Secret History of the Court of England Volume I Part 21

(Signed) "RICHARD CROFT."

"November 10th, 1817."

COPY OF A LETTER FROM QUEEN CHARLOTTE TO DR. CROFT.

"We are sensible how much it were to be desired that the obligations provided for could have been traced without the necessity of our writing. But we are yet more sensible how much it is our duty to promote the happiness of our most dear and most beloved son, who so justly deserves the efforts which we make for him. Whatever price will cost our tender love, we shall at least have the comfort, in the melancholy circ.u.mstance of this juncture, which our kingdom most justly laments with us, to give to our subjects a successor more worthy of the possession of our crown, either partly or wholly, than the detested daughter of our dearest brother, who, by her conduct, has brought disgrace upon our royal house, and whom now we will, for us, and our descendants, without difference of the substance of blood and quality, that she shall at all events be estranged from us and our line for ever.

To this end, we believe the method concerted by our faithful friends at Trieste is the most effectual to ensure it, not by divorce; be it by whatever means which may seem effectual to our friends, to whom we grant full power in every thing, as if we ourselves were present, to obtain the conclusion we so much desire; and whosoever shall accomplish the same shall be placed in the immediate degree with any peer of our kingdom, with fifty thousand pounds, which we guarantee to our worthy friend, Sir Richard Croft, on whom we can rely in every thing,--his services being considered unavoidable on this occasion. And for the better security of all, we promise the bearer hereof, being in every part furnished with sufficient power to write, sign, and secure, by letter or any other obligation, in our name, and which is to be delivered to Sir Richard Croft before his departure from London,--reminding him of his own engagements to the secrecy of this also,--whereunto we put our name, this 12th day of November, 1817.

"Let him be faithful unto death.

(Signed) "C. R."

Who can peruse these letters, and the particulars with which they are accompanied, without being shocked at the dark and horrible crime proved to have been committed, as well as those deep-laid plans of persecution against an innocent woman, which they unblushingly state to have had their origin in the basest of motives,--to gratify the vindictive feelings of her heartless and abandoned husband! It must appear surprising to honourable minds that these atrocities did not find some one acquainted with them of sufficient virtue and nerve to drag their abettors to justice. But, alas! those who possessed the greatest facilities for this purpose were too fond of place, pension, or profit, to discharge such a duty. Queen Caroline, at this period, resolved to ask for a public investigation of the causes and attendant circ.u.mstances of the death of her daughter, and expressed her determination to do so in the presence of several n.o.blemen. Her majesty considered these and other important letters to be amply sufficient to prove that the Princess Charlotte's death was premeditated, and procured unfairly. Her majesty also knew that, in 1817, a most respectable resident of Claremont publicly declared that the regent had said, "_NO HEIR OF THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE SHALL EVER SIT UPON THE THRONE OF ENGLAND!_" The queen was likewise _personally_ a.s.sured of the truths contained in the letter signed "C. R." dated 12th of November; for the infamous Baron Ompteda, in conjunction with another similar character, had been watching all her movements for a length of time, and they were actually waiting her arrival at Trieste, at the time before named, while every one knew they had a coadjutor in England, in the person of Souza Count Funshall!!!

Her majesty was also well acquainted with the scheme of the king or his ministers, that the former or the latter, or both conjointly, had caused a work to be published in Paris, the object of which was "to set aside the succession of the Princess Charlotte and her heirs, (under the plea of the illegality of her father's marriage) and to supply the defect by the DUKE OF YORK!" Lord Moira offered very handsome terms to an author, of some celebrity, to write "Comments in favour of this book;" but he declined, and wrote explanatory of the crimes of the queen and her family. This work, however, was bought up by the English court for seven thousand pounds! In this book of comments was given a fair and impartial statement of the MURDER OF SELLIS, and, upon its appearance, a _certain duke_ thought it "wisest and best" to go out of this country! _Why_ the duke resolved to seek safety in flight is best known to himself and those in his immediate confidence; but to uninterested and impartial observers, such a step was not calculated to exonerate the duke's character. This took place at a very early period after the murder had been committed in the palace of St. James, and all the witnesses were then ready again to depose upon the subject, as well as those persons who had not been permitted to give their evidence at the inquest.

