The First Four Books of Xenophon's Anabasis Part 8

26. Thus spoke Xenophon; and the captains, on hearing his observations, all desired him to be their leader, except a certain Apollonides, who resembled a Botian in his manner of speaking; this man said that "whoever a.s.serted they could gain safety by any other means than by obtaining, if he could, the king's consent to it, talked absurdly;" and at the same time began to enumerate the difficulties surrounding them.

27. But Xenophon, interrupting him, said, "O most wonderful of men! you neither understand what you see, nor remember what you hear. Yet you were on the same spot with those here present, when the king, after Cyrus was dead, being in high spirits at the circ.u.mstance, sent to demand that we should deliver up our arms; 28. and when we, refusing to deliver them up, and appearing in full armour, went and encamped over against him, what means did he not try, sending deputies, asking for a truce, and supplying us with provisions until he obtained a truce? 29.

But when, on the other hand, our generals and captains went to confer with the Barbarians, as you now advise us to do, without their arms, and relying on the truce, were they not beaten, goaded, insulted, and are they not unable, wretched men, to die, though, I should think, greatly longing for death? And do you, knowing all these occurrences, say that those who exhort us to defend ourselves talk absurdly, and advise us to go again to try persuasion? 30. To me, O captains, it seems that we should no longer admit this man into the same service with ourselves, but take from him his captaincy, and laying baggage on his back, make use of him in that capacity; for he disgraces both his own country and all Greece, inasmuch as, being a Greek, he is of such a character." 31.

Here Agasias of Stymphalus, proceeding to speak, said, "But this man, a.s.suredly, has nothing to do either with Botia or with Greece at all, for I have observed that he has both his ears bored, like a Lydian." Such indeed was the case; and they accordingly expelled him.

32. The rest, proceeding to the different divisions of the troops, called up the general wherever there was a general surviving, and the lieutenant-general[123] where the general was dead, and the captain wherever there was a captain surviving. 33. When they were all come together, they sat down before the place where the arms were piled;[124]

and the generals and captains a.s.sembled were about a hundred in all. The time when the meeting took place was about midnight.

34. Hieronymus, a native of Elis, the oldest of all the captains that had served under Proxenus, was the first to speak, as follows: "It has seemed proper to us, O generals and captains, on contemplating the present state of our affairs, to meet together ourselves, and to call upon you to join us, that we may determine, if we can, on some plan for our benefit. But do you, Xenophon, first represent to the a.s.sembly what you have already observed to us." 35. Xenophon accordingly said, "We are all aware that the king and Tissaphernes have made prisoners of as many of us as they could; and it is evident that they are forming designs against the rest of us, that they may put us to death if they can. But on our parts I think that every means should be adopted in order that we may not fall into the Barbarians' hands, but rather that they, if we can accomplish it, may fall into ours. 36. Be well a.s.sured, then, that you, who have now met together in such numbers, have upon you a most important responsibility;[125] for all the soldiers look to you, and, if they see you dispirited, they will themselves lose courage, but if both you yourselves appear well prepared to meet the enemy, and exhort others to be equally prepared, be certain that they will follow you, and strive to imitate you. 37. Perhaps, too, it is right that you should show some superiority over them; for you are their generals, their officers, and their captains, and, when there was peace, you enjoyed advantages over them in fortune and honour; and now, in consequence, when war arises, you ought to prove yourselves pre-eminent over the mult.i.tude, and to take the lead in forming plans for them, and, should it ever be necessary, in toiling for them. 38. And, in the first place, I think that you will greatly benefit the army, if you take care that generals and captains be chosen as soon as possible in the room of those whom we have lost; for without commanders nothing honourable or advantageous can be achieved, I may say in one word, anywhere, but least of all in the field of battle. Good order conduces to safety, but want of order has already proved fatal to many. 39. Again, when you have appointed as many commanders as are requisite, I consider that if you were to a.s.semble and encourage the rest of the soldiers, you would act very suitably to the occasion; 40. for you perhaps observe, as well as myself, how dejectedly they have now come to the place of arms,[126] and how dejectedly they go upon guard, so that, while they are in such a condition, I know not for what service any one could employ them, whether required by night or by day. 41. But if any one could change the direction of their thoughts, so that they may not merely contemplate what they are likely to suffer, but what they may be able to do, they will become much more eager for action; 42. for you are certain that it is neither numbers nor strength which gives the victory in war, but that whichsoever side advances on the enemy with the more resolute courage, their opponents, in general, cannot withstand their onset. 43. I have also remarked, fellow-soldiers, that such as are eager in the field to preserve their lives at any rate, for the most part perish wretchedly and ignominiously, while I see that such as reflect that death is to all men common and inevitable, and seek in battle only to fall with honour, more frequently, from whatever cause, arrive at old age, and live, while they live, with greater happiness. 44. Being aware, then, of these facts, it behoves us, such are the circ.u.mstances in which we are placed, both to prove ourselves to be brave soldiers, and to exhort others to be so likewise." 45. Having spoken thus, he stopped.

