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And you will give it an attention suitable to its importance. Your success will, however, depend on a variety of sources and contingencies; on a more perfect knowledge of the state of Europe than can be obtained at this distance; on the ultimate views of her Imperial Majesty, the temper of her cabinet, the avenues to their confidence, the dispositions of the neutral powers with whom she is connected, and the events of war. Under such circ.u.mstances, precise instructions for your conduct cannot be expected; on the contrary, the greatest room must be left for the exercise of your own penetration and a.s.siduity in gaining proper information, and for your prudence and address in improving it to the best advantage. Your zeal for the public interest will lead you to embrace every favorable incident and expedient, which may recommend these States to the friendship of her Imperial Majesty and her Ministers. Your attachment to the honor and independence of your country will restrain you from every concession unbecoming the dignity of a free people. The diplomatic order in which you are placed by your commission, will prevent embarra.s.sments, which, in so delicate a case, might arise from the punctilio of ceremony; while it ent.i.tles you to all the confidence and protection essential to the office of a public Minister.
For the further execution of your trust, you will conform, as far as possible, to the following instructions.
1. You shall communicate your powers and instructions to our Ministers Plenipotentiary, at the Court of Versailles, and for negotiating peace, and avail yourself of their advice and information; and it may be prudent through them to obtain the sense of the Court of France thereon.
2. You shall communicate the general object of your mission to the Minister of his Most Christian Majesty at the Court of Petersburg, and endeavor through his mediation to sound the disposition of her Imperial Majesty, or her Ministers, towards these United States.
3. If the result of your inquiries should point out a fair prospect of an honorable reception, you are to announce your public character, and deliver your letters of credence in the usual form.
4. You are to manifest on all proper occasions the high respect, which Congress entertain for her Imperial Majesty; for the l.u.s.tre of her character, and the liberality of her sentiments and her views; and particularly you are, in the strongest terms, to testify our approbation of the measures, which her Imperial Majesty has suggested and matured for the protection of commerce against the arbitrary violations of the British Court. You will present the act of Congress herewith transmitted, declaring our a.s.sent to her Imperial Majesty's regulations on this subject, and use every means, which can be devised to obtain the consent and influence of that Court that these United States shall be formally invited, or admitted, to accede as princ.i.p.als and as an independent nation to the said convention. In that event, you are authorised to subscribe the treaty or convention for the protection of commerce in behalf of these United States, either with her Imperial Majesty conjunctly with the other neutral powers, or if that shall be inadmissible, separately with her Imperial Majesty, or any one of those powers.
5. You are to impress her Imperial Majesty and her Ministers with a sense of the justice of our cause, the nature and stability of our union, and the solemn engagements by which not only the States but his Most Christian Majesty, are reciprocally bound to maintain the sovereignty, rights and jurisdiction of each of the thirteen States inviolably; and the utter impracticability of our acceding to any treaty of peace with Great Britain, on the principles of a _uti possidetis_, or on any other terms than such as shall imply an express or tacit acknowledgment of the sovereignty of each and every part, and which shall be consistent with the letter and spirit of our treaty of alliance and friendship and commerce with his Most Christian Majesty.
You shall represent, in pointed terms, the barbarous manner in which, contrary to the laws of all civilized nations, the war has been conducted by the enemy, the difficulties, which we have surmounted, and the certain prospect, under the divine blessing, of expelling our enemies, and establishing our independence on such basis as will render us useful to the whole commercial world, and happy in ourselves. You shall a.s.sure her Imperial Majesty of our ambition to number so wise and magnanimous a Princess among our friends, and to a.s.sign her a distinguished place among those ill.u.s.trious personages of ancient and modern times, who have delighted in promoting the happiness of mankind, and in disarming tyranny of the power of doing mischief.
6. You shall a.s.sure her Imperial Majesty and her Ministers of the sincere disposition of these United States to enter into a treaty of friendship and commerce with her on terms of the most perfect equality, reciprocity and mutual advantage, and similar to those expressed in our treaty with his Most Christian Majesty; and you are authorised to communicate with her Imperial Majesty's Ministers on the form and terms of such treaty, and transmit the same to Congress for their ratification.
7. You shall communicate punctually with our respective Ministers in Europe, and avail yourself of their advice and information, and of the success of their respective negotiations to raise our importance and support our interest at the Court of Petersburg.
