The First Four Books of Xenophon's Anabasis Part 6

21. The Greeks then withdrew, and, after some deliberation, gave their answer, Clearchus speaking for them: "We neither formed ourselves into a body, with the view of making war upon the king, nor, when we set out, was our march directed against him; but Cyrus, as you yourself are well aware, devised many pretences for his proceedings, that he might both take you by surprise, and lead us up hither. 22. But when we afterwards saw him in danger, we were ashamed, in the face of G.o.ds and men, to desert him, as we had before allowed him to bestow favours upon us. 23.

As Cyrus, however, is now dead, we neither dispute the sovereignty with the king, nor is there any reason why we should desire to do harm to the king's territory; nor would we wish to kill him, but would proceed homeward, if no one molest us; but we will endeavour, with the aid of the G.o.ds, to avenge ourselves on any one that may do us an injury; while, if any one does us good, we shall not be behind-hand in requiting him to the utmost of our power." Thus spoke Clearchus. 24. Tissaphernes, having heard him, said, "I will report your answer to the king, and bring back to you his reply; and till I return, let the truce remain in force; and we will provide a market for you."

25. On the following day he did not return; so that the Greeks began to be anxious; but on the third day he came, and said, that he returned after having obtained the king's permission to be allowed to save the Greeks; although many spoke against it, saying that it did not become the king to suffer men to escape who had engaged in war against him. 26.

In conclusion he said, "You may now receive from us solemn promises that we will render the country, through which you will pa.s.s, friendly to you; and will, without treachery, conduct you back to Greece, affording you opportunities of purchasing provisions; and wheresoever we do not afford you an opportunity of purchasing, we will allow you to take for yourselves necessaries from the adjacent country. 27. On the other hand, it will be inc.u.mbent upon you to swear to us, that you will march, as through a friendly territory, without doing harm, only taking a supply of meat and drink, whenever we do not give you an opportunity of purchasing, but that if we give you such opportunity, you will procure your supplies by purchase." 28. These conditions were a.s.sented to; and they took the oaths, and Tissaphernes and the brother of the king's wife gave their right-hands to the generals and captains of the Greeks, and received from the Greeks theirs in return. 29. After this, Tissaphernes said, "And now I shall go back to the king; and as soon as I have accomplished what I wish, I will come again, after making the necessary preparations, for the purpose of conducting you back to Greece, and returning myself to my province."

[Footnote 91: ????st??.] This word answers to the Latin _prandium_, a meal taken in the early part of the day. We cannot here render it "dinner."]

[Footnote 92: I have translated this pa.s.sage as I think that the drift of the narrative requires. Kruger refers sp??d??t? to Clearchus, and thinks that by ??t??? t??? ??d??s? are meant the Persian deputies. Some critics suppose that by those words the men who were to get provisions are intended. To me nothing seems consistent with the context but to refer sp??d??t? to the king, and to understand by ??t??? t??? ??d??s?

the messengers from the Greeks.]

[Footnote 93: ??? ?p?t?de???.] Scil. pa?es?a?, _pnae idoneum, pnu dignum_. Kuhner.]

[Footnote 94: ???se??a?e.] _Manum operi admovebat._ Kuhner.]

[Footnote 95: ??? ????fa???.] Literally "the brain." Dulcis medulla earum [palmarum] in cac.u.mine, quod cerebrum appellant. Plin. H. N. xiii.

4. See also Theophr. ii. 8; Galen. de Fac. simpl. Medic. iv. 15. It is generally interpreted _medulla_, "marrow" or "pith," but it is in reality a sort of bud at the top of the palm-tree, containing the last tender leaves, with flowers, and continuing in that state two years before it unfolds the flower; as appears from Boryd. St. Vincent Itiner.

t. i. p. 223, vers. Germ., who gives his information on the authority of Du Pet.i.t Thouars. The French call it _choux_; the Germans, _Kohl_, Schneider. "By modern travellers it is called the _cabbage_ of the palm; it 'is composed' (says Sir Joseph Banks) 'of the rudiments of the future leaves of the palm-tree, enveloped in the bases or footstalks of the actual leaves; which enclose them as a tight box or trunk would do.' It forms a ma.s.s of convolutions, exquisitely beautiful and delicate; and wonderful to appearance, when unfolded. It is also exceedingly delicate to the taste. Xenophon has justly remarked that the trees from whence it was taken withered." _Rennell's Ill.u.s.trations of the Exp. of Cyrus_, p.

