The Letters of Cicero Part 36

[Sidenote: B.C. 55, aeT. 51]

Apenas had scarcely left me, when your letter came. Really? Do you suppose he won't propose his law?[514] Pray speak a little louder: I seem scarcely to have caught what you said. But let me know it at once, if it is all the same to you, that is! Well, since an additional day has been a.s.signed to the games, I am all the more content to spend that day with Dionysius. About Trebonius I cordially agree with you. About Domitius,[515]

"I swear by Ceres that no single fig Was e'er so like another,"

as his case to mine, either in the sameness of persons, the unexpectedness of it, or the futility of the loyalists. There is one difference--he has brought it upon himself. For as to the misfortune itself, I rather think mine is the less grievous. For what could be more mortifying than that a man, who has been consul-designate, so to speak, ever since he was born, should fail in securing his election? Especially when he is the only (plebeian) candidate, or at most had but one opponent. If it is also the fact, which I rather think it is, that _he_[516] has in the register of his pocket-book some equally long pages of future, no less than of past consuls, what more humiliating position than our friend's, except that of the Republic? My first information about Natta[517] was from your letter: I couldn't bear the man. As to your question about my poem: what if it is all agog to escape from my hands? Well? Would you permit it? About Fabius Luscus--I was just going to speak of him: the man was always very cordial to me, and I never had any cause to dislike him; for he is intelligent, very well-behaved, and serviceable enough. As I was seeing nothing of him, I supposed him to be out of town: but was told by this fellow Gavius of Firmum, that he was at Rome, and had never been away. It made a disagreeable impression on me. "Such a trifle as that?" you will say. Well, he had told me a good deal of which there could be no doubt as to these brothers of Firmum.

What it is that has made him hold aloof from me, if he has done so, I have no idea.

As to your advice to me to act "diplomatically" and keep to the "outside course"--I will obey you. But I want still more worldly wisdom, for which, as usual, I shall come to you. Pray small things out from Fabius,[518] if you can get at him, and pick the brains of your guest, and write me word on these points and all others every day. When there is nothing for you to write, write and say so. Take care of your health.

[Footnote 513: The letter appears to be from Tusculum, because Cicero asks for a letter every day, which he could hardly expect if he were farther off. This year Cicero was much away from Rome, and yet his correspondence is meagre compared with other years. So far as this is not due to accident in the preservation of his letters, it may be accounted for by the fact that he was working at his _de Oratore_--so hard, that even his brother Quintus had scruples in breaking in upon him.]

[Footnote 514: This may refer to the laws of Trebonius, giving Pompey and Cra.s.sus Spain and Syria respectively, and Caesar an additional five years in Gaul, or to some of Pompey's own legislation.]

[Footnote 515: L. Domitius Ahen.o.barbus, a candidate for the consulship of B.C. 55, but whose election had never come off. By various contrivances the _comitia_ were prevented, so that the new year opened with an _interregnum_; and Pompey and Cra.s.sus were elected under the presidency of an _interrex_ (Dio, x.x.xix. 31).]

[Footnote 516: Pompey.]

[Footnote 517: L. Natta, a brother-in-law of Clodius, a pontifex who had presided at the _consecratio_ of Cicero's house. He seems to have just died.]

[Footnote 518: A friend of Pompey's. I think "your guest" must be Pompey himself, whom Atticus is about to entertain at dinner.]

CXVIII (F I, 8)

TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (IN CILICIA)

ROME (JANUARY)

[Sidenote: B.C. 55, aeT. 51]

What debates have taken place in the senate, what determination has been come to in your business, and what Pompey has undertaken to do, all this you will best learn from Marcus Plaetorius, who has not only been engaged in these matters, but has even taken the lead in them, and left nothing undone which the greatest affection for you, the greatest good sense, and the greatest care could do. From the same man you will ascertain the general position of public affairs, which are of such a nature as is not easy to put in writing. They are, it is true, all in the power of our friends, and to such an extent that it does not seem probable that the present generation will witness a change. For my part, as in duty bound, as you advised, and as personal affection and expediency compel, I am attaching myself to the fortunes of the man whose alliance you thought you must court when my fortunes were in question. But you must feel how difficult it is to put away a political conviction, especially when it happens to be right and proved up to the hilt. However, I conform myself to the wishes of him from whom I cannot dissent with any dignity: and this I do not do, as perhaps some may think, from insincerity; for deliberate purpose and, by heaven! affection for Pompey are so powerful with me, that whatever is to his interest, and whatever he wishes, appears to me at once to be altogether right and reasonable. Nor, as I think, would even his opponents be wrong if, seeing that they cannot possibly be his equals, they were to cease to struggle against him. For myself I have another consolation--my character is such that all the world thinks me justified beyond all others, whether I support Pompey's views, or hold my tongue, or even, what is above everything else to my taste, return to my literary pursuits. And this last I certainly shall do, if my friendship for this same man permits it. For those objects which I had at one time in view, after having held the highest offices and endured the greatest fatigues--the power of intervening with dignity in the debates of the senate, and a free hand in dealing with public affairs--these have been entirely abolished, and not more for me than for all. For we all have either to a.s.sent to a small clique, to the utter loss of our dignity, or to dissent to no purpose. My chief object in writing to you thus is that you may consider carefully what line you will also take yourself. The whole position of senate, law courts, and indeed of the entire const.i.tution has undergone a complete change. The most we can hope for is tranquillity: and this the men now in supreme power seem likely to give us, if certain persons[519] shew somewhat more tolerance of their despotism. The old consular prestige, indeed, of a courageous and consistent senator we must no longer think of: that has been lost by the fault of those who have alienated from the senate both an order once very closely allied to it, and an individual of the most ill.u.s.trious character. But to return to what more immediately affects your interests--I have ascertained that Pompey is warmly your friend, and with him as consul, to the best of my knowledge and belief, you will get whatever you wish. In this he will have me always at his elbow, and nothing which affects you shall be pa.s.sed over by me. Nor, in fact, shall I be afraid of boring him, for he will be very glad for his own sake to find me grateful to him. I would have you fully persuaded that there is nothing, however small, affecting your welfare that is not dearer to me than every interest of my own. And entertaining these sentiments, I can satisfy myself indeed, as far as a.s.siduity is concerned, but in actual achievement I cannot do so, just because I cannot reach any proportion of your services to me, I do not say by actual return in kind, but by any return even of feeling. There a report that you have won a great victory.[520] Your despatch is anxiously awaited, and I have already talked to Pompey about it. When it arrives, I will shew my zeal by calling on the magistrates and members of the senate: and in everything else which may concern you, though I shall strive for more than I can achieve, I shall yet do less than I ought.