After him Cheirisophus said, "Till the present moment, O Xenophon, I knew nothing of you, except having heard that you were an Athenian, but now I have to praise you both for what you say and what you do and could wish that there were very many like you; for it would be a general good.

46. And now," he added, "let us not delay, my fellow-soldiers, but proceed at once, you who want them, to choose commanders, and when you have elected them, come to the centre of the camp, and bring those that are chosen; and we will then call the rest of the soldiers together there. And let Tolmides the herald," said he, "come with us." 47. As he said this, he rose up, that the necessary measures might not be delayed, but carried at once into execution. There were accordingly chosen commanders, Timasion a Dardanian in the room of Clearchus, Xanthicles an Achaean in that of Socrates, Cleanor an Arcadian in that of Agias, Philesius an Achaean in that of Menon, and Xenophon of Athens in that of Proxenus.

[Footnote 116: ?p? ta?? as????? ???a??.] See ii. 4. 4.]

[Footnote 117: ??? t?? ?sp??a?.] _Vespertino tempore_. Kuhner]

[Footnote 118: ?p? d? t? ?p?a.] See note on ii. 2. 20.]

[Footnote 119: Te???, ??? ?de?, ??e??.] _Ut diis eis, quibus oporteret, sacra faceret._ Those G.o.ds are to be understood, to whom it was established, by law or by custom, that whoever was entering on an expedition, such as that which Xenophon meditated, should offer sacrifice. They were therefore certain or appointed G.o.ds: comp. sect. 8; and vi. i. 22. Yet the absence of the article ought not to surprise us, even when special G.o.ds are meant. _Kuhner_.--What G.o.ds they were, does not appear.]

[Footnote 120: ??' a?s?????.] They had regard for their character in the eyes of one another, fearing that they might seem faint-hearted; and regard for it in those of Cyrus, fearing that they might seem ungrateful. _Kuhner_.--??s???? is self-respect, apprehension of what others may think of us; and may be ill.u.s.trated by Hom. Il. v.

???????? d' a?de?s?e ?at? ??ate??? ?s??a??

??d????? ??d??? p????e? s??? ?? p?fa?ta??

"Have self-respect before one another in the violence of battle; of men who respect themselves, more are saved than killed." Hutchinson cites A.

Gellius, xix. 7: a?s???? ?st? f??? d??a??? ?????, i. e. _a fear of just blame_.]

[Footnote 121: ??de??.] Cyrus, says Weiske, had his mother to take his part, the Greeks had no one to take theirs.]

[Footnote 122: ?a? t??t?? ?a? ???t?? ?????.] "More vulnerable and mortal." Alluding to the superiority of the Grecian armour over that of the Persians.]

[Footnote 123: ??? ?p?st??t????.] Kruger, from v. 9. 36, and vi. 2. 11, concludes that the ?p?st??t???? was he who was appointed to discharge the duties of the st??t???? in his absence, or to take his place if he should be killed.]