8. You shall endeavor to acquire a perfect knowledge of the manners and etiquette of the Court at which you reside, and particularly in the diplomatic line; and of the manufactures and commerce of that empire; and point out in your correspondence how far and on what conditions the two nations can be mutually beneficial to or improve each other in commerce or policy, arts or agriculture.
Lastly. And, in general, you shall pursue all such measures as shall appear to you conducive to the interests of the United States, to the faithful discharge of your important trust, and which circ.u.mstances may point out to be salutary and beneficial.
I am, &c.
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_.
FOOTNOTES:
[15] _In Congress, December 15th, 1780._--"Whereas a good understanding and friendly intercourse between the subjects of her imperial Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, and these United States, may be for the mutual advantage of both nations;
"Resolved, That a Minister be appointed to reside at the Court of the Empress of Russia.
"Ordered, that Monday next be a.s.signed for electing such Minister.
"Ordered, that a committee of three be appointed to prepare a commission and draft of instructions for the said Minister.
"_December 19th, 1780._--Congress proceeded to the election of a Minister to reside at the Court of the Empress of Russia; and the ballots being taken, the honorable Francis Dana was elected."
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, February 16th, 1781.
Gentlemen,
I do myself the honor to acquaint you, that I returned to this city the 28th of December, where it is probable I shall continue till the public business may require me to join Mr Adams, who still remains at Amsterdam. It was judged by both of us, that no possible detriment could happen to our public concerns by this separation. On the other hand, Mr Adams was pleased to say it might be attended with some benefit.
Shortly after I came to town, your despatches by Captain Bell were forwarded to me. Though they were addressed to Mr Adams, agreeably to his standing directions, I broke them open, and sent on to him such of them only as I knew he had not received before, and were necessary for the regulation of his present business. The additional instructions of the 18th of October, founded on his letters of the 23d and 24th of March last, and all the duplicates, I have still by me, not thinking it advisable to hazard them by the post. I have made Mr Adams fully acquainted with this.
You will permit me to say, that it is by no means prudent to commit to the care of the posts, papers of the nature of some of your last despatches.
Mr Adams has not been able to obtain the amount of the bills actually drawn on Mr Laurens. The resolution of Congress of the 23d of November, 1779, expresses a certain sum; so does that of the 6th of October last. But Mr Searle says, it is not the design of Congress to draw to the amount of both resolutions; that they had stayed their hands upon the first, after having drawn for about a quarter part of the sum named in it, for particular reasons, which he mentions. It would have been a relief under present circ.u.mstances, to have had this made certain. I am persuaded it would be acceptable to every one concerned in such business, to be acquainted as early as possible with the amount of bills drawn upon him from time to time, so that they might not fall in unexpectedly.
Congress, it appears from their printed journals, have taken into consideration the Declaration of the Empress of all the Russias, relative to the commercial rights of neutral nations, and have thereupon pa.s.sed several resolutions, and ordered that copies of them should be transmitted to their Ministers, yet no such copies have yet been received. Although there does not appear at present any pressing occasion for them, nevertheless it is possible, though I cannot say I think probable, that one may offer, in which case there would be a total deficiency of the necessary powers. Mr Adams, in his last letter of the 8th instant, has desired me to consult with Dr Franklin upon this business, which I shall soon do. Lest Mr Adams should not have an opportunity to write from Holland, I would just say, that the princ.i.p.al matter then remained _in statu quo_.
I am this moment acquainted by Mr Temple Franklin, that a vessel has arrived at Nantes, which left the Capes of Delaware on the 7th of January, and that the Doctor has received copies of the resolutions of Congress relative to the above Declaration of the Empress of Russia.
I am, Gentlemen, with much respect, your most obedient and most humble servant,
FRANCIS DANA.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, March 24th, 1781.