118.]

CHAPTER IV.

The Greeks conceive distrust both of Tissaphernes and Ariaeus, and resolve to march apart from the Persians. They commence their march under the guidance of Tissaphernes, pa.s.s the wall of Media, and cross the Tigris.

1. After these occurrences, the Greeks and Ariaeus, encamping near each other, waited for Tissaphernes more than twenty days;[96] in the course of which there came to visit Ariaeus both his brothers and other relations, and certain other Persians, to see his companions, and gave them encouraging hopes; some too were the bearers of a.s.surances[97] from the king, that he would not remember to their disadvantage their expedition against him under Cyrus, or anything else that was past. 2.

On these things taking place, the followers of Ariaeus evidently began to pay the Greeks less attention; so that, on this account, they rendered most of the Greeks dissatisfied with them; and many of them, going to Clearchus and the other generals, said, 3. "Why do we remain here? are we not aware that the king would wish above all things to destroy us, in order that a dread of going to war with the Great Monarch may fall upon the rest of the Greeks? For the present, he craftily protracts our stay, because his forces are dispersed; but, when his army is re-a.s.sembled, it is not possible but that he will attack us. 4. Perhaps, too, he is digging some trench, or building some wall, that the way may be rendered impa.s.sable; for he will never consent, at least willingly, that we should go back to Greece, and relate how so small a number as we are have defeated the king at his own gates, and returned after setting him at nought."

5. To those who thus addressed him, Clearchus answered, "I have been considering all these things as well; but I think that, if we now go away, we shall be thought to go with a view to war, and to act contrary to the terms of the truce. Moreover, in the first place, there will be no one to provide us a market, or any means of procuring provisions; and, in the next place, there will be no one to guide us; besides, the moment that we do this, Ariaeus will separate himself from us so that not a friend will be left us; and, what is more, our former friends will then become our enemies. 6. Whether there is any other river for us to cross, I do not know; but as for the Euphrates, we know that it is impossible to cross that, if the enemy try to prevent us. Nor yet, if it should be necessary to fight, have we any horse to support us; while the enemy's cavalry is most numerous and efficient; so that, though we were victorious, how many of our enemies should we be able to kill? And, if we were defeated, it would not be possible for a man of us to escape. 7.

With regard to the king, therefore, who is aided by so many advantages, I know not, if he wishes to effect our destruction, why he should swear, and give his right-hand, and perjure himself before the G.o.ds, and render his pledges faithless both to Greeks and Barbarians." He said much besides to the same effect.

8. In the mean time Tissaphernes arrived, with his army, as if with the view of returning home; and Orontes came with his army. Orontes also brought[98] with him the king's daughter, whom he had received in marriage.[99] 9. From hence they now proceeded on their march, Tissaphernes being their guide, and securing them opportunities of buying provisions; Ariaeus also, with the Barbarian troops of Cyrus, marched in company with Tissaphernes and Orontes, and encamped in common with them. 10. But the Greeks, conceiving a suspicion of these men, began to march by themselves, taking guides of their own; and they always encamped at the distance of a parasang, or little less, from each other; and both parties kept on their guard against one another, as if they had been enemies, and this consequently increased their mistrustful feelings. 11. More than once, too, as they were gathering fuel, or collecting gra.s.s and other such things, in the same quarter, they came to blows with each other;[100] and this was an additional source of animosity between them.