[Footnote 124: See ii. 2. 20.]

[Footnote 125: ?a????.] Leunclavius makes this equivalent to "in vobis plurimum est situm." Sturz, in his Lexicon Xenoph., says, "rerum status is est, ut vos in primis debeatis rebus consulere." Toup, in his _Emend.

ad Suid._, gives _maximum momentum habetis_.]

[Footnote 126: See ii. 2. 20.]

CHAPTER II.

The new generals hold a council of war. The speeches of Cheirisophus, Cleanor, and Xenophon. The order of march is settled, and the duties of each commander appointed.

1. When the officers were chosen, and day was just dawning, they met in the centre of the camp, and it was resolved to station sentinels at the out-posts, and to call together the soldiers. When the rest of the troops came up, Cheirisophus the Lacedaemonian rose first, and spoke as follows: 2. "Our present circ.u.mstances, fellow-soldiers, are fraught with difficulty, since we are deprived of such able generals, and captains, and soldiers, and since, also, the party of Ariaeus, who were formerly our supporters, have deserted us; 3. yet it behoves us to extricate ourselves from these difficulties as brave men, and not to lose courage, but to endeavour to save ourselves, if we can, by an honourable victory; but if we cannot do so, let us at least die with honour, and never, while we live, put ourselves into the power of the enemy; for I think that, in that case, we should endure such sufferings as I wish that the G.o.ds may inflict on our adversaries."

4. After him Cleanor the Orchomenian arose and spoke thus: "You see, soldiers, the perjury and impiety of the king; and you see also the faithlessness of Tissaphernes, who, after telling us that he was a neighbour of the Greeks, and would esteem it the highest privilege to save us, and after having given us his right hand as a pledge, has himself deceived and made prisoners our generals, and has not respected even Jupiter, the protector of the rights of hospitality, but, entertaining Clearchus at his own table, has, by this very means, inveigled and destroyed our officers. 5. Ariaeus, too, whom we offered to make king, to whom we gave and from whom we received pledges, that we would not betray one another, even he, neither fearing the G.o.ds, nor respecting the memory of Cyrus, though honoured by him in the highest degree while he was alive, has now gone over to his bitterest enemies, and endeavours to distress us who were his friends. 6. But on these men may the G.o.ds take vengeance; for ourselves, it is inc.u.mbent upon us, having this conduct before our eyes, not to be deceived again by them, but, after fighting as bravely as we can, to bear with patience such fortune as the G.o.ds may appoint us."

7. Next stood up Xenophon, who had accoutred himself for war as splendidly as he could, thinking that if the G.o.ds should grant them victory, the finest equipment would be suitable to success, or that, if it were appointed for him to die, it would be well for him to adorn himself with his best armour,[127] and in that dress to meet his end. He proceeded to speak thus: 8. "Of the perjury and perfidy of the Barbarians Cleanor has just spoken, and you, I am sure, are well aware of it. If, then, we think of coming again to terms of friendship with them, we must of necessity feel much distrust on that head, when we see what our generals have suffered, who, in reliance on their faith, put themselves into their hands; but if we propose to inflict on them vengeance with our swords for what they have done, and, for the future, to be at war with them at all points, we have, with the help of the G.o.ds, many fair hopes of safety." 9. As he was uttering these words, somebody sneezed, and the soldiers, hearing it, with one impulse paid their adoration to the G.o.d;[128] and Xenophon continued, "Since, soldiers, while we were speaking of safety, an omen from Jupiter the Preserver has appeared, it seems to me that we should vow to that G.o.d to offer sacrifices for our preservation on the spot where we first reach a friendly country; and that we should vow, at the same time, to sacrifice to the other G.o.ds according to our ability. And to whomsoever this seems reasonable, let him hold up his hand." All held up their hands; and they then made their vows, and sang the paean. When the ceremonies to the G.o.ds were duly performed, he recommenced thus: 10. "I was saying that we had many fair hopes of safety. In the first place, we have observed our oaths made to the G.o.ds; but the enemy have perjured themselves, and broken the truce and their oaths. Such being the case, it is natural that the G.o.ds should be unfavourable to our enemies, and should fight on our side; the G.o.ds, who are able, whenever they will, to make the mighty soon weak, and to save the weak with ease, although they be in grievous perils. 11. In the next place, I will remind you of the dangers in which our ancestors were, that you may feel conscious how much it becomes you to be brave, and how the brave are preserved, even from the greatest troubles, by the aid of the G.o.ds. For when the Persians, and those united with them, came with a numerous host, as if to sweep Athens from the face of the earth,[129] the Athenians, by daring to oppose them, gave them a defeat; 12. and having made a vow to Diana, that whatever number they should kill of the enemy, they would sacrifice to her divinity the same number of goats, and not being able to find enough, they resolved to sacrifice five hundred every year; and to this day they still continue to sacrifice them. 13. Again, when Xerxes, having collected that innumerable army of his, came down upon Greece a second time, our ancestors on that occasion, too, defeated the ancestors of these Barbarians, both by land and sea; of which exploits the trophies are still to be seen as memorials; the greatest of all memorials, however, is the liberty of the states in which you were born and bred, for you worship no man as master, but the G.o.ds alone. Of such ancestors are you sprung.

