The Deaf Part 1

The Deaf.

by Harry Best.

FOREWORD

The aim of the present study is to ascertain as far as possible the standing of the deaf, or, as they are so often called, the "deaf and dumb," in society in America, and to examine the treatment that has been accorded to them--to present an account of an element of the population of whom little is generally known. In this effort regard is had not only to the interests of the deaf themselves, but also, with the growing concern in social problems, to the fixing of a status for them in the domain of the social sciences. In other words, the design may be said to be to set forth respecting the deaf something of what the social economist terms a "survey," or, as it may more popularly be described, to tell "the story of 'the deaf and dumb.'"

The material employed in the preparation of the work has been collected from various doc.u.ments, and from not a little personal correspondence: from the reports and other publications of schools for the deaf, of organizations interested in the deaf, of state charities, education or other departments, of the United States bureaus of education and of the census; from the proceedings of bodies interested in the education of the deaf, of organizations composed of the deaf, of state and national conferences of charities and corrections; from the statutes of the several states; and from similar publications. From the _American Annals of the Deaf_ the writer has drawn unsparingly, and to it a very considerable debt is owed. Valuable a.s.sistance has also been obtained from the _Volta Review_, formerly the _a.s.sociation Review_, and from papers published by the deaf or in schools for the deaf. Other sources of information used will be noted from time to time in the work itself.

For all that has been set down the writer is alone responsible. He is, however, keenly mindful of all the co-operation that has been given him, and it would be most pleasant if it were possible to relate by name those who have been of aid. Mere words of thanks could but very little express the sense of obligation that is felt towards all of these.

Indeed, one of the most delightful features connected with the work has been the response which as a rule has been elicited by the writer's inquiries; and in some cases so courteous and gracious have been the correspondents and informants that one might at times think that a favor were being done them in the making of the request. To certain ones the writer cannot escape mentioning his appreciation: to Dr. E. A. Fay, editor of the _American Annals of the Deaf_, and vice-president of Gallaudet College; Dr. J. R. Dobyns, of the Mississippi School, and secretary of the Convention of American Instructors of the Deaf; Mr.

Fred Deland, of the Volta Bureau; Mr. E. A. Hodgson, editor of the _Deaf-Mutes' Journal_; Mr. E. H. Currier, of the New York Inst.i.tution, and Dr. T. F. Fox and Mr. Ignatius Bjorlee, also of this inst.i.tution; Dr. Joseph A. Hill, of the Census Bureau; Mr. Alexander Johnson, formerly secretary of the National Conference of Charities and Corrections; Dr. H. H. Hart, of the Russell Sage Foundation; Professor S. M. Lindsay and Dr. E. S. Whitin, of Columbia University; and to the officials of the Library of Congress, of the New York Public Library, of the New York State Library, of the New York School of Philanthropy Library, of the New York Academy of Medicine, of the Columbia University Library, of the Volta Bureau, and of the Gallaudet College Library.

INTRODUCTION

Society as a whole knows little of the deaf, or the so-called deaf and dumb. They do not form a large part of the population, and many people seldom come in contact with them. Their affliction to a great extent removes them from the usual avenues of intercourse with men and debars them from many of the social activities of life, all tending to make the deaf more or less a cla.s.s apart in the community. They would seem, then, to have received separate treatment, as a section not wholly absorbed and lost in the general population, but in a measure standing out and differentiated from the rest of their kind. Thus it comes that society has to take notice of them. By reason of their condition certain duties are called forth respecting them, and certain provision has to be made for them.

The object of the present study of the deaf is to consider primarily the att.i.tude of society or the state in America towards them, the duties it has recognized in respect to them, the status it has created for them, and the extent and forms, as well as the adequacy and correctness, of this treatment. Hence in our study of the problems of the deaf, the approach is not to be by the way of medicine, or of law, or of education, though all these aspects will be necessarily touched upon.

Nor is our study to deal with this cla.s.s as a problem of psychology or of mental or physical abnormality, though more or less consideration will have to be given to these points. Nor yet again are we to concern ourselves princ.i.p.ally with what is known as the "human interest"

question, though we should be much disappointed if there were not found an abundance of human interest in what we shall have to consider.