Another examination of the body of Sellis might have been demanded, though doubtless in a more public manner than before, as it was not supposed to be past exhumation! The people reasoned sensibly, when they said, "The duke certainly knows something of this awful affair, or else he would cause the strictest inquiry, rather than suffer such a stain upon his royal name and character, which are materially injured in public opinion by the royal duke's refusal to do so, and his sudden determination to go abroad." The duke, however, _did_ go abroad, and did not return until inquiry had, apparently, ceased.

Such were the remarks of Caroline, Queen of England, upon these serious subjects, of which she felt herself competent to say more than any other subject in the realm. The secret conduct of the government was not unknown to her majesty, and her sufferings, she was well aware, had their origin in STATE TRICK; while fawning courtiers, to keep their places, had sacrificed _truth_, _justice_, and _honour_. "Then," said the queen, "can I wonder at any plan or plans they may invent to accomplish the wish of my husband? No; I am aware of many, very many, foul attempts to insult, degrade, and destroy me! I cannot forget the emba.s.sy of Lord Stewart, the base conduct of that most unprincipled man, Colonel Brown, and other unworthy characters, who, to obtain the favour of the reigning prince, my husband, condescended to say and do any and every thing prejudicial to my character, and injurious to my dignity, as the legitimate princess of the British nation; and for what purpose is this extraordinary conduct pursued? Only to gratify revengeful inclinations, and prevent my full exposures of those odious crimes, by which the honour of the family is and will ever be attainted! But,"

added her majesty, "the untimely, unaccountable death of my Charlotte is, indeed, heavy upon my heart! I remember, as if it were only yesterday, her infant smile when first I pressed her to my bosom; and I must always feel unutterable anguish, when I reflect upon the hardships she was obliged to endure at our cruel separation! Was it not more than human nature was able to endure, first to be insulted and deceived by a husband, then to be deprived of an only and lovely child, whose fondness equalled her royal father's cruelty? Well may I say, my Charlotte's death ought to be explained, and the bloodthirsty aiders in the scheme punished as they really merit. Who are these proud, yet base, tyrants,--who, after destroying the child, still continue their plans to destroy her mother also? Are they not the sycophants of a voluptuous monarch, whose despotic influence has for a long period destroyed the liberties and subverted the rights of the people, over whom he has exercised such uncontrouled and unconst.i.tutional power? And what is the MORAL character of these state hirelings, (continued the queen) who neither act with judgment, or speak with ability, but who go to court to bow, and cringe, and fawn? Alas! is it not disgraceful in the extreme?--are they not found debasing themselves in the most infamous and unnatural manner? From youth, have not even some of the late queen's sons been immoral and profane? Was not one of them invited to dinner, by a gentleman of the first rank, during his stay in the West Indies, and did he not so conduct himself before one of the gentleman's daughters, that his royal highness was under the necessity of making a precipitate retreat? Yet this outrage upon decency was only noticed by one fearless historian! And amongst the courtiers, where is morality to be found? Yet these individuals are the judges, as well as the jury, and are even empowered to a.s.sault, insult, and reproach the consort of the first magistrate, their sovereign the king! But he is in their power; guilt has deprived my lord and husband of all ability to set the perfidious parasites at defiance! If this were not the case, would his proud heart have allowed him to be insulted by my Lord Bloomfield, or Sir W.