12. After marching three days, they arrived at the wall of Media,[101]

as it is called, and pa.s.sed to the other side of it. This wall was built of burnt bricks, laid in bitumen; it was twenty feet in thickness, and a hundred in height, and the length of it was said to be twenty parasangs; and it was not far distant from Babylon. 13. Hence they proceeded, in two days' march, the distance of eight parasangs; crossing two ca.n.a.ls, the one by a permanent bridge, the other by a temporary one formed of seven boats. These ca.n.a.ls were supplied from the river Tigris; and from one to the other of them were cut ditches across the country, the first of considerable size, and the next smaller; and at last diminutive drains, such as are cut in Greece through the panic[102] fields. They then arrived at the Tigris; near which there was a large and populous city, called Sitace, distant from the banks of the river only fifteen stadia. 14. In the neighbourhood of this city the Greeks encamped, close to an extensive and beautiful park, thickly planted with all kinds of trees. The Barbarians, though they had but just crossed the Tigris, were no longer in sight.

15. After supper Proxenus and Xenophon happened to be walking in front of the place where the arms were piled, when a man approached, and inquired of the sentinels where he could see Proxenus or Clearchus. But he did not ask for Menon, though he came from Ariaeus, Menon's intimate friend. 16. Proxenus replying, "I am the person whom you seek," the man said, "Ariaeus and Artaozus, the faithful friends of Cyrus, who are interested for your welfare, have sent me to you, and exhort you to beware lest the Barbarians should fall upon you in the night; for there is a considerable body of troops in the adjoining park. 17. They also advise you to send a guard to the bridge over the Tigris, as Tissaphernes designs to break it down in the night, if he can, in order that you may not be able to cross the river, but may be hemmed in between the river and the ca.n.a.l." 18. On hearing the man's message, they conducted him to Clearchus, and told him what he had said. When Clearchus heard it he was greatly agitated and alarmed.

19. But a young man,[103] one of those who were present, after reflecting a little on the matter, observed, "that the imputed designs of making an attack, and of breaking down the bridge, were not consistent; for," said he, "if they attack us, they must certainly either conquer or be conquered; if then they are to conquer us, why should they break down the bridge? for even though there were many bridges, we have no place where we could save ourselves by flight; 20.

but if, on the other hand, we should conquer them, then, if the bridge is broken down, they will have no place of retreat; nor will any of their friends on the other side of the river, however numerous, be able to come to their a.s.sistance when the bridge is destroyed." 21. After listening to these observations, Clearchus asked the messenger what was the extent of the country that lay between the Tigris and the ca.n.a.l. He replied, "that it was of considerable extent, and that there were several villages and large towns in it." 22. It was then immediately concluded, that the Barbarians had sent this man with an underhand object, "being afraid lest the Greeks, having taken to pieces[104] the bridge, should remain in the island, where they would have, as defences, the river Tigris on the one side, and the ca.n.a.l on the other; and might procure a sufficient supply of provisions from the country which lay between, and which was extensive and fertile, with people in it to cultivate it; and which would also serve as a place of refuge to any that might be inclined to annoy the king.

23. They then prepared for rest, but did not neglect, however, to send a guard to the bridge; but neither did any one attempt to attack them on any quarter, nor did any of the enemies come near the bridge, as those who were stationed on guard there reported.

24. As soon as it was day they crossed the bridge, which was constructed of thirty-seven boats, with every precaution in their power; for some of the Greeks, who came from Tissaphernes, stated that the enemy meant to attack them as they were crossing; but this report was also false.

However, as they were going over, Glus made his appearance, with some others, watching to see if they were crossing the river; and when they saw they were, he immediately rode away.

25. From the Tigris they proceeded, in four days' march, a distance of twenty parasangs, to the river Physcus, which was a plethrum in breadth, and over which was a bridge. Here was situate a large town, called Opis; near which an illegitimate brother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, who was leading a numerous army from Susa and Ecbatana, with the intention of a.s.sisting the king, met the Greeks, and, ordering his troops to halt, took a view of the Greeks as they pa.s.sed by. 16. Clearchus marched his men two abreast, and halted occasionally on the way; and as long as the van of the army halted, so long there was necessarily a halt throughout the whole of the line; so that even to the Greeks themselves their army seemed very large, and the Persian was amazed at the sight of it.