Rather, then, we are to regard the deaf as certain components of the state who demand cla.s.sification and attention in its machinery of organization. Our att.i.tude is thus that of the social economist, and the object of our treatment is a part or section of the community in its relation to the greater and more solidified body of society.

More particularly, our purpose is twofold. We first consider the deaf, who they are, and their place in society, and then examine the one great form of treatment which the state gives, namely, the making of provision for their education. This we have attempted to do in two parts, Part I treating of the position of the deaf in society, and Part II of the provisions made for their education. As we shall find, the special care of the state for the deaf to-day has a.s.sumed practically this one form.

Means of education are extended to all the state's deaf children, and with this its attention for the most part ceases. It has come to be seen that after they have received an education, they deserve or require little further aid or concern. But it has not always been the policy of the state to allow to the deaf the realization that they form in its citizenship an element able to look out for themselves, and demanding little of its special oversight. They have a story full of interest to tell, for the way of the deaf to the attainment of this position has been long and tortuous, being first looked upon as wards, and then by slow gradations coming to the full rights and responsibilities of citizenship. In this final stage, where the state provides education for the deaf only as it provides it for all others, and attempts little beyond, the deaf find themselves on a level with citizens in general in the state's regard.

In Part I, after we have ascertained who are meant by the "deaf," and how many of them there are, we are to find ourselves confronted by a question which is of the foremost concern to society; namely, whether the deaf are to be considered a permanent part of the population, or whether society may have means at hand to eliminate or prevent deafness.

After this, our discussion will revolve about the deaf from different points of view, regarding them in the several aspects in which they appear to society. We shall examine the treatment which the state in general accords the deaf, how they are looked upon in the law, and what changes have been brought about in its att.i.tude towards them. This may be said to be the view of the publicist or legalist. Next, we shall attempt to see how far the deaf are really a cla.s.s apart in the life of the community. This will involve an examination, on the one hand, as to whether their infirmity is a bar to their independent self-support, that is, whether they are potentially economic factors in the world of industry, how far their status is due to what they themselves have done, and to what extent this result has modified the regard and treatment of society; and, on the other, how far their want of hearing stands in the way of their mingling in the social life of the community in which they live, whether the effect of this will tend to force the deaf to a.s.sociate more with themselves than with the rest of the people, and what forms their a.s.sociations take. These will be the views respectively of the economist and the sociologist. Then we shall consider the regard in which the deaf are popularly held, the view of "the man in the street," and whether this regard is the proper and just one. Lastly, we shall note what movements have been undertaken in the interests of the deaf by private organizations, and to what extent these have been carried.

In Part II we shall consider the provision that has been made for the instruction of deaf children. First we shall review the attempts at instruction in the Old World, and then carefully follow the development of instruction in America, considering the early efforts in this direction, the founding of the first schools, and the spread of the work over the land; and noting how it was first taken up by private initiative, in time to be seconded or taken over by the state, and how far the state has seen and performed its duty in this respect. Public inst.i.tutions have been created in nearly all the states, and we shall examine the organizations of these inst.i.tutions and the general arrangements in the different states. The development of the work also includes a system of day schools, a certain number of private schools and a national college, all of which we shall consider, devoting especial attention to the day schools and their significance. Following this, we shall consider how each state individually has been found to provide for the instruction of the deaf, observing also the extent to which the states have made provision in their const.i.tutions, and the extent to which the schools are regarded as purely educational. Next, we shall proceed to inquire into the terms of admission of pupils into the schools; and we shall particularly concern ourselves with the investigation of the question of how far the means provided for education by the state are actually availed of by the deaf. The great technical problems involved in the education of the deaf will be outside the province of this work, but we shall indicate, so far as public action may be concerned, the present methods of instruction. This done, we shall mark what is the cost to the state of all this activity for the education of its deaf children, noting also how far the state has been a.s.sisted in the work by private benevolence. In the final chapter of our study we shall set down the conclusions which we have found in respect to the work for the deaf on the whole in the United States.

