at the bear in the banner, as though he would rouse him up to action. The field-chaplain Kolb spake thus to the a.s.sembled soldiery: "Your forefathers in a like case would have swum through the Rhine to attack the enemy; at the slightest call they marched to battle; the Gospel itself does not move you." These words were uttered with impunity; but yet they produced no effect. The men of Solothurn, Basel, Schaffhausen, Biel and Muehlhausen also joined the Bernese. Captain Friedbolt of St. Gall alone declared, that by order of his superiors, he would place life and property at the disposal of Zurich, and a small troop from Bischoffzell followed him. The majority of the Thurgovians and Toggenburgers, who were still encamped with the Zurichers, returned to their homes.

Meanwhile, the Catholics retired again before the Zurichers, marching up the left sh.o.r.e, with a reinforcement of 1,000 Graubuendners, ferried over from the right sh.o.r.e of the lake. The army under Hans Escher, who had succeeded Lavater in the chief command, encamped above Horgen on the heights of the Zimmerberg. Zurich now stood unsupported, except by her confederates of Graubuenden and a few from St. Gall. The rural districts were sighing for peace, and the Five Cantons began also to desire it. The absence of all the able-bodied men increased the distress at home, which was already great enough by reason of the famine; the inclemency of an early winter gave few charms to a life in the field, and the hamlets on the frontier, crowded with soldiers, began to feel the pinchings of want. Under these circ.u.mstances a letter was addressed by the Five Cantons to the "Parishes general and special, who are subject to Zurich," requesting them to conclude a special peace with the Catholics, in case the capital would refuse to do so. This produced a great excitement. Deputies from various parts of the canton appeared before the government, with the earnest prayer, that some means might be devised to prevent further invasion and relieve them from the burdens of the war, which had now became almost intolerable.

After a long and violent struggle, the peace-party triumphed in the Council. Negotiations were opened; but the decision on the side of the Zurichers, according to ancient custom, was transferred to the commons-at-war, to whom the Council sent several of its most influential members as deputies.

Whilst the latter were a.s.sembling, the leaders of the Catholics deliberated over the conditions to be proposed. Their views were conflicting. Several of the most violent a.s.serted that now the time had come to compel the city and canton of Zurich to return to the old faith, and that the restoration of the ma.s.s should be made an indispensable condition of peace.--Zurich, the _schultheiss_ Golder declared, would never consent to this. He was supported in his opinion by the _landammen_ Froger and Toss. And they even succeeded in securing for the inhabitants of the Territories, with the exception of the free bailiwicks and the burghers of Rapperschweil and Wesen, the privilege of retaining the Reformation, provided all those, who henceforth might wish to return to the ma.s.s, should be permitted to do so. One solitary voice objected to this liberality. aegidius Tschudi deplored the result.

"The counsel was pernicious," said he, "and a great injury to the true Catholic faith, to which G.o.d had given the victory. Accordingly, neither the _schultheiss_, nor they who followed him, namely, _amman_ Froger of Uri and _amman_ Toss of Zug, and several others, lived many years afterward."

Meanwhile the consultation was opened in the Zurichan camp by Escher, with the exhortation neither to be too fearful, nor yet too pa.s.sionate.

He said that the position of Zurich was critical, but not at all desperate; and that G.o.d would undoubtedly defend his Gospel, in which we should persevere to the last extremity. So to do was the unanimous resolution. But then opinions varied as to what should be done in regard to the Territories. Several persons, and among whom Sergeant George Mueller was prominent, made strong appeals to the sacred duty, which bound them to act for the people of the Territories, who had been summoned to a common resistance and a.s.sured of protection and help, as they would for their own. Others, on the contrary, endeavored to uphold the right of the Five Cantons to name conditions of peace in this case.

But the following speech of an aged _amman_, Suter of the Horgerberg, had the greatest influence in bringing matters to a conclusion.

"Our general has spoken for a long time, and exhorted us not to be in a hurry to make peace. This perhaps might suit our Lords in the city.