27. Hence they proceeded through Media,[105] six days' march through a desert country, a distance of thirty parasangs, when they arrived at the villages of Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus and the king; which Tissaphernes, in mockery of Cyrus, gave permission to the Greeks to plunder of everything except the slaves. There was found in them a great quant.i.ty of corn, and sheep, and other property. 18. Hence they advanced in a march of five days more through the desert, a distance of twenty parasangs, having the Tigris on their left. At the end of the first day's march there was situate on the opposite bank of the river a large and opulent city, called Caenae, whence the Barbarians brought over, on rafts made of hide a supply of bread, cheese, and wine.

[Footnote 96: During this time Tissaphernes went to Babylon to the king, and was rewarded with the hand of his daughter, and the province of which Cyrus had been Satrap. _Diod. Sic._ xiv. 26. See sect. 8.]

[Footnote 97: ?e????.] That is, fidem regis nomine dabant. See the commentators on Cyrop. iv. 2. 7: de???? d??, ??a f???e? ?a? t??? ??????

t??ta. _Poppo._ So it is said in Latin _dextram ferre_. See Breitenbach on Xen. Agesil. iii. 4]

[Footnote 98: ??e.] From iii. 4. 13, it appears that we must refer this verb to Orontes. See note on sect. 1. Whether Tissaphernes and Orontes both married daughters of the king, is uncertain. If only one of them, Xenophon is more likely to be in the right than Diodorus Siculus.

Orontes was satrap of Armenia, iii. 5. 17. Rhodogune, a daughter of Artaxerxes, is said by Plutarch (Vit. Art. c. 27) to have been married to Oraetes, who may be the same as Xenophon's Orontes.]

[Footnote 99: ?p? ???.] These words signify literally _for_ or _upon marriage_. The true interpretation, says Kruger, is, doubtless, "in order that he might have her, or live with her, in wedlock," the marriage ceremony having been, it would seem, previously performed at Babylon.]

[Footnote 100: ?????? ???te???? ????????.] Whether this signifies that they actually inflicted blows on one another, or only threatened them, may admit of some doubt. The former notion is adopted by the Latin translators, by Sturz in his Lexicon, and by the commentators generally.]

[Footnote 101: See i. 7. 15.]

[Footnote 102: i. 2. 22.]

[Footnote 103: Zeune thinks that Xenophon may possibly mean himself; but this is mere conjecture.]

[Footnote 104: ??e???te?.] An excellent conjectural emendation of Holtzmann for the old reading d?e????te?. _Kuhner_.--The stratagem of Tissaphernes was similar to that by which Themistocles expedited the departure of Xerxes from Greece.]

[Footnote 105: i. 7. 15.]

CHAPTER V

After a three days' halt on the river Zabatus, Clearchus endeavours to put an end to the distrust between the Persians and the Greeks by an interview with Tissaphernes. He is received so plausibly that he is induced to return on the following day, accompanied by five other generals and twenty captains, in expectation of being informed of the persons who had excited, by false reports, ill feelings between the two armies. The generals are conducted into the tent and put to death; the captains and those with them are ma.s.sacred on the outside, one only escaping to tell the tale.

Ariaeus calls on the rest of the Greeks to surrender their arms, but is answered with defiance.

1. Soon after, they arrived at the river Zabatus, the breadth of which was four plethra. Here they remained three days; during which the same suspicions continued, but no open indication of treachery appeared. 2.