PART I

POSITION OF THE DEAF IN SOCIETY

CHAPTER I

THE DEAF IN THE UNITED STATES

MEANING OF TERM "DEAF" IN THE PRESENT STUDY

By the "deaf" in the present study is meant that element of the population in which the sense of hearing is either wholly absent or is so slight as to be of no practical value; or in which there is inability to hear and understand spoken language; or in which there exists no real sound perception. In other words, those persons are meant who may be regarded as either totally deaf or practically totally deaf.[1] With such deafness there is not infrequently a.s.sociated an inability to speak, or to use vocal language. Hence our attention may be said to be directed to that part of the community which, by the want of the sense of hearing and oftentimes also of the power of speech, forms a special and distinct cla.s.s; and is known, more or less inaccurately, as the "deaf and dumb" or "deaf-mutes" or "mutes."

In our discussion it is with deafness that we are primarily concerned.

_Deafness_ and _dumbness_ are, physically, two essentially different things. There is no anatomical connection between the organs of hearing and those of speech; and the structure and functioning of each are such as to preclude any direct pathological relation. The number of the so-called deaf and dumb, moreover, who are really dumb is very small--so small actually as to be negligible. Almost all who are spoken of as deaf and dumb have organs of speech that are quite intact, and are, indeed, constructively perfect. It comes about, however, that dumbness--considered as the want of normal and usual locution--though organically separate from deafness, is a natural consequence of it; and does, as a matter of fact, in most cases to a greater or less extent, accompany or co-exist with it. The reason of this is that the deaf, particularly those who have always been so, being unable to hear, do not know how to use their organs of speech, and especially are unable to modulate their speech by the ear, as the hearing do. If the deaf could regain their hearing, they would have back their speech in short order. The character of the human voice depends thus on the ear to an unrealized degree.

NUMBER OF THE DEAF IN THE UNITED STATES

According to the census of 1900 there were 37,426 persons in the United States enumerated as totally deaf;[2] and according to that of 1910 there were 43,812 enumerated as "deaf and dumb."[3] Hence we may a.s.sume that there are between forty and fifty thousand deaf persons in the United States forming a special cla.s.s.[4]

The following table will give the number of the deaf in the several states and the number per million of population, according to the census of 1910.[5]

NUMBER OF THE DEAF IN THE SEVERAL STATES

NO. PER NO. PER MILLION OF MILLION OF NO. POPULATION NO. POPULATION

United States 43,812 476 Montana 117 311 Alabama 807 377 Nebraska 636 531 Arizona 53 259 Nevada 23 281 Arkansas 729 464 New Hampshire 191 443 California 784 329 New Jersey 667 263 Colorado 243 304 New Mexico 177 540 Connecticut 332 297 New York 4,760 522 Delaware 59 291 North Carolina 1,421 644 District of Columbia 114 344 North Dakota 239 414 Florida 216 286 Ohio 2,582 539 Georgia 956 366 Oklahoma 826 491 Idaho 114 349 Oregon 241 359 Illinois 2,641 468 Pennsylvania 3,656 477 Indiana 1,672 619 Rhode Island 208 383 Iowa 950 427 South Carolina 735 485 Kansas 934 552 South Dakota 315 539 Kentucky 1,581 690 Tennessee 1,231 563 Louisiana 774 468 Texas 1,864 478 Maine 340 458 Utah 232 621 Maryland 746 576 Vermont 126 354 Ma.s.sachusetts 1,092 324 Virginia 1,120 543 Michigan 1,315 468 Washington 368 323 Minnesota 1,077 519 West Virginia 713 584 Mississippi 737 410 Wisconsin 1,251 537 Missouri 1,823 553 Wyoming 24 159