[Footnote 519: The extreme Optimates, such as Cato.]

[Footnote 520: Against the predatory and piratic inhabitants of Cilicia.]

CXIX (Q FR II, 7)

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN THE COUNTRY)

ROME (FEBRUARY)

[Sidenote: B.C. 55, aeT. 51]

I thought you would like my book:[521] that you like it as much as you say I am greatly delighted. As to your hint about my Urania and your advice to remember the speech of Iupiter,[522] which comes at the end of that book, I do indeed remember it, and that whole pa.s.sage was aimed at myself rather than at the rest of the world. Nevertheless, the day after you started I went long before daybreak with Vibullius to call on Pompey; and upon addressing him on the subject of the works and inscriptions in your honour,[523] he answered me very kindly, gave me great hopes, said he would like to talk to Cra.s.sus about it, and advised me to do so too. I joined in escorting Cra.s.sus to is house on his a.s.suming the consulate: he undertook the affair, and said that Clodius would at this juncture have something that he wanted to get by means of himself and Pompey: he thought that, if I did not baulk Clodius's views, I might get what I wanted without any opposition. I left the matter entirely in his hands and told him that I would do exactly as he wished.

Publius Cra.s.sus the younger was present at this conversation, who, as you know, is very warmly attached to me. What Clodius wants is an honorary mission (if not by decree of the senate, then by popular vote) to Byzantium or to Brogitarus, or to both.[524] There is a good deal of money in it. It is a thing I don't trouble myself about much, even if I don't get what I am trying to get. Pompey, however, has spoken to Cra.s.sus. They seem to have taken the business in hand. If they carry it through, well and good: if not, let us return to my "Iupiter."

On the 11th of February a decree pa.s.sed the senate as to bribery on the motion of Afranius, against which I had spoken when you were in the house. To the loudly expressed disapprobation of the senate the consuls did not go on with the proposals of those who, while agreeing with Afranius's motion, added a rider that after their election the praetors were to remain private citizens for sixty days.[525] On that day they unmistakably threw over Cato. In short, they manage everything their own way, and wish all the world to understand it to be so.

[Footnote 521: His poem "On his own Times."]

[Footnote 522: In his poem _de Consulatu suo_, the second book of which (Urania) ends with a speech of Iupiter, who recommends his leaving politics for literature.]

[Footnote 523: A statue in the temple of Tellus.]

[Footnote 524: Brogitarus was a Galatian and connexion of Deiotarus.

Clodius, as tribune, had done some services to Byzantium, and had also got Brogitarus the office of high priest of Cybele. He wants now to go and get his money for these favours.]

[Footnote 525: The praetorian elections, like the consular, had been put off till February. Those elected would therefore enter on their office at once, and so escape prosecution, to which they would have been liable if, as in ordinary years, they had been "praetors-designate" from July to January. Afranius's motion seems to have been for suspending the bribery laws _pro hac vice_. Cato had been beaten: if there had been an opportunity of impeaching his rivals he might have got in.]

CXX (A IV, 10)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

c.u.mae, 20 APRIL

[Sidenote: B.C. 55, aeT. 51]

At Puteoli there is a great report that Ptolemy has been restored. If you have any more certain news, I should like to know it. I am here devouring the library of Faustus.[526] Perhaps you thought I was feasting on the beauties of Puteoli and the Lucrine lake. Well, I have them too. But I declare to heaven that the more I am debarred from the enjoyment of ordinary pleasures, owing to the political situation, the more do I find support and refreshment in literature; and I would rather be sitting in that charming seat of yours, under your bust of Aristotle, than in _their_[527] curule chair, and be taking a stroll with you rather than with the great man[528] with whom I see I shall have to walk. But as to that walk, let fortune look to it, or G.o.d, if there is any G.o.d who cares for such things. I wish, when possible, you would come and see my walk and Spartan bath, and the buildings planned by Cyrus, and would urge Philotimus to make haste, that I may have something to match with yours in that department.[529] Pompey came to his c.u.man property on the Parilia (19th April). He at once sent a man to me with his compliments. I am going to call on him on the morning of the 20th, as soon as I have written this letter.

[Footnote 526: Son of the dictator Sulla, who is known to have brought back from Athens a famous Aristotelian library.]

[Footnote 527: Pompey and Cra.s.sus, the consuls.]

[Footnote 528: Pompey, as the context shews. In the next clause _ambulatio_ has a double meaning of physical walking and of a political course of conduct.]

[Footnote 529: Philotimus, a freedman of Terentia's, seems to have been engaged at Rome in the reconstruction of Cicero's house. The Spartan bath (_Laconic.u.m_) was a hot-air bath, like a Turkish bath.]

CXXI (A IV, 9)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

c.u.mae, 28 APRIL