Knighton? No; the answer must be obvious. Yet such was actually the fact, as all the _private_ friends of his majesty can testify. My honour is indeed insulted, and yet I am denied redress. I suspected what my fate would be when so much equivocation was resorted to during my journey to this country. I was not treated as any English subject, however poor and defenceless, ought to expect; far otherwise, indeed. I waited some months to see Mr. Brougham, and was disappointed from time to time, until I determined to return to England in despite of all obstacles. I reached St. Omers on the 1st of June; Mr. Brougham did not arrive until the evening of the 3rd; he was accompanied by his brother and Lord Hutchinson; and I judged from their conversation, that my only safety was to be found in the English capital. Propositions were made me, of the most infamous description; and, afterwards, Lord Hutchinson and Mr. Brougham said, 'they understood the outline of those propositions originated with myself.' How those gentlemen could indulge such an opinion for one moment, I leave the world to judge. If it had been my intention to receive fifty thousand pounds per annum to remain abroad, UNQUEENED, I should have reserved my several establishments and suite. I was requested to delay my journey until despatches could be received; but my impatience to set my foot once more on British ground prevented my acquiescence. I had been in England a very short time, when I was most credibly informed the cause for soliciting that delay; namely, that this government had required the French authorities to station the military in Calais, at the command of the English consul, for the express purpose of seizing my person, previous to my embarkation! What would not have been my fate, if I once had been in the grasp of the Holy Alliance!! This fact will satisfy the English people, that the most wicked plans were organized for my destruction. The inhabitants of Carlton House were all petrified upon my arrival, having been a.s.sured that I never should again see England, and that my legal adviser had supported the plan of my remaining abroad, and had expressed his opinion that I should accept the offer. It is also a solemn fact that, at that period, a PROCESS OF DIVORCE, in the Consistory Court in Hanover, was rapidly advancing, under the direction of Count Munster; and, as the king is there an arbitrary sovereign, the regal will would not have found any obstacle. When the day of retribution shall arrive, may G.o.d have mercy upon Lords Liverpool, Castlereagh, and their vile a.s.sociates,--even as they wished to have compa.s.sion upon their insulted and basely-treated queen! Had I followed my first opinion after these unhandsome transactions, I should have changed my counsel; but I did not know where to apply for others, as I too soon found I was intended to be sacrificed, either privately or publicly. Devotion in public characters is seldom found to be unequivocally sincere in times of great trouble and disappointment! What is a defenceless woman, though a queen, opposed to a despotic and powerful king? Alas! but subject to the rude ebullition of pampered greatness, and a mark at which the finger of scorn may point. Well may I say--

"Would I had never trod the English earth, Or felt the flatteries that grow upon it!

Ye have angels' faces; but heaven knows your hearts.

What will become of me now, wretched lady?

I am the most unhappy woman living.

No friend, no hope, no kindred, weep for me; _Almost no grave allowed me_! Like the lily, That once was mistress of the field, and flourished, I'll hang my head, and perish!"

A very few weeks after making these remarks, her majesty, in correspondence with a friend, wrote as follows:

"I grow weary of my existence. I am annoyed upon every occasion. I am actually kept without means to discharge my honourable engagements. Lord Liverpool returns the most sarcastic replies (if such they may be called) to my notes of interrogation upon these unhandsome and unfair delays, as if I were an object of inferior grade to himself. I think I have sufficient perception to convince me what the point is to which the ministers are now lending their ready aid, which is nothing less than to FORCE ME TO RETURN ABROAD! This they never shall accomplish, so long as my life is at all safe; and in vain does Mr. WILDE press upon my notice the propriety of such a step."

Illuminations and other rejoicings were manifested by the people at the queen's acquittal; but the state of her majesty's affairs, as explained in the above extract, were such as to preclude her receiving that pleasure which her majesty had otherwise experienced at such testimonies of the affectionate loyalty of the British people.