From this table the largest proportions of the deaf appear to be found in the states rather toward the central part of the country, and the smallest in the states in the far west and the extreme east. The highest proportions occur in Kentucky, North Carolina, Utah, Indiana, West Virginia, Maryland, Tennessee, Missouri, Kansas, Virginia, New Mexico, Ohio, South Dakota, Wisconsin, Nebraska, New York, and Minnesota, all these states having over 500 per million of population. The lowest proportions are found in Wyoming, Arizona, New Jersey, Nevada, Florida, Delaware, Connecticut, Colorado, Montana, Washington, Ma.s.sachusetts, California, District of Columbia, Idaho, Vermont, Oregon, Alabama, and Rhode Island, in none of these states the number being over 400 per million. Why there should be these differences in the respective proportions of the deaf in the population of the several states, we cannot say; and we are generally unable to determine to what the variations are to be ascribed--whether they are to be set down to particular conditions of morbidity, the intensity of congenital deafness, or other influences operating in different sections; or, perhaps in some measure, to the greater thoroughness with which the census was taken in some places than in others.

AGE WHEN DEAFNESS OCCURRED

The vast majority of the deaf lost their hearing in early life, and most of them in the tender years of infancy and childhood. More than ninety per cent (90.6, according to the returns of the census) became deaf before the twentieth year; nearly three-fourths (73.7 per cent) under five; over half (52.4 per cent) under two; and over a third (35.5 per cent) were born deaf. Deafness thus occurs in a strongly diminishing ratio with advancing years.[6] These facts may be indicated by the following table,[7] which shows the percentages of those who became deaf at different ages.

THE DEAF ACCORDING TO AGE OF OCCURRENCE OF DEAFNESS

At birth 35.5 After birth and under two 16.9

Under two years 52.4 2 and under 4 17.1 4 and under 6 7.3 6 and under 8 4.5 8 and under 10 2.8 10 and under 12 1.8 12 and under 14 1.6 14 and under 16 1.3 16 and under 18 1.0 18 and under 20 0.8

Under five 73.7 5 and under 10 10.5 10 and under 15 4.0 15 and under 20 2.4

Under 20 90.6 20 and under 40 5.7 40 and under 60 2.4 60 and under 80 1.1 80 and over 0.2

ABILITY OF THE DEAF TO SPEAK

We have just seen that "dumbness" frequently follows upon deafness, or that it is usually believed to be an effect of deafness. It is true that with the majority of the deaf phonetic speech is not employed to any large extent; but there is at the same time a fair number who can, and do, use vocal language. This speech varies to a wide degree, in some approximating normal speech, and in others being harsh and understood with difficulty; and it depends in the main upon three conditions: 1.

the age at which deafness occurred, this being the most important factor; 2. the extent to which the voice is cultivated; and 3. the remaining power of the ear (which is found but seldom).[8]

Of the deaf persons enumerated in the census,[9] 21.5 per cent were reported able to speak well; 15.8 per cent imperfectly; and 62.7 per cent not at all. In other words, somewhat over a third of the deaf can speak more or less, one-fifth being able to speak well, and one-sixth imperfectly, while over three-fifths do not speak at all. The dependence of the ability to speak upon the age of becoming deaf is clearly in evidence here, the proportion of those not able to speak showing a great decrease with the rise of this age. Thus, of those born deaf, 83.5 per cent cannot speak at all; of those becoming deaf after birth and under five, 74.6 per cent; of those becoming deaf after five and under twenty, 26.5 per cent; and of those becoming deaf after twenty, 3.4 per cent.

Some of the deaf are able to read the lips of the speaker, or as it is better expressed, to read speech, or to understand what is being said by watching the motions of the mouth. This in reality is a distinct art from the ability to speak, though popularly they are often thought to be co-ordinate or complementary one to the other. Like the ability to speak, it varies in wide degree, from the ability to understand simple and easy expressions only, to the ability to follow protracted discourse; and like the ability to speak, it is found in increasing frequency with the rise of the age of becoming deaf. According to the census,[10] 38.6 per cent of the deaf are able to read the lips. Of those born deaf, 28.0 per cent have this ability; of those becoming deaf after birth and under five, 37.1 per cent; of those becoming deaf after five and under twenty, 64.3 per cent; and of those becoming deaf after twenty, 43.6 per cent.[11]

MEANS OF COMMUNICATION EMPLOYED BY THE DEAF