The Influence and Development of English Gilds Part 10

[Sidenote: _Fondness for pageantry._]

[Sidenote: _Its social importance._]

That life was one pa.s.sed largely in dulness and perhaps comparative squalor. But the occasions of colour and merriment were not few. Each season had its festivities, social and religious, when rich and poor met on something like equal ground in the rude merry-making. This feature in ordinary life was not without its social importance, and if only for this reason no account of the Gilds would be complete which failed to take notice of their processions and, in so doing, of the general life and habits of the brethren at the different epochs of Gild history. We have now nothing to take the place of those occasions of mutual enjoyment and mirth, when "ceremony doff'd his pride" without censure, when the bashful apprentice might perhaps tread a measure with his master's daughter, and when the condescending mistress of the house might even allow herself to be led out for a dance by one or other of her goodman's journeymen.

"A Christmas gambol oft would cheer A poor man's heart through half the year[181]."

[Sidenote: _The Corpus Christi procession._]

We have already seen how important an influence religious feelings had in the actions of the Gilds. Among the yearly festivals the feast of Corpus Christi soon became one of the most splendid for pomp and pageantry, and to it the Gilds were naturally attracted. Some indeed existed with the primary object of ensuring the glory of this particular feast. Most important of these was the Corpus Christi Gild at York[182]. The Gild of the Holy Trinity, also at York, concerned itself with the annual production of a religious play ill.u.s.trating the Lord's Prayer. The Gilds of S. Helen (which represented the Invention of the Cross), of S. Mary, and of Corpus Christi, at Beverley[183], were other famous fraternities with similar objects. At Stamford was one which maintained a secular play[184]. In most towns in England it became the custom for the Gilds, each with its banners and insignia, to accompany the Corpus Christi procession: in some places the event seems to have become especially picturesque. At Coventry[185] and also at Shrewsbury, the procession has lasted in some sort down to our own day[186]. At the former city Lady G.o.diva has even lately ridden, though at fitful and uncertain intervals: at the latter town, although the procession has now become a thing of the past, it is little more than a decade since "Shrewsbury Show" was to be seen annually, on the Monday following the feast of Corpus Christi, pa.s.sing along under the eaves of the timbered houses of the old border town.

[Sidenote: _The pageants of the Gilds._]

The prominence which the charters of the Shrewsbury Gilds gave to the procession has been sufficiently pointed out already. Every care was taken to secure its fitting glory and splendour. Among the goods of the companies which the inventories name are "Baners," "Baners for ye Mynstrellys werying," "skukions for my'strells," "torches," "coots of sense," "stondarts of mayle," "other pec's of mayle," besides many swords and halberts, and the like. These various properties decked out the pageant which each Gild contributed to the common procession. It was exhibited by means of a wooden scaffold on wheels, differing probably but little in appearance from the drays or trollies which were utilised in later years. Dugdale in his _Antiquities of Warwickshire_ relates that "before the suppression of the Monasteries this city[187] was very famous for the pageants that were played therein upon Corpus Christi Day; which, occasioning very great confluence of people thither from far and near, was of no small benefit thereto: which pageants being acted with mighty state and reverence by the friars of this house had theaters for the several scenes, very large and high, placed upon wheels, and drawn to all the eminent parts of the city for the better advantage of the spectators."

At Shrewsbury there appears never to have been an elaborate miracle play presented by the crafts[188]. Most likely the Show early took that form which it exhibited in the later times of which we have more definite record. The Gilds of the town walked in the procession, each member bearing, in mediaeval days, a light "in honour of the Blessed Sacrament,"

