The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume VIII Part 27

I am, Sir, with the greatest respect, &c.

FRANCIS DANA.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, August 24th, 1780.

Sir,

I did myself the honor on the 10th instant to write to your Excellency, by Captain John Paul Jones, who then expected to sail soon, in the Ariel, for Philadelphia, a.s.signing as the reason the absence of Mr Adams, who was gone to visit the Low Countries. I then forwarded to your Excellency two packets, one containing his letters to you, and two private letters from a gentleman in London to him; the other containing letters to and from the Minister, and I also sent all the newspapers we then had on hand, directing the whole to the care of Captain Jones.

Mr Adams has not returned. I had a letter from him of the 17th instant, in which he makes no mention of his being about to return, so that it is probable he will stay there sometime longer. If anything occurs here worthy the notice of Congress, during his absence, I shall not fail to do myself the honor of communicating it to your Excellency. The packets sent with this contain Mr Adams's letters to your Excellency from No. 91 to 100, and letters to and from the Minister, from No. 1 to 7 exclusive, and also the newspapers, which have come to hand since making the first packet. We have not received any advice of the arrival of M. de Ternay, or any intelligence of the operations of the Spaniards on the Continent, since the reduction of Mobile, or of the combined armaments in the West Indies.

I am, with the greatest respect, &c.

FRANCIS DANA.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, September 20th, 1780.

Sir,

Having been disappointed in my expectations of forwarding to your Excellency the packets mentioned in the above letter from France, I have brought them on to this place, and shall commit them to the care of Captain Joseph Cook, of Providence, who is now ready to sail, and waits only for a wind.

I beg leave to acquaint your Excellency, that Mr Searle, a member of Congress, arrived at Paris on the evening of the 10th instant, and immediately sent me the despatches of Congress committed to his care.

I perused them, and waited on him in the morning, and had a conversation of several hours with him, as well upon the subject matter of those despatches, as upon the concerns of our country.[13]

I thought it my duty immediately to prepare to set off for Amsterdam with the despatches, and did so the next day at noon, and without quitting my carriage arrived at Brussels the day after, and at Amsterdam on the 16th, where I had the happiness of finding Mr Adams in good health.

From that moment to this, he has been industriously engaged to endeavor to effectuate the purposes of Congress. What success we may meet with here is uncertain; but I hope I may give it as my clear opinion to Congress, that their views would be very much facilitated if Mr Laurens, or any other person whom they may think proper to employ in this business, should be at the same time furnished with the powers of a Minister Plenipotentiary to the States-General. Some persons here, notwithstanding all that can be said, seem to be apprehensive that the United States have granted exclusive privileges in commerce to France. This idea is industriously propagated throughout Europe, by the emissaries of our enemies, and especially in this country. A disposition in Congress, therefore, to form an alliance with the States-General upon principles of perfect reciprocity of interest, although they should not at this instant be prepared to enter into it, would unquestionably have a powerful influence in effectuating the main intention of Congress, and further, would give a consideration and independence to our councils throughout Europe, which they will never acquire while they remain in their present circ.u.mscribed state. We might, perhaps, look still further with the hopes of much benefit to our country. There can be no occasion of being more particular on this subject. Indeed, I should not have troubled Congress at all from this place, with any letter of mine, had not Mr Adams requested me to give my sentiments to Congress upon the princ.i.p.al object of this letter. I have done so freely, and I presume the candor of Congress will excuse me in it.

I am, with the greatest respect, &c.

FRANCIS DANA.

FOOTNOTES:

[13] Among these despatches, Mr Dana received a commission, empowering him to obtain a loan in Holland, in case Mr Adams should for any reason be prevented from attending to this object. As Mr Adams was then in Holland, Mr Dana did not act under this commission. See John Adams's Correspondence, Vol. V. p. 327.

_Commission to Francis Dana, referred to in the preceding Letter._

Whereas by our commission to the honorable Henry Laurens, bearing date the 30th day of October, 1779, we have const.i.tuted and appointed him the said Henry Laurens, during our pleasure, our agent for and on behalf of the United States, to negotiate a loan with any person or persons, bodies politic or corporate; and whereas the said Henry Laurens having, by unavoidable accidents, been hitherto prevented from proceeding on his said agency, we have, by our commission bearing equal date herewith, const.i.tuted and appointed the honorable John Adams, until the said Henry Laurens, or some other person appointed in his stead, shall arrive in Europe, and undertake the execution of his aforesaid commission, our agent to negotiate a loan as aforesaid;[14]

And whereas it may so happen, that the said John Adams, by reason of some disability arising from the state of the business of his present appointment, or otherwise, may be prevented from undertaking the execution of the said commission, or having undertaken it, from proceeding therein; we, therefore, reposing especial trust and confidence in your patriotism, ability, conduct, and fidelity, do by these presents const.i.tute and appoint you, the said Francis Dana, in the event of the disability of the said John Adams, as aforesaid, until the said Henry Laurens, or some other person appointed in his stead, shall arrive in Europe, and undertake the execution of the aforesaid commission, our agent for and on behalf of the said United States, to negotiate a loan with any person or persons, bodies politic or corporate, promising in good faith to ratify and confirm whatsoever shall by you be done in the premises, or relating thereto.