14. "Nor am I going to say that you dishonour them. It is not yet many days since you arrayed yourselves in the field against the descendants of those Barbarians, and defeated, with the help of the G.o.ds, a force many times more numerous than yourselves. 15. On that occasion you showed yourselves brave men to procure a throne for Cyrus; and now, when the struggle is for your own lives, it becomes you to be more valiant and resolute. 16. At present, too, you may justly feel greater confidence against your adversaries; for even then, when you had made no trial of them, and saw them in countless numbers before you, you yet dared, with the spirit of your fathers, to advance upon them, and now, when you have learned from experience of them, that, though many times your number, they shrink from receiving your charge, what reason have you any longer to fear them? 17. And do not consider it any disadvantage, that the troops of Cyrus, who were formerly arrayed on our side, have now left us; for they are far more cowardly than those who were defeated by you; at least[130] they deserted us to flee to them, and those who are so ready to commence flight it is better to see posted on the side of the enemy than in our own ranks.

18. "If, again, any of you are disheartened because we have no cavalry, and the enemy have a great number, consider that ten thousand cavalry are nothing more than ten thousand men; for no one ever perished in battle of being bitten or kicked by a horse; it is the men that do whatever is done in the encounter. 19. Doubtless we, too, rest upon a surer support than cavalry have, for they are raised upon horses, and are afraid, not only of us, but also of falling, while we, taking our steps upon the ground, shall strike such as approach us with far greater force, and hit much more surely the mark at which we may aim. In one point alone, indeed, have the cavalry the advantage, that it is safer for them to flee than for us.

20. "But if, though you have courage for battle, you are disquieted at the thought that Tissaphernes will no longer guide you, and that the king will no longer supply you with provisions, consider whether it is better to have Tissaphernes for our guide, who is manifestly plotting our destruction, or such persons as we ourselves may seize and compel to be our guides, who will be conscious that if they go wrong with regard to us, they go wrong with regard to their own lives and persons. 21. And as to provisions, whether is it better for us to purchase, in the markets which they provide, small measures of food for large sums of money, (no longer, indeed, having the money,) or, if we are successful in the field, to take supplies for ourselves, adopting whatever measure each of us may wish to use?