the officers wearing their liveries and carrying the banners and other insignia, and thus escorting a tableau more or less appropriate to the craft. No small expense and even taste appears to have been expended on these representations, though their precise suitability it is in some cases difficult to appreciate. Before Reformation times the tableaux were generally of a biblical or ecclesiastical nature: after the 16th century they were usually mythological or historical. Thus the Tailors were presided over by Adam and Eve "the first of their craft," or by Queen Elizabeth in ruffles of right royal magnitude. The Shearmen or Clothworkers had a personation of bishop Blasius, with a black mitre of wool and doubtless also the wool-comb with which he had been tortured at his martyrdom. The place of the saint was subsequently usurped by the king--Edward IV., who was remembered as having especially cultivated the good offices of the wool-merchants. The Skinners and Glovers were ruled by the king of Morocco, whose "Cote" was an expensive item in their accounts; they had also an elaborate mechanical stag accompanied by huntsmen sounding bugle blasts. The Smiths were appropriately represented by Vulcan, or a knight in black armour "supported by two attendants who occasionally fired off blunderbusses." The Painters were accustomed to find their best representative of later years in a cheery-looking Rubens brandishing palette and brush, while the Bricklayers, for some occult reason, considered themselves adequately represented by bluff king Hal.

The twin saints Crispin and Crispia.n.u.s patronised the Shoemakers, and S.

Katharine (at a spinning wheel) the Barbers. Venus and Ceres presided over the Bakers.

[Sidenote: _The Reformation._]

[Sidenote: _Mary._]

At the Reformation the Corpus Christi procession became shorn of its splendour even before it altogether ceased under Edward VI. With Mary's attempt to revive the old order efforts were made to restore the Show in its pristine grandeur, though Edward VI.'s pillaging of the Gilds had rendered the furnishing of the lights and vestments a matter of serious difficulty. At Shrewsbury the munic.i.p.al authorities endeavoured to keep up the mystery plays by means of contributions from the various companies.

[Sidenote: _Elizabeth._]

The accession of Elizabeth was not likely to do any harm to the plays and pageants, though the outward reason for their performance might be changed. Elizabeth fully perceived the political and social usefulness of such festivities: her provincial progresses were a succession of brilliant shows and interludes which served a useful purpose in diverting the nation's attention from the graver dangers which threatened England during the queen's eventful reign. Elizabeth was also naturally fond of gaiety and wit, and the tone of the people from the highest to the lowest was dramatic. The Court had its "master of the revels," the Universities and Inns of Court had their regular plays. Interludes were provided for the queen's entertainment as she moved from town to town both at the houses of the higher gentry and by the common people. They were indeed the ordinary means by which honour was paid to any very distinguished visitor.

The Shrewsbury playwright was Thomas Ashton the first master of the grammar school. His theatre was the open ground without the walls, the Quarrell or Quarry. The season of the year at which these performances of Thomas Ashton took place was Whitsuntide, at which time Chester was also engaged in its more famous productions. It is to be regretted that no records[189] remain of these Shrewsbury plays, or a valuable addition might be made to the scanty collections of such antiquities which have been made public. These academic entertainments did not supplant the old annual procession (the date of which was transferred to the Monday following the feast of Corpus Christi) which continued apparently until the power of the Puritans became too strong to admit of its longer existence. Already that influence was at work, and Elizabeth had many detractors among those of the stricter persuasion. The character of their sternness, as well as the nature of their dissatisfaction at the gaiety which Elizabeth fostered, is well exemplified at Shrewsbury in the incident of the Shearmen's tree. The event is also noteworthy as being the only occasion until later days on which anything like friction occurred between the companies and the munic.i.p.al corporation[190].

[Sidenote: _The Shearmen's tree._]

The woollen trade, as we have seen[191], gave occupation to a very large number of Shearmen. These belonged to the more unskilled cla.s.s of labourers, the work they performed being simply that of preparing the wool for the later stages of manufacture. They were precisely the cla.s.s to fail to appreciate the religious changes, and such as would be likely to resort to the physical force argument on any occasion. It was also to such men that the revelry of Christmastide, Maytime, and the like were most precious. Their life was a hard and colourless one, and they would for this reason cling desperately to the old occasions of merriment. The festival which appears to have been particularly odious to the Puritans was that of May Day, when, Stow[192] tells us, it was the custom for the citizens "of all estates" to have their "Mayings," and to "fetch in Maypoles, with divers warlike shows, with good archers, morris dancers, and other devices for pastime all the day long; and toward the evening they had stage plays, and bonfires in the streets." To the youth of the town it was a sufficiently harmless summer holiday. To the precise it was plainly and purely a heathen survival. At Shrewsbury they were early in active antagonism to it. In 1583 there occurred "soom contrav'sie about the settinge upp of maye poales and bonfyers mackinge and erection of treese before the sherman's haule and other places[193]," though apparently without immediate effect, for two years later appears another entry "Pd. for cutting down the tree, and the journeymen to spend xv{d}.[194]"