Witness his Excellency, Samuel Huntington, President of the Congress of the United States of America, at Philadelphia, the 20th day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1780, and in the fourth year of our independence.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_.

FOOTNOTES:

[14] See Mr Adams's commission in John Adams's Correspondence, Vol. V.

p. 329.

TO JONATHAN JACKSON.

Amsterdam, November 11th, 1780.

Sir,

You must before this time have heard of the capture of the late President Laurens, on his voyage hither; that the enemy affect to consider him a state prisoner, and have, accordingly, confined him to the Tower, _in arcta et salva custodia_. Their treatment of him has marked the barbarity of the nation from the throne to the footstool.

Does this look like peace? They recovered a part of his papers, such as the plan of a treaty adjusted by Mr William Lee, with the Regency of this city in 1778, a letter from M. de Neufville upon the subject, one from our friend, the Commodore, one from Mr Stockton, and one from an amiable character of this country, whom I personally know, Baron Van der Cappellen. These were hurried over to Sir Joseph Yorke, and by him delivered to the Prince, who, it is said, in much wrath, laid them before the States of Holland, who transmitted copies of them to the Regency, accompanied with certain resolutions.

The Regency have openly avowed the act. This has brought on the most extraordinary memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke to the States-General, which, perhaps, any foreign Minister ever made to an independent State; calling for their open disavowal of the conduct of the Regency; censuring them as a mad cabal, ever ready to sacrifice the public interests to private views, aiding the natural enemy (France) of both countries in destroying their mutual happiness; and it demands of the States-General also, an exemplary punishment of the Pensionary, Van Berckel, by name, and of all his _accomplices_, as disturbers of the public peace, and violaters of the laws of nations, that is, of the other members of the city Regency, for he acted officially in what he did, and by their order.

In default of this, the memorial says, the King will take such measures, as the maintenance of his dignity and the interests of his people require. The Regency have hereupon published the whole matter in the nature of an appeal to the people, which you will, doubtless, soon have among you. What further measures they have taken to vindicate themselves, and their country's rights and interests, are not yet made public. The States-General will meet the 22d instant. It is not probable they will, or can comply, with the several requisitions of this memorial. You may ask me, as in another case, what can Great Britain promise herself from all this? Whether or not she expected to be able to effect a compliance with her demands, which does not seem probable, by the weight of her influence in this Republic; or whether this memorial was to serve as a balance to that of the States-General, respecting the outrageous violation of her territorial rights by Admiral Rodney, at St Martin's; or whether she foresaw that the States-General will accede to the armed neutrality, and is, therefore, determined to go to war with them upon other pretences, so as to avoid for a time, at least, warring against the whole confederacy; whether any of these things were the motive of this singular conduct, is to me uncertain. If she seriously intends to put her threat against this country into execution, I should conjecture the last is the prevailing motive. For already Holland and three other of the States have declared for an unconditional accession to the neutral confederacy; two more have declared for an accession, but allege that their territories in both the Indies should be guarantied.

This, however, I understand, is not absolutely made a condition, and that their Deputies are at liberty to accede without such guarantee, if they think fit. The seventh is the Province of Zealand, where the influence of the Prince is without control, from thence, therefore, nothing short of an open opposition to the neutral system is expected.

Whether the other six States are prepared and determined to accede without Zealand, a short time will show.

The navy of these States is too feeble at present for an immediate war with England, which they seem to apprehend must take place upon their joining the neutral confederation. They have, I believe, but about twentysix vessels, instead of the fiftytwo voted, ready for sea. It has been apprehended, their naval preparations have been designedly kept back, in order to keep up the fears of the States about a war with Britain. There is no question but the Prince is fixed against it, and whatever ideas some of our countrymen may have entertained of the liberties of this people, they are as effectually enslaved by their magistracy, as are any people in the old world by the mighty kings, who hold almost all the rest of it in bondage. Nay, the influence of the Prince seems to pervade almost every department of their government, and the whole machine is much obstructed, when set in motion in a direction repugnant to his inclinations and views.

May heaven preserve us from kings, princes, and stadtholders. The people are the best guardians of their own liberties and interests.

I am, &c.

FRANCIS DANA.

INSTRUCTIONS TO FRANCIS DANA, AS MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO THE COURT OF ST PETERSBURG.[15]

In Congress, December 19th, 1780.

Sir,

The great object of your negotiation is to engage her Imperial Majesty to favor and support the sovereignty and independence of these United States, and to lay a foundation for a good understanding and friendly intercourse between the subjects of her Imperial Majesty and the citizens of these United States, to the mutual advantage of both nations.

You will readily perceive, that it must be a leading and capital point, if these United States shall be formally admitted as a party to the convention of the neutral maritime powers for maintaining the freedom of commerce. This regulation, in which the Empress is deeply interested, and from which she has derived so much glory, will open the way for your favorable reception, which we have the greater reason to expect, as she has publicly invited the belligerent powers to accede thereto.