We must now proceed to the year

1821,

in which pains and penalties supplied the place of kindness, and the sword upheld the law! while men who opposed every liberal opinion hovered around the throne of this mighty empire. In the hardness of their hearts, they justified inhumanity, and delighted to hear the clank of the chains of slavery. They flattered but to deceive, and hid from their master the miseries of his subjects! This was base grovelling submission to the royal will, and not _REAL LOYALTY_; for loyalty does not consist in a slavish obedience to the will of a tyrannical chief magistrate, but in a firm and faithful adherence to the law and const.i.tution of the community of which we are members. The disingenuity of Lord Liverpool and his coadjutors, however, who were impelled by high church and high tory principles, wished to limit this comprehensive principle, which takes in the whole of the const.i.tution, and therefore tends to the conservation of it all in its full integrity, to the _person_ of the king, because they knew he would favour their own purposes as well as the extension of power and prerogative,--the largesses of which they hoped to share in reward for their sycophantic zeal, and their mean, selfish, perfidious adulation. With such views, the king's ministers represented every spirited effort in favour of the people's rights as originating in _disloyalty_. The best friends to the English const.i.tution, in its purity, were held up to the detestation of his majesty, as being disaffected to his person. Every stratagem was used to delude the unthinking part of the people into a belief that their only way of displaying loyalty was to display a most servile obsequiousness to the caprices of the reigning prince, and to oppose every popular measure. The ministers themselves approached him in the most unmanly language of submission, worthier to have been received by the Great Mogul or the Chinese emperor than the chief magistrate of a professedly free people. In short, George the Fourth only wished to be feared, not loved. The servile ministry fed this pa.s.sion, though they would have done the same for a Stuart, had one been in power. It was not the man they worshipped, but the _power_ he possessed to add to their _own dignity and wealth_! Let us not here be misunderstood. We are willing to award honour to the person of a man invested with kingly power, provided his deeds are in accordance with his duty, though not otherwise. A good king should be regarded with true and sincere affection; but we ought not to pay any man, reigning over a free country, so ill a compliment as to treat him like a despot, ruling over a land of slaves. We must, therefore, reprobate that false, selfish, adulatory loyalty, which, seeking nothing but its own base ends, and feeling no real attachment either to the person or the office of the king, contributes nevertheless, by its example, to diffuse a servile, abject temper, highly injurious to the spirit of freedom.

Though "the bill" was now ingloriously abandoned by Lord Liverpool, the queen received but little benefit. Her majesty was even refused means to discharge debts unavoidably contracted for the bare support of her table and her household. As a proof of the economical style of her living, we witnessed one evening a party of friends sitting down to supper with her majesty, when a chicken at the top and another at the bottom of the table were the _only dishes_ set before the company. What a contrast this would have presented to the loaded tables, groaning under the luxurious display of provisions for gluttony, in the king's several residences, where variety succeeded variety, and where even the veriest menial lived more sumptuously than his master's consort!

On the 5th of May, the Emperor Napoleon Buonaparte expired at St.

Helena, having endured captivity, under the most unfavourable circ.u.mstances, and with a const.i.tutional disease, more than six years and a half. As we shall have occasion, in our second volume, to speak of this ill.u.s.trious man and his cruel treatment by our government, it would be unnecessary to say more in this place than merely give an outline of his extraordinary career. Napoleon was born at Ajaccio, the capital of Corsica, August 15, 1769; and was, consequently, fifty-two years of age, wanting three months, when he died. He was the eldest son of a lawyer, of Italian descent, and his family had pretensions to ancestry of high birth and station in Italy. He was educated in the _royal_ military school; and first attracted notice when, as an officer of engineers, he a.s.sisted in the bombardment of Toulon in 1793; next signalized himself by repressing an infuriated mob of Parisians in 1795, which caused his promotion to the command of the army of Italy; was made first consul in 1799; elected emperor in 1804; "exchanged" the sceptre of France and Italy for that of Elba (so it was expressed in the treaty of Fontainbleau) on the 11th of April, 1814; landed at Cannes, in Provence, on the 1st of March, 1815; entered Paris triumphantly, at the head of the French army, a few days afterwards; fought the last fatal battle of Waterloo on the 18th of June in the same year; abdicated in favour of his son; threw himself upon the generosity of the English, through promises made to him by Lord Castlereagh; was landed at St. Helena on the 18th of October, 1815; and died as before stated, a victim to the arbitrary treatment of our government, which we shall presently prove.

