Santo Domingo: A Country with a Future Part 3

Under fear of foreign complications Haiti had remained quiet for several years, but in 1855, when England and France were engaged in the Crimean war, the emperor Soulouque made a last determined effort to subjugate Santo Domingo. One army advanced by way of the south, another through the central valley; both captured the border towns and drove the Dominican outposts before them; and both were defeated on the same day, December 22, 1855, the southern army at Cambronal, near Neiba, by a Dominican force under General Sosa, and the other on the savanna of Santome, by a force under General Jose Maria Cabral. Not to be deterred, Soulouque rallied his men within Haitian territory, shot a few of his generals, and, believing all the Dominican forces collected in the south, marched north to invade the Cibao. Here he was met by another band of Dominicans at Sabana Larga and again defeated, retreating precipitately to his dominions. It was the last Haitian invasion, but Haiti did not formally recognize the independence of the Dominican Republic until 1874.

The harsh measures of Santana had provoked general dissatisfaction and the friends of Baez seized the opportunity to conspire in his favor.

Santana realized that the days of his government were numbered, and resigned the presidency as he had done in 1849, retiring to his farm near Seibo. Manuel de Regla Mota, the vice-president, thereupon on March 26, 1856, became president. Baez soon after arrived in the country and was elected vice-president; thereupon Regla Mota resigned as president and Baez thus slid into the presidency in a perfectly legal manner.

The second administration of Baez opened with a revolution against him in the Neiba district, which was promptly put down. Baez then had Santana arrested and exiled, feeling uncomfortable while his former chief remained in the country. But he was not destined to have peace.

An ill-considered issue of more paper money, when the rate of exchange with gold was already fifty to one, created indignation in the tobacco region of the Cibao and on July 7, 1857, Santiago declared itself in revolution. The movement rapidly spread, a provisional government was set up in the Cibao, the forces of Baez were repulsed, and soon the president held only Santo Domingo City and Samana. The revolutionists called a const.i.tutional convention which met at Moca and in February, 1858, promulgated another const.i.tution, designating Santiago as the capital. An election was held in the midst of the war and General Jose Desiderio Valverde was declared elected president. For months there were thus two governments in the country. The revolutionists began the siege of Santo Domingo City towards the end of July, 1857, and later Santana arrived and took charge of military operations. There were frequent artillery duels, the fourteenth anniversary of Dominican independence, February 27, 1858, being celebrated by a cannonade along the Ozama River lasting all day. Fortunately the most distinctive feature of the combats was the noise, but the Baez family suffered, two of the president's brothers being killed in the war. Baez held out for eleven months, but after the fall of Samana and when Santo Domingo was reduced to starvation he at length yielded to the entreaties of the foreign consuls and capitulated on June 12, 1858. As soon as he had embarked for Curacao, General Santana marched into the city with the victorious army.

It was not compatible with Santana's character to be subordinate to anyone else, and by the end of July he had with the government at Santiago and set up a government of his own "in order that the lovers of liberty be not disquieted, in order that peace prevail, and in order that the nation be saved," as he said in his proclamation. The Santiago government attempted to resist but was overcome and its members banished. Santana declared the const.i.tution of December, 1854, in force again and called an election at which he was, of course, chosen president, taking the oath of office on January 31, 1859. He thereupon crushed a revolution in Azua, executing the leaders. As the large amount of paper in circulation caused difficulties, he coolly repudiated the greater part, upon which a number of European countries temporarily broke off diplomatic relations because of the injury done their citizens and forced him to retire the paper by issuing in lieu thereof certificates acceptable for customs dues. This trouble removed, he devoted himself to securing the annexation of Santo Domingo to Spain.

From the earliest days of the Dominican Republic the most prominent men had believed that the happiness of the country depended upon securing the protection of a strong power, capable of preserving order, and the years of warfare confirmed them in their opinion. The hope of remaining in power was also an incentive to the party which happened to be in control. Spain and France were preferred, for reasons of ident.i.ty or similarity of language, customs and religion.

Many also favored the United States, but while the republican form of government and the probability of commercial advantages were attractions, the existence of slavery and of prejudice against the colored race inspired misgivings. As early as 1843, even before the declaration of independence, an attempt was made to secure a French protectorate, and during the first war with Haiti, Santana continued the negotiations. In 1846 an attempt was made to obtain a Spanish protectorate. In 1849 President Baez in his message to Congress referred to the advisability of "hastening a solution of the matter by obtaining the intervention and protection of a strong nation which would offer the most advantageous terms, for on this depends public prosperity."

On October 18, 1849, the Dominican minister of foreign affairs in a note to the French consul, stated that "the present situation of the country and the barbarous wars with the Haitians, obliged him to beg, in the name of his government, that the government of France give a definite solution to the important matter of the protectorate; and if the decision of France should unfortunately be in the negative, that it at least be not deferred too long to prevent him from addressing himself to the special representative of the United States, who had just arrived." The United States was mentioned as a bogey, for when France declined, the Dominican government stated that it could not consider the negative as final and appealed to the French sentiments of humanity. In 1854 another strong attempt was made to secure a Spanish protectorate. Neither France nor Spain was anxious to annex a hornet's nest, and Spain was fearful that any uprising against her authority would find an echo in Cuba and Porto Rico. In 1855 negotiations were opened with General William L. Cazneau, special agent of President Pierce, for the lease of the Samana peninsula to the United States, and in the following year Captain (later Major-General) George B. McClellan, of the United States Army, made an examination of Samana Bay. Nothing came of this matter owing to opposition by foreign powers and the fall of the Santana government.

Most annexation negotiations were secret, as the opponents of the party that happened to be in power never failed to stigmatize them as treasonable.