Clearchus therefore resolved to have a meeting with Tissaphernes, and, if it was at all possible, to put a stop to these suspicions, before open hostilities should arise from them. He accordingly sent a person to say, that he wished to have a meeting with Tissaphernes; who at once requested him to come. 3. When they met, Clearchus spoke as follows: "I am aware, O Tissaphernes, that oaths have been taken, and right-hands pledged between us, that we will do no injury to each other: nevertheless, I observe you on your guard against us, as though we were enemies; and we, perceiving this, stand on our guard against you. 4. But since, upon attentive observation, I can neither detect you in any attempt to injure us, and since, as I am certain, we have no such intentions towards you, it seemed proper for me to come to a conference with you, that we may put an end, if we can, to our distrust of one another. 5. For I have, before now, known instances of men, who, being in fear of another, some through direct accusations, and others through mere suspicion, have, in their eagerness to act before they suffered, inflicted irremediable evils upon those who neither intended nor wished anything of the kind. 6. Thinking, therefore, that such misunderstandings may be best cleared up by personal communications, I have come here, and am desirous to convince you that you have no just ground for mistrusting us. 7. In the first and princ.i.p.al place, the oaths, which we have sworn by the G.o.ds, forbid us to be enemies to each other; and I should never consider him to be envied who is conscious of having disregarded such obligations; for from the vengeance of the G.o.ds I know not with what speed any one could flee so as to escape,[106] or into what darkness he could steal away, or how he could retreat into any stronghold, since all things, in all places, are subject to the G.o.ds; and they have power over all everywhere alike. 8. Such are my sentiments respecting the G.o.ds, and the oaths which we swore by them, in whose keeping we deposited the friendship that we cemented; but among human advantages, I, for my own part, consider you to be the greatest that we at present possess; 9. for with your a.s.sistance, every road is easy, every river is pa.s.sable, and there will be no want of provisions; but without you all our way would lie through darkness, (for we know nothing of it,) every river would be difficult to pa.s.s, and every mult.i.tude of men would be terrible, but solitude most terrible of all, as it is full of extreme perplexity. 10. And even if we should be so mad as to kill you, what else would be the consequence, than that, having slain our benefactor, we should have to contend with the king as your most powerful avenger?[107] For my own part, of how many and how great expectations I should deprive myself, if I attempted to do you any injury, I will make you acquainted. 11. I was desirous that Cyrus should be my friend, as I thought him, of all the men of his time, the most able to benefit those whom he wished to favour. But I now see that you are in the possession both of the power and the territory of Cyrus, while you still retain your own province, and that the power of the king, which was opposed to Cyrus, is ready to support you, 12. Such being the case, who is so mad as not to wish to be your friend?

"But I will mention also the circ.u.mstances from which I derive hopes that you will yourself desire to be our friend. 13. I am aware that the Mysians give you much annoyance, and these, I have no doubt, I should be able, with my present force, to render subservient to you; I am aware also that the Pisidians molest you; and I hear that there are many such nations besides, which I think I could prevent from ever disturbing your tranquillity. As for the Egyptians, against whom I perceive you are most of all incensed. I do not see what auxiliary force you could use to chastise them better than that which I now have with me. 14. If, again, among the states that lie around you, you were desirous to become a friend to any one, you might prove the most powerful of friends; and if any of them gave you any annoyance, you might, by our instrumentality, deal with them[108] as a master, as we should serve you not for the sake of pay merely, but from grat.i.tude, which we should justly feel towards you if we are saved by your means. 15. When I consider all these things, it appears to me so surprising that you should distrust us, that I would most gladly hear the name[109] of him who is so persuasive a speaker as to make you believe that we are forming designs against you."