Leopold now (in July) called upon her majesty, for the first time since her return to this country. His serene highness was announced and ushered into the presence of the mother of his late consort. The queen appeared exceedingly agitated, though her majesty did not urge one word of complaint or inquiry at the delay of the prince's visit. Previous to the departure of Leopold, the queen appeared much embarra.s.sed and affected, and, addressing the prince, said, "Do you not think that the death of my Charlotte was too sudden to be naturally accounted for? and do you think it not very likely that she died unfairly?" The prince replied, "I also have my fears; but I do not possess any PROOF of it."

He then said, "My suspicions were further excited by the _EXCESSIVE JOY_ the royal family shewed at her death; for the Regent and the Duke of York got DRUNK upon the occasion." These, we pledge ourselves, were his highness' OWN WORDS, _verbatim et literatim_.

About this time, when the coronation was expected to take place in a few days, her majesty, in writing to one of her firmest friends, said,

"I do not foresee any happy result likely to ensue from my attempting to get into the Abbey; for my own part, I do not think it a prudent step.

My enemies hold the reins of power, and _most_ of my professed friends appear rather shy; so I fear the advice I have received upon the subject. Alderman Wood intends to go in his civic capacity, which, to me, is very unaccountable indeed; for certainly, if I ever required the a.s.sistance and presence of my _real_ friends, it is most probable I shall need both at such a period. I can unbosom myself to you, for _I know you to be my real friend_; believe me, I do not a.s.sure myself that I have another in the whole world! To _you alone_ can I speak freely upon the death of my child and her infant, and I dare tell _you_, I yet hope to see the guilty murderers brought to condign punishment. I say, with Shakespeare,

"'Blood will have blood!

Stones have been known to move, and trees to speak, To bring forth the secret man of blood.'

"Such is my earnest hope; may it yet prove true in the case of my lovely departed daughter. While her remains are dwelling in the gloomy vault of death, her father and his a.s.sociates are revelling in the most abominable debauchery, endeavouring to wash that,--THE FOUL STAIN, THE ETERNAL STAIN,--from their remembrance. Still I live in expectation that the dark deed will be avenged, and the perpetrators meet with their just reward.

"The deep-rolling tide of my enemies' success against me will find a mighty barrier, when all shall be explained, in the simple and unaffected language of truth. Weak and presumptuous as my Lord Liverpool is, I did not believe he would dare to promise one thing, and act the reverse before the world. I did think he was too anxious to retain A NAME for honour, if he merited it not; but I am deceived, and very probably not for the last time. You will sympathize with me; I labour under the pressure of many heavy misfortunes, and also under the provocation of great and acc.u.mulated injustice. Yes, and though so unfortunate, I am scarcely at liberty to lament my cruel destiny. These things frequently hang heavy, very heavy, upon my heart; and I sometimes reflect, with inexpressible astonishment, upon the nerve with which I still bear up under the trying burden. For more than fourteen years I have been a victim to perjury and conspiracy; my enemies were in ambush in the shade, but they aimed at me poisoned arrows; they watched, most eagerly watched, for the moment in which they might destroy me, without its being known who drew the bow, or who shot the shaft. You, my friend, know that I delight in disseminating happiness. My bliss is to diffuse bliss around me; I do not wish misery to be known within the circle of my influence. I covet not the glory arising from the carnage of battle, which fills the grave with untimely dead, or covers the earth with mutilated forms. I wish you distinctly to understand me upon these several subjects. I have not any personal feelings against the king, in my own case. I do a.s.suredly pity his majesty, that he should allow himself to be a tool in the hands of a wicked ministry; but my cause for sorrow is, that he should leave this world without exposing the base schemes formed against the SUCCESSION and LIFE of his royal daughter. If his majesty will make rest.i.tution upon this point, my anxieties would be in some degree relieved, although nothing on this side the grave will ever make any atonement for the loss of such an amiable and well-formed mind. Well indeed may his majesty be afraid to be left alone; well may he discharge all persons from naming the departed child he ought to have protected; at this I do not wonder, for guilt produces terror and dismay.