Sir,
I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that Mr Laurens arrived at Pa.s.sy the 15th instant, and in the evening of the same day, sent me your despatches intrusted to his care, as well as those which came by the Duke of Leinster, both for Mr Adams and myself. In a day or two after, I forwarded Mr Adams's to him by a private opportunity, it being very unsafe to send anything by the post, which it is of importance to keep secret. As I did not open them, I am wholly ignorant whether they contain anything relative to our first commissions, or in what light to consider myself respecting them, provided I should not proceed to the Court of St Petersburg. My actually going there is a condition precedent, and in virtue of which alone, I am ent.i.tled to anything under the resolution of Congress of the 20th of December last.[16]
I have communicated my instructions and commission, and everything respecting it, to Dr Franklin, and have asked his opinion whether it was expedient to make a communication of the general object of my commission to the administration here. He said he thought it was, and that it might be advisable likewise to take the opinion of the Count de Vergennes, whether it would not be proper to make this communication also to the Court of St Petersburg, and obtain their approbation of the measure, before I should set off for that country; that a similar course was taken in the case of Mr Arthur Lee for Madrid, and of Mr William Lee for Vienna. My own opinion exactly coincides with the first part of his advice, but not with the latter part. I think that would rather create than clear away obstacles; it would lay the Court of St Petersburg under a necessity of considering the general object of my commission, and if after this they should approve of the journey, it might involve them in consequences they are not prepared to meet; for Britain would consider such an act as absolutely decisive of the part the Court of St Petersburg meant finally to take, and this consideration, however well they might stand affected towards us, in my opinion would prevent their approving of the proposition, if it did not draw after it an absolute prohibition.
There is no difficulty in going in the character of a private citizen of the United States, and when one has once entered, the ground is changed. Admission and rejection are essentially different. Besides, one would be at hand to open the way gradually, as favorable occurrences might arise.
I have been at Pa.s.sy this day to consult the Doctor again on this point, and to lay my objections before him, but he was not at home. I shall do it the first opportunity. If we should finally differ on any point after having consulted Mr Adams, agreeably to my instructions, if they concur in opinion, I shall make no difficulty in conforming exactly to their better judgments, otherwise I must exercise my own upon the choice of opinions. But if the result should be, that I am not to proceed, how, and in what character am I to consider myself? Is my former commission superseded, and what am I to depend upon? The resolution of Congress of the 20th of December last, mentions a certain sum for which I have a letter of credit, conditionally, upon their Minister at this Court, as a salary for one year. Is it the intention of Congress, that that sum is to be my whole support, in the character of their Minister, empowered to do the same things at the Court of St Petersburg, that their Ministers at other Courts, which have not yet acknowledged the independence of the United States, are empowered to do? Or is it their intention, that my former commission should continue in force, and that I should receive the salary of both, which would make my whole support but nominally equal to that, which Congress allows to their other Ministers.
Further, there is no mention made of a secretary or clerk, appointed to a.s.sist me, or any provision for either. Is it the intention of Congress to confine me to the sum mentioned in their resolution of the 20th of December last, and even leave me to provide out of it for a clerk or private secretary, (for one will be indispensable,) and for all other expenses? Congress will not surely take it amiss if I ask for information on these points. The absolute necessity I am under of knowing on what I have to depend, I trust will be my sufficient apology. I cannot but lament, that the expediency of advising on these points, did not occur to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. I have as yet received no information upon this subject, but what comes to me in the acts of Congress, and in your Excellency's letter accompanying them.
Convinced as I am of the propriety of such an appointment, it is my present determination, throwing aside all pecuniary considerations, to accept of this honorable trust. I wish my abilities were equal to the importance of it. I can engage for nothing more, than sincere and uniform endeavors to promote the great end of it. Through you, Sir, I beg leave to communicate my most respectful acknowledgments to Congress for this distinguished instance of their confidence in me.
I am, with the greatest respect, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
_P. S._ I will under my present uncertainties, keep a regular account of all my expenses under this commission, and shall cheerfully submit to the justice of Congress, the propriety of the charges I shall make, and how much ought to be allowed under the denomination of salary, expenses, &c. I shall hope, however, that Congress will reduce these things to a certainty as soon as is convenient. If I find it impracticable to conform to their views, the step I ought to take is very clear and plain.[17]
F. D.
FOOTNOTES:
[16] _In Congress, December 20th, 1780._ "Resolved, That the President furnish the Minister appointed to the Court of Petersburg with letters of credit on the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at the Court of Versailles, for fifteen hundred pounds sterling, as his salary for one year; provided the said Minister shall proceed to the Court of Petersburg."
[17] See resolutions of Congress, on the subject of Mr Dana's salary and expenses, in the Secret Journal. Vol. II. p. 457.