They have less to lose than we. Their support and revenues are sure, but our houses and hamlets are exposed to destruction. We have now been beaten twice by the enemy, and suffered a great defeat. It is easily seen that luck is against us. And there is no use to comfort ourselves because we have an abundance of supplies and provisions and our enemies none. For the greater their need, the greater will be their desire to injure us. Necessity drives them. It has already stirred up fury and revenge amongst them, and wrought great mischief, not only that we have violated the federal compact and the _Landfriede_ toward them, but also that we have denied them the right to take away provisions; hence G.o.d is now angry at us and fights himself against us. We cannot rely on the aid of the Bernese. What good has all their force done us? We have not yet been able to prevail on them, in spite of every prayer and entreaty, to defend the city of our Lords, whilst we of the Horger are willing to incur the risk of danger, notwithstanding, they can lie there in security, since our Lords have commanded us to encamp against the main body of the enemy. The Bernese marched up very slowly to the battlefield of Cappel, and helped us very little, and they would not consent to send their troops to the Zugerberg. Remember the old saying, handed down from our forefathers: 'the men of Zurich will suffer loss rather than dishonor; the men of Bern dishonor rather than loss.' When we of Zurich undertake anything, we stake our all upon it, and look for success or failure; but the Bernese are just the reverse, sharing the victory with us in every enterprise, without putting their own skins in danger.[2] Some one has said, 'A loss should bring a man to his senses.' Since then we have experienced loss upon loss, we certainly ought to stop and think."

After this the negotiations were prosecuted vigorously on all sides.

The commander-in-chief, with a numerous guard, went over to the leaders of the Five Cantons; a second meeting was held the next day and a treaty of peace concluded, of which the following are the chief articles: The Reformation shall be guaranteed in Zurich and all her immediate dependencies, as well as in those parts of the Territories, where it has already been received; yet all those, who may wish to return to the ma.s.s, or to prove by a new vote, which is the prevailing party, shall be at liberty to do so. Church property was to be divided according to the census. Zurich pledged herself to abstain from any further intervention, where she had no claim to rule. The Christian _Buergerrecht_ and the first _Landfriede_ were abrogated. The few remaining articles were devoted to damages, or the rest.i.tution of property, which had been seized. During the formation of the treaty the name of "Confederates" was once more heard. And now, after its conclusion, the deputies dismounted from their horses and knelt down in prayer. Then Captain Escher stepped up to the _schultheiss_ Golder and the bailiffs of the Five Cantons, and offered his hand to each of them.

Tears stood in every eye. They gave each other their canteens to drink from, took a friendly leave and returned to their respective camps.

But then a hard destiny, fines, punishments, the oppression of soldiers, quartered upon them, and a partial loss of their rights, were looked for by the inhabitants of Rapperschweil, the people in Caster and the free bailiwicks, and especially the cities of Bremgarten and Mellingen. Zurich had attempted to do what she could, at least for the latter, and invited them, through Rudolph Stoll, to send deputies to her negotiation with the Five Cantons. They refused to do it, relying on the protection promised by the Bernese, a part of whose forces were yet lying in their neighborhood. But these retired, as soon as the Catholics turned against them with serious purpose, and prepared for action, after the conclusion of the peace with Zurich. Urgently and sadly did the two cities beg the Bernese not to leave them helpless--to make some proposals at least in their behalf. The _schultheiss_ Mutschli rode to Aarau after the commander Diessbach. He could remember, he there said to him, that it was only with reluctance, and after repeated orders from Zurich and Bern, that Bremgarten had prohibited the sale of provisions to the Five Cantons--that the vengeance of the enemy was sure, and their destruction very probable.

Thus also spoke the people of Mellingen, as well as those of the free bailiwicks. "We do not treat you in this manner willingly," answered Diessbach, "but under the pressure of necessity. Act according to circ.u.mstances; Bern must take care of her own rights." Then Mutschli turned away with the words: "Jeremiah, the prophet, has spoken: 'Cursed be he who trusts in an arm of flesh!' This has been fulfilled to us this day. You cast us off in our misery. How can we then ever respect your claims? G.o.d in Heaven judge between us!" Once more they came to Zurich with prayers for succor, and immediately five deputies were dispatched to the Catholics at Muri, to intercede in their beh