"I cannot conclude this without adverting again to the pecuniary difficulties I have to endure. For nearly eight years, I have given up fifteen thousand pounds per annum out of the annuity allowed me by parliament. This amounts now to above one hundred thousand pounds; yet, notwithstanding this, I am refused means to live in a respectable style, to say nothing of regal state. All the royal family have had their debts paid, and the Duke of Clarence received his _arrears_. The chancellor of the Exchequer promised I should receive an outfit, if the prosecution against me failed. It did fail; but I have received no outfit at all,--not even the value of one shilling,--so that, of necessity, I am involved in debt to the amount of thirty thousand pounds. How differently was the late Queen Charlotte situated; and, since her demise, more than twenty thousand pounds per annum have been paid in pensions to her numerous and already wealthy household! while I am incapable to acknowledge my real sentiments to those who have been generous to me, even at the expense of being unjust to themselves, unless I do it from borrowed resources.

"You will not feel surprised at these remarks. Alas! I wish it were not in my power to make more serious ones; but I will await, with firmness, the coronation.

"Believe me ever, "Your faithful and grateful friend, "C. R."

Nearly at the same time, the following letter was forwarded to the same friend of the queen, by a professional gentleman, who had for some time been employed to arrange some of her majesty's affairs:

"You may indeed rest a.s.sured that no consideration shall induce me to give up 'The Doc.u.ments' I hold, relative to the queen and her lost, though lamented, daughter, unless you require me to return them to her majesty, or to entrust them into your own care. For, as I obtained them from no other motive than to serve the queen, so I will certainly retain them and use them in this n.o.ble cause, without regard to any personal consideration, or convenience, until that object be fully accomplished; and feeling (as you do) the very great importance of such proofs, I will defy all the power of the enemy to dispute the matter with me. Yet, at the same time, I am very candid to acknowledge, that it is my confident opinion every effort will be used to suppress all testimony which may have a tendency to bring THE FAMILY into disgrace. With whom to trust this business, I am at a loss to determine, as it would no doubt be considered rather a ticklish affair. I have thought of Dr. Lushington; but, as you are better acquainted with this learned gentleman's sentiments and opinions upon her majesty's case than I am, I beg to submit the suggestion for your serious deliberation. No time ought to be lost; every thing that CAN be done OUGHT to be done, without delay. The queen is placed in the most serious situation. You ought not to forget, for one moment, that her enemy is her sovereign; and such is the utter absence of principle manifested to this ill.u.s.trious lady since her left-handed marriage with the son of George the Third, that every person must fear for her safety, unless their hearts are hard as adamant, and themselves actors in the villanous tragedy.

"I give my opinion thus boldly, because I know your fidelity to the queen to be unshaken, even amidst all the rude and unmanly clamours raised against her friends by the agents of her tyrannical husband. This is, and ought to be, your satisfactory reflection,--that you have been faithful to this innocent and persecuted queen, from _principle alone_.

'Honourable minds will yield honourable meed,' and to such you are justly ent.i.tled. To-morrow evening, I intend to give you further intelligence, as I am now going out for the purpose of meeting an especial enemy of her majesty, by whose rancour I may judge the course intended.

"I have the honour to be,"

&c. &c. &c. ******.

Continuation from the same to the same, two days after the foregoing.