The fear of American influence was one of the reasons given by the Haitian emperor Soulouque for his invasion of 1855, and for an invitation issued by him in 1858 to the Dominican people, calling upon them to return to the Haitian flag. It had its influence on the Spanish government also, which began to look more kindly upon annexation propositions and agreed to furnish arms, ammunition and military instructors to Santo Domingo. In 1860 Santana addressed himself directly to the Queen of Spain, and proposed a closer union.

Bases for annexation were drawn up, founded "on the free and spontaneous wish of the Dominican people." Santana was careful to win over the local military chiefs to his ideas. His opponents vainly combatted the proposition from Curacao and from Haiti, which was now a republic again.

On March 18, 1861, the people of the capital a.s.sembled on the main plaza pursuant to a call issued on the day before, General Santana and the members of his government appeared on the gallery of the palace of justice, a doc.u.ment was read to the public proclaiming the reincorporation of the country as a part of the Spanish dominions, and thereupon the red and gold flag of Spain was raised on the fort and on the gate "Puerta del Conde" and saluted with 101 guns. On the same day and during the week following, the Spanish flag was raised with similar ceremonies in most of the other towns. A few days later Spanish troops were disembarked at different points. Santana was appointed governor and captain-general of the colony, with the rank of lieutenant-general in the Spanish army.

The Dominican conspirators in Haiti, comprising General Sanchez and others who had distinguished themselves in securing independence for their country, crossed the boundary and endeavored to stir up an insurrection, but with such misfortune that they were surrounded and the majority captured. Santana ordered the prisoners shot and twenty were executed on July 4, 1861, notwithstanding the protests of General Pelaez, the Spanish officer second in command. The act provoked bitterness against Spain and made the men so killed martyrs in the eyes of their countrymen. It also marked the beginning of strained relations between Santana and Pelaez, made worse by Santana's arrogance. The friction resulted in Santana's resignation on January 7, 1862. He evidently hoped the queen would ask him to reconsider and give him carte blanche in Dominican affairs, but the resignation was accepted, though sweetened by the grant to him of the t.i.tle of Marques de las Carreras and a life pension of $12,000 per annum. His successors in the governorship were high officers of the Spanish army.

Discontent was not slow in spreading among the people. Injudicious measures enacted by the Spanish authorities, the importation of hordes of foreign officials, the overbearing manners of several local Spanish commanders, increases in the budget, intolerance on the part of the Spanish priests, and the natural unrest of the Dominicans, all combined to give rise to small revolts which were put down, until, on August 16, 1863, a farmer named Cabrera with a small band of followers, at Capotillo, near Guayubin in the Cibao, began an insurrection which quickly became general and is known in Dominican history as the War of the Restoration. The Spanish forces of the Cibao valley were obliged to concentrate in Fort San Luis, at Santiago de los Caballeros, where they were besieged by the insurgents. The Dominicans also captured Puerto Plata, but the city was retaken by Spanish troops from Cuba. Reinforcements were sent to the besieged garrison of Santiago, and in the fight which the Dominicans made to prevent the joining of the Spanish forces, the city of Santiago was set on fire and reduced to ashes. The Spaniards determined to evacuate the place, and marched down to the coast, being constantly hara.s.sed by Dominican guerillas, so that they lost over a thousand men before reaching Puerto Plata. The Dominicans established a provisional government with its capital at Santiago and the country continued to be devastated with fire and sword.

General Santana was given command of a Spanish force to put down the insurrection in the east, but insisting on carrying out his own plan of campaign, he disobeyed orders and so rudely answered the governor-general's remonstrances that he was summarily removed from his position. In high dudgeon he retired to the capital, and it is stated that the governor intended to ship him off to Cuba; but on June 14, 1864, he suddenly died, after an illness of only a few hours.

If the Spaniards had displayed energy in opposing the revolutionists they would probably have carried off the victory, but the whole number of their troops on the island available for military service at any one time rarely reached eight thousand men. A campaign in the Monte Cristi district which might have ended the war was rendered sterile by the lack of troops. Finally the Spaniards, unable to garrison the towns they won, were reduced to the possession of Santo Domingo City and a few other places near the seacoast, all practically in a state of siege. Meanwhile the military operations were costing the home government large sums of money, and it became evident that, owing to the failure to strike at the right time, the subjugation of the country would entail enormous expenditures. Political conditions in Spain were not favorable to such a war of conquest, and the Spanish government determined to withdraw from Santo Domingo, alleging that Spain had taken possession only because she believed the Dominicans were anxious for annexation but that she did not wish to remain against their will. Possible complications with the United States, just emerging from the Civil War, were probably also taken into account. On May 1, 1865, the Queen of Spain sanctioned a law of the Spanish Cortes providing for the relinquishment of the colony. The Spanish forces were brought together at Santo Domingo City, and on July 11, 1865, after the guns in the forts had been spiked and the military stores on hand had been destroyed, the troops and the authorities embarked in a fleet a.s.sembled for that purpose and the Spanish flag was lowered, for the last time, in Santo Domingo.

CHAPTER V

HISTORICAL SKETCH.--SECOND REPUBLIC.--REVOLUTIONS AND DICTATORSHIPS.--1863 TO 1904.

Restoration of the republic.--Military presidents.--Cabral's administration.--Baez' fourth administration.--Annexation negotiations with the United States.--Civil wars.--Heureaux's rule.--Administrations of Jimenez, Vasquez and Woss y Gil.--Election of Morales.

From the very beginning of the War of the Restoration and for several years afterwards, the princ.i.p.al Dominican military chiefs were engaged in a disgraceful squabble for leadership. As soon as the Spanish forces retired from Santiago the revolutionists, on September 14, 1863, proclaimed the restoration of the republic and set up a