Thus spoke Clearchus. Tissaphernes replied as follows: 16. "I am delighted, O Clearchus, to hear your judicious observations; for, with these sentiments, if you were to meditate anything to my injury, you would appear to be at the same time your own enemy. But that you may be convinced that you have no just cause for distrusting either the king or me, listen to me in your turn. 17. If we wished to destroy you, do we appear to you to be deficient in numbers either of cavalry or infantry, or in warlike equipments, with the aid of which we might be able to do you injury, without danger of suffering any in return? 18. Or do we seem to you likely to be in want of suitable places to make an attack upon you? Are there not so many plains, which, as the inhabitants of them are friendly to us,[110] you traverse with exceeding toil? See you not so many mountains before you to be crossed, which we might, by pre-occupying them, render impa.s.sable to you? Or are there not so many rivers, at which we might parcel you out[111] as many at a time as we might be willing to engage? Some of these rivers, indeed, you could not cross at all, unless we secured you a pa.s.sage. 19. But even supposing that we were baffled in all these points, yet fire at least would prove its power over the produce of the soil; by burning which, we could set famine in array against you, which, though you were the bravest of the brave, you would find it difficult to withstand. 20. How then, having so many means of waging war with you, and none of them attended with danger to ourselves, should we select from amongst them all this mode, the only one that is impious in the sight of the G.o.ds, the only one that is disgraceful in the sight of men? 21. It belongs, altogether, to men who are dest.i.tute of means, deprived of every resource, and under the coercion of necessity, and at the same time devoid of principle, to seek to effect their purposes by perjury towards the G.o.ds, and breach of faith towards men. We, O Clearchus, are not so foolish or so inconsiderate; 22. or why, when we have the opportunity of effecting your destruction, have we made no such attempt? Be well a.s.sured, that the cause of this was my desire to prove myself faithful to the Greeks, and, in consequence of doing them service, to return supported by that very body of foreign troops, to whom Cyrus, when he went up, trusted only on account of the pay that he gave them. 23. As to the particulars in which you will be of service to me, some of them you have enumerated, but of the greatest of all I am myself fully conscious; for though it is permitted to the king alone to wear the turban upright on the head, yet perhaps another than he may, with your a.s.sistance, wear that upright which is on the heart."[112]

24. Tissaphernes, in speaking thus, seemed to Clearchus to speak with sincerity, and he replied, "Do not those, then, who endeavour by calumny to make us enemies, when there are such strong inducements to friendship between us, deserve the severest of punishment?" 25. "Well, then," said Tissaphernes, "if you will come to me, as well generals as captains, in a public manner, I will inform you who they are that tell me that you are forming plots against me and my army." 26. "I will bring them all,"

said Clearchus, "and, on my part, will let you know the quarter whence I hear reports respecting you." 27. After this conversation, Tissaphernes, behaving to Clearchus with much courtesy, desired him to stay with him, and made him his guest at supper.

On the following day, when Clearchus returned to the camp, he plainly showed that he considered himself to be on the most friendly footing with Tissaphernes, and stated what he had proposed; and he said that those must go to Tissaphernes, whose presence he required, and that whoever of the Greeks should be proved guilty of uttering the alleged calumnies, must be punished as traitors, and persons ill-affected to the Greeks. 28. It was Menon that he suspected of making the charges, as he knew that he had had an interview with Tissaphernes in company with Ariaeus, and was forming a party and intriguing against himself, in order that, having gained the whole army over to his own interests, he might secure the friendship of Tissaphernes. 29. Clearchus likewise wished the whole army to have their affections fixed on himself, and troublesome rivals to be removed out of his way.

Some of the soldiers urged, in opposition to his advice, that all the captains and generals should not go, and that they ought to place no confidence in Tissaphernes. 30. But Clearchus pressed his proposal with great vehemence, till he at length succeeded in getting five generals and twenty captains to go; and some of the other soldiers followed them, to the number of about two hundred, as if for the purpose of marketing.[113]

31. When they had arrived at the entrance of Tissaphernes' tent, the generals, who were Proxenus the Botian, Menon the Thessalian, Agias the Arcadian, Clearchus the Lacedaemonian, and Socrates the Achaean, were invited to enter; but the captains waited at the door. 32. Not long after, at one and the same signal, those within were seized, and those without ma.s.sacred; and immediately afterwards a body of Barbarian cavalry, riding through the plain, killed every Greek, slave or freeman, that they met.