"I am sorry to say my fears were not groundless, as I learn, from the first authority, that the king has changed his opinion, and the queen will not be allowed to enter the Abbey. The seat provided is otherwise disposed of. If her majesty's attorney and solicitor generals would _now_, without any loss of time, press 'The Doc.u.ments' upon the notice of the ministers, either by pet.i.tion or remonstrance, I think the ceremony would be postponed, and justice be finally administered to the queen. But if they delay this, they may a.s.sure themselves the cause of their royal mistress will be lost for ever. Her majesty's proofs are too astounding to be pa.s.sed over in silence; they would forcibly arouse the guilty, and SUCH FACTS at SUCH A TIME ought to be instantly published. I should not express myself with such ardour upon these solemn points, if I had not made myself most minutely acquainted with every bearing of the subject; and I give you my decisive _legal opinion_, that 'The Doc.u.ments' in question contain a simple statement of facts, which no judge, however instructed, and no jury, however selected, or packed, could refute. If, however, fear should get the better of duty, I do not doubt sooner or later the country will have cause to repent the apathy of those individuals who were most competent to do, or cause justice to be done to this shamefully injured queen.

"I have not entered upon these opinions from interested views, and I am well convinced your motives do not savour of such baseness; but as disinterestedness is a scarce virtue, and so little cultivated in this boasted land of liberty, I warn you to avoid the ensnaring inquiries of those by whom you may most probably be a.s.sailed.

"I also must remind you that, at the present moment, her majesty is watched in all directions. Major Williams is employed by the government to be a spy upon all occasions, and drove his carriage with four grey horses to Epsom last races, and remained upon the ground until the queen drove away. At this time, he occupied an elegantly furnished house in Sackville-street. P. Macqueen, M. P., a protege of Lord Liverpool's, was doubtless the person who arranged the business with the premier. If this be considered dubious information, I will forward you PROOFS which will set the matter at rest.

"I scarcely need tell you that the case of her majesty is one unprecedented in history, and unheard of in the world. The king and his ministers have resolved upon her destruction, and if the royal sufferer be not destroyed by the first plans of attempt, I indeed fear she will fall a victim to similar plans, which, I doubt not, are in a forward stage of preparation against her; and how can the queen escape from the grasp of such powerful and dishonourable a.s.sailants? All their former arrangements and stratagems, to which they subscribed, failed, decidedly failed; but the malignity which instigated those plans will, without any question, furnish materials for new charges, and supply the needful reserve to complete the destruction of a lady, whose talents are envied, whose knowledge of affairs in general is deemed too great, and whose information upon FAMILY SECRETS render her an enemy to be feared.

"I see in this mysterious persecution against the queen, the intended annihilation of the rights and privileges of the nation at large; and I, therefore, protest against the innovation. I argue, that which was unconst.i.tutional and unprincipled in William the Third is equally dangerous and unconst.i.tutional in George the Fourth! If such unprecedented injustice be allowed in the case of her majesty, where must we look for an impartial administration of justice? and how may we reasonably expect that violence will not be offered, if other means fail, to accomplish the intended mischief? In case of indisposition, what may not occur! May not the life of her majesty be in the greatest jeopardy, and may not a few hours terminate her mortal existence? These are questions of vital importance; they do not only materially affect the queen, but, through the same medium, they most seriously relate to every individual of the community; and, if the const.i.tution is not to be entirely destroyed, the queen must be honourably saved from the overpowering grasp of her relentless oppressors. Her majesty reminds me of the words of Seneca: 'She is struggling with the storms of Adversity, and rising superior to the frowns of Persecution; this is a spectacle that even the G.o.ds themselves may look down upon with envy.'

"I verily believe that bold and energetic measures might set this question at rest for ever, but time lost is lost for ever; and, in my opinion, retribution can only slumber for a short period. I beg and entreat you not to be subdued or deterred by the arrogance of inconsistent power. The nation is insulted, the independence of the country is insulted; its morality and patience have been outraged!