But it was not long before the Puritans prevailed. The May Day merry-making was stopped and even the Gild festival prohibited. "This yeare [1590-1] and the 6 day of June beinge Soondaye and the festivall day of the Co{y} of the Shearmen of Salop aboute the settinge upp of a greene tree by serte yonge men of the saide Co{y} before their hall doore as of many years before have been acostomid but preachid against by the publicke precher there and commawndid by the baylyffs that non sutche shoulde be usid, and for the disobedience therein theye were put in prison and a privey sessions called and there also indicted and still remayne untill the next towne sessions for further triall[195]." The letter of the law however was in their favour. At the sessions the judges decided that the tree should be erected and "usyd as heretofore have be' so it be don syvely and in lovynge order w{th}out contencion[196]." But the soreness remained and the Shearmen were very turbulent for a long period. A curious entry in 1596 betokens a continuance of the friction: "P{d} oure fyne for not rerynge of Cappes to Mr Bayliffe 3/4[197]." For Puritan influence had waxed stronger, and at length it was "agreed that there shall not be hereafter any interludes or playes within this town or liberties uppon anye Soundays or in the night tyme. Neyther shall there be any playinge at footballe, or at hiltes or wastrells, or beare baytinge, within the walles of this towne[198]."

[Sidenote: _Commonwealth._]

[Sidenote: _The Restoration._]

During the civil wars and under the rule of the Commonwealth the inhabitants of the town were too heavily burdened with taxes for the maintenance of soldiers and for the repairs of the walls (for which the companies were severally a.s.sessed) to have much wealth to expend on revelry and merry-making, even had Puritan sourness admitted any such. But the reaction consequent on the Restoration brought back the glory to Shrewsbury. The agriculture of the district had now quite recovered from the long-distant Welsh ravages: the internal trade of the town was also very considerable. Shrewsbury was therefore a place of no small importance. It played the part of a local metropolis in which the fashions of the capital were mimicked by the wealthy tradesfolk, their wives and daughters, and the country gentry and their families. For neither cla.s.s could often go to London. Travelling was a serious affair not lightly to be undertaken. Consequently, just as the country gentleman now spends a portion of the year in London, so his ancestor in the seventeenth century made the adjacent county town his residence at certain seasons. Besides "he was often attracted thither by business and pleasure, by a.s.sizes, quarter sessions, elections, musters of militia, festivals and races.... There were the markets at which the corn, the cattle, the wool, and the hops of the surrounding country were exposed for sale.... There were the shops at which the best families of the neighbourhood bought grocery and millinery[199]." In Shrewsbury did the provincial beaux and belles promenade by the side of the Severn and in the abbey gardens. These latter were especially attractive. They were laid out "with gravell walks set full of all sorts of greens--orange and Lemmon trees.... Out of this went another garden much larger with severall fine gra.s.s walks kept exactly cut and roled for company to walk in: every Wednesday most of y{e} town y{e} Ladies and Gentlemen walk there as in St James's Parke, and there are abundance of people of quality lives in Shrewsbury[200]."

Farquahar in his sprightly comedy _The Recruiting Officer_ describes the lively doings of the same "people of quality," and also of the more stolid burghers. "I have drawn," he says, "the Justice and the Clown in their _Puris Naturalibus_; the one an apprehensive, st.u.r.dy, brave blockhead; and the other a worthy, honest, generous gentleman, hearty in his country's cause and of as good an understanding as I could give him, which I must confess is far short of his own." Farquahar seems to have obtained a particularly good impression of the worthy Salopians. He dedicates his comedy to "All Friends round the Wrekin." "I was stranger to everything in Salop but its Character of Loyalty, the Number of its Inhabitants, the Alacrity of the Gentry in Recruiting the Army, with their generous and hospitable Reception of Strangers. This Character I found so amply verify'd in every Particular that you made Recruiting, which is the greatest Fatigue upon Earth to other, to be the greatest Pleasure in the World to me[201]." Shrewsbury was one of the gayest of those many provincial capitals "out of which the great wen of London has sucked all the life[202]."

[Sidenote: _Shrewsbury Show in 17th century._]

Farquhar may have seen the old Show, which the Restoration had naturally brought back, wend its noisy way to Kingsland. The procession itself was easily rehabilitated, but the arbours on Kingsland, where the day was spent in merrymaking, called for much attention. Great activity was evinced in their repair, for they had fallen into sad decay during the hard rule of the Puritans. Some of the companies adorned their arbours with gateways, arms and mottoes, "dyalls," and the like. Most of the gateways were of wood, but in 1679 the Shoemakers company erected a handsome stone portal, which a few years subsequently they adorned with figures of their patron saints, Crispin and Crispia.n.u.s. As though the events of a century previous were still fresh in men's minds, the legend was painted underneath,

"We are but images of stonne Do us no harme--we can do nonne."

About this time it is evident the Show was in a very prosperous condition.

Puritanism had not taken any real hold on the country, and the Church was restored, and old ways of thinking and acting brought back, without any disturbance or opposition[203]. Even in the companies the religious element which was so strong in the earlier Gilds was not entirely wanting: the day's proceedings included a sermon in the Church[204]. In the morning the Wardens and members met in the open s.p.a.ce before the castle, whence they pa.s.sed in a merry procession through the gaily decked streets to Kingsland. There each Gild had its arbour surrounded by trees and supplied with tables and benches. The mayor and corporation used to attend, and were accustomed to visit each arbour in succession. The remainder of the day pa.s.sed in festivity and merriment, and the craftsmen with their friends returned home in the evening "much invigorated with the essence of barley-corn," as a writer of fifty years ago expresses it.

[Sidenote: _Degeneracy._]

But the degeneracy of the revived Show was very apparent. The dropping off of the sermons deprived the companies of the last trace of that strong religious element which had characterised their mediaeval ancestors. A private letter of 1811 says, "Shrewsbury Show was on the 19th [of June]

but I did not go to it. That, like other things, is getting much worse."

The Drapers and Mercers had never gone to Kingsland, and gradually the other companies began to withdraw from the Show. The formal procession became confined practically to apprentices[205], while the masters contented themselves with a dinner at one of the inns of the town[206].

Everything was significant of the approaching end of the pageant.

[Sidenote: _Reform agitation tends to check degeneracy, but Reform Acts fatal to the Show._]

When the Reform agitation threatened to deprive the companies of their trading privileges at no distant period, and later, when it had succeeded in doing so, attempts seem to have been made to bring into prominence their social aspect[207], and the procession was again reinvigorated. The pomp which signalised George the Fourth's coronation may also have given a stimulus to pageantry. The arbours were repaired and rebuilt, and the year 1849 witnessed a grand revival of the procession. Attempts in this direction were now not infrequent, but were necessarily spasmodic. Yet the time-honoured Show was found to be possessed of wonderful vitality. When the Munic.i.p.al Corporations Act destroyed the exclusive privileges of trading which the companies possessed they clung to their annual feast and to the yearly procession, for which they retained the arbours at some expense and self-denial. Gradually however as the successive freemen died the arbours reverted one by one to the corporation of the town; the other Gild property, which was not already divided, was shared among surviving members, or fell through debt or similar causes into other hands.

Kingsland itself was to revert to the town at the decease of the last of the members of the companies, according to an arrangement concluded in 1862.

Even still the old Show was hard to kill. In spite of much that was saddening, and much degradation, the procession lingered on till some twelve or fourteen years ago, when it died a natural death. So another link with the past was broken, and another spot of colour wiped away from these duller days of uniformity and routine.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE END OF THE COMPANIES.