22. "Again, if you think, that this state of things will be better, but imagine that the rivers will be impa.s.sable, and that you were greatly misled when you came across them, reflect whether the Barbarians have not acted most unwisely also in this respect.[131] For all rivers, though they may be impa.s.sable at a distance from their sources, are easy to be forded by those who go to their springs, wetting them not even to the knees. 23. But even if the rivers shall not afford us a pa.s.sage,[132] and no guide shall appear to conduct us, we still need not be in despair; for we know that the Mysians, whom we should not call more valiant than ourselves, have settled themselves, against the king's will, in many rich and large cities in the king's territory; we know that the Pisidians have acted similarly; and we have ourselves seen[133]

that the Lycaonians, having seized on the strongholds in the plains, enjoy the produce of the land of these Barbarians; 24. and I should recommend that we, for the present, should not let it be seen that we are eager to start homewards, but should apparently make arrangements as if we thought of settling somewhere in these parts; for I am sure that the king would grant the Mysians many guides, and give them many hostages to send them out of the country safely, and even make roads for them, though they should desire to depart in four-horse chariots; and for ourselves, too, I am convinced that he would with thrice as much pleasure do the same, if he saw us making dispositions to remain here.

25. But I am afraid that if we should once learn to live in idleness, to revel in abundance, and to a.s.sociate with the fair and stately wives and daughters of the Medes and Persians, we should, like the lotus-eaters,[134] think no more of the road homewards. 26. It seems to me, therefore, both reasonable and just, that we should first of all make an attempt to return to Greece, and to the members of our families, and let our countrymen see that they live in voluntary poverty, since they might see those, who are now living at home without due means of subsistence, enriched on betaking themselves. .h.i.ther. But I need say no more on this head, for it is plain, my fellow-soldiers, that all these advantages fall to the conquerors.

27. "I must also suggest to you, however, in what manner we may proceed on our way with the greatest safety, and how we may fight, if it should be necessary to fight, to the greatest possible advantage. First of all, then," he continued, "it seems to me that we ought to burn whatever carriages we have, that our cattle may not influence our movements, but that we may march whithersoever it may be convenient for the army; and then that we should burn our tents with them, for tents are troublesome to carry, and of no service either for fighting or in getting provisions. 28. I think also that we ought to rid ourselves of whatever is superfluous in the rest of our baggage, reserving only what we have for war, or for meat and drink, that as many of us as possible may be under arms, and as few as possible baggage-bearers; for you are aware that whatever belongs to the conquered becomes the property of others; and, if we are victorious, we ought to look upon the enemy as our baggage-carriers.

29. "It only remains for me to mention a particular which I consider to be of the greatest importance. You see that the enemy did not venture openly to commence war against us, until they had seized our generals, thinking that as long as we had commanders, and were obedient to them, we should be in a condition to gain the advantage over them in the field, but, on making prisoners of our generals, they expected that we should perish from want of direction and order. 30. It is inc.u.mbent, therefore, on our present commanders to be far more vigilant than our former ones, and on those under command to be far more orderly, and more obedient to their officers, at present than they were before. 31.

And if you were also to pa.s.s a resolution, that, should any one be disobedient, whoever of you chances to light upon him is to join with his officer in punishing him, the enemy would by that means be most effectually disappointed in their expectations, for, on the very day that such resolution is pa.s.sed, they will see before them ten thousand Clearchuses instead of one, who will not allow a single soldier to play the coward. 32. But it is now time for me to conclude my speech;[135]

for in an instant perhaps the enemy will be upon us. Whosoever, therefore, thinks these suggestions reasonable, let him give his sanction to them at once, that they may be carried into execution. But if any other course, in any one's opinion, be better than this,[136] let him, even though he be a private soldier, boldly give us his sentiments; for the safety, which we all seek, is a general concern."

33. Cheirisophus then said, "Should there be need of any other measure in addition to what Xenophon proposes, it will be in our power to bring it forward by and by; what he has now suggested we ought, I think, to vote at once to be the best course that we can adopt; and to whomsoever this seems proper, let him hold up his hand;" and they all held them up.