[Sidenote: _Failure of efforts to restrict trade._]

The system of elaborate organisation by which men had regulated trade in the past had given way to an equally complete system of individualism.

Confused philosophical reasoning, combined with the decay of old means of regulation, had produced this anti-social state of things. Individual compet.i.tion, in uncontrolled energy, reigned supreme amid almost incredible suffering and squalor. Everything which might tend to check the progress of the devastation was looked upon with suspicion and swept swiftly out of the way. All the old restraints were wanting, and self-interest alone formed the mainspring of action. To this fetish everything was sacrificed--men's bodies and men's principles. Commercial dealings took the most questionable forms: adulteration of products went on unchecked by any qualms of honesty. The companies had long ago ceased to make any attempts in the direction of industrial regulation. The whole efforts of their members were concentrated on the vain endeavour to restrict trade to the chartered towns.

Yet even the apologist for the companies, quoted at the end of the sixth chapter, was obliged to allow that in this they had failed. The result of the action of the "oppressive oligarchies" was the "excluding or discouraging the English Subjects from Trading in our greatest and best situated towns, where the markets are[208]." Shrewsbury saw the free towns around growing up to importance and outstripping her in the race for prosperity. Birmingham, not far distant, was already famous. Another free town which rose rapidly was Manchester, where most of the new industries did not come under the Apprenticeship Act, and were consequently free and unshackled. Such formidable rivals drew away trade from the old privileged boroughs. The companies were quite unable to retain their monopolies.

But more than this. Even the measure of commercial prosperity which Shrewsbury possessed--it was not small--cannot be in any appreciable degree ascribed to the companies. A writer of 1825[209] who considers the trade of the town at that date by no means "inconsiderable[210]"

attributes the fact to anything rather than the "Chartered Companies[211]." "Here are two very large linen factories, besides several manufactories for starch, soap, flannels, cotton goods, an extensive iron and bra.s.s foundry, two ale and porter breweries, a spirit distillery, etc.[212]" "Its fabrication of threads, linen cloths etc. etc. stands unrivalled; whilst the more common articles of domestic life are executed in a stile of neatness, certainly equal, if not superior, to those of any other place of similar size[213]." The various causes which he looks upon as conducing to this prosperity he sets forth with considerable detail: "its contiguity to the Princ.i.p.ality, the facility which it possesses for the importation and exportation of goods, by means of its n.o.ble river and ca.n.a.ls, and its situation as the capital of an extensive and populous county, combine to give it many advantages over a variety of places equally insular[214]." That the companies had any hand in ministering to this prosperity, or even served any useful purpose, seems never to have so much as occurred to him.

[Sidenote: _Struggle against intruders_]

Yet they were putting their charters to the utmost use. They used every means in their power to hold the trade. They obtained the a.s.sistance of the munic.i.p.al officers in seeking out and expelling intruders, even hawkers and pedlars. Actions at law became rapidly more frequent, until at last the life of the companies becomes one long effort to compel intruders to take up their freedom by paying the necessary fines. The Barbers even went so far as to prosecute men and women-servants for presuming to dress their masters' and mistresses' hair.

Though these measures were unsuccessful in attaining their object they were not without most important results.

[Sidenote: _impoverishes the companies,_]

In the first place the companies saw their stock become rapidly impoverished, and themselves on the verge of bankruptcy. So early as 1692 the Mercers were obliged to raise 50 by means of mortgage, and in the next year they were twice forced to sell some of their property. The Grocers had, half a century previously[215], noted with sorrow how "the Stock of the Company yearly decreaseth." The Barbers so early as 1744 resolve to spend no more money at Show time "except the third part of the Weavers' Bill." The Saddlers' stock in the three per cents. has to be sold to defray the charges of actions against intruders in 1810, and about the same time the Bakers' arbour was seized "on account of sustained charges against the company in an action for supposed infringement of their rights." Even the wealthy company of the Drapers had been compelled to relinquish their annual holiday, at which open house was kept for town and neighbourhood, in 1781.

[Sidenote: _and calls down public odium on them._]