34. Xenophon then, rising again, said, "Hear, soldiers, what appears to me to be necessary in addition to what I have laid before you. It is plain that we must march to some place from which we may get provisions; and I hear that there are some good-looking villages not more than twenty stadia distant; 35. but I should not wonder if the enemy, (like cowardly dogs that run after such as pa.s.s by them, and bite them if they can, but flee from those who pursue them,) I should not wonder, I say, if the enemy were to follow close upon us when we begin to march. 36. It will, perhaps, be the safer way for us to march, therefore, forming a hollow square of the heavy-armed troops, in order that the baggage and the large number of camp-followers, may be in greater security within it; and if it be now settled who is to lead the square, and regulate the movements in front, who are to be on each flank, and who to have charge of the rear, we shall not have to consider of these things when the enemy approach, but may at once act according to what has been arranged. 37. If, then, any one else sees anything better to recommend, let it be settled otherwise; if not, let Cheirisophus lead, since he is also a Lacedaemonian;[137] let two of the oldest generals take the command on each of the flanks; and let Timasion and myself, the youngest of the officers, take charge, at least for the present, of the rear. 38.

After a time, when we have tried this arrangement, we will consider, as occasion may require, what may seem best to be done. If any one thinks of any better plan than this, let him speak." As n.o.body made any objection, he said, "Whosoever likes these proposals, let him hold up his hand." The proposals were approved. 39. "And now," he added, "it belongs to you to go and carry into execution what has been decided upon; and whosoever of you wishes to see his friends and relations, let him prove himself a man of valour, for by no other means can he succeed in attaining that object; whoever of you desires to preserve his life, let him strive to conquer, for it is the part of conquerors to kill, but of the conquered to die; and if any one of you covets spoil, let him endeavour to secure victory for us, for it is the privilege of victors at once to save their own property and to seize on that of the vanquished."

[Footnote 127: ??? ?a???st?? ?a?t?? ????sa?ta.] "Thinking himself worthy of the most beautiful (equipments)."]

[Footnote 128: ??? ?e??.] Jupiter the Preserver. _Kuhner_.]

[Footnote 129: ????? ?fa?????t??.] Weiske, Schneider, and others omit the a????. Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kuhner preserve it, as it is found in six ma.n.u.scripts, giving it, with Spohn, Lect. Theocr. i. p. 33, the sense of _back again_, as if the Persians had intended to make Athens disappear again as if it had never been. I think the word better left out. An American editor has conjectured a?t??.]

[Footnote 130: G???.] Some copies have ???. "The sense of ???? is this; _ceteris rebus praetermissis, hoc quidem certissimum est, eos fugisse_."

Kuhner.]

[Footnote 131: ?? ??a, ?. t. ?.] Kruger admonishes the reader that these words must be taken negatively: _whether--not_.]

[Footnote 132: ???s??s??.] Eight ma.n.u.scripts have d???s??s??, which Bornemann has preferred. Dindorf also gave the preference to it in his first edition, but has subsequently adopted the other reading. ??te d???s??s?? is interpreted by Bornemann, "if the rivers shall present no difference in any part of their course; if they be as broad at their sources as at their mouths."]

[Footnote 133: ??t?? e?d?e?.] The Greeks had pa.s.sed through a part of Lycaonia in their march up the country, i. 2. 19; when, however, it is not indicated that they saw much.]

[Footnote 134: The allusion is to Odyss. ix. 83, where the lotus-eaters are mentioned:

The trees around them all their food produce, Lotus the name, divine nectareous juice, (Thence called Lotophagi,) which whoso tastes, Insatiate riots in the sweet repasts, Nor other home, nor other care intends, But quits his house, his country, and his friends. _Pope._ ]

[Footnote 135: ?e?a??e??.] Sc. t?? ?????. This is the sense in which this word has been taken, I believe, by most readers; as in aesch. Pers.

699, and elsewhere. Sturz, in his Lexicon, seems to take it in the sense of _to execute, to proceed to action_.]

[Footnote 136: ?? d? t? ???? ??t??? ? ta?t?.] Understand d??e? ??e??.

_Kuhner_. "But if anything else (seems) better (to any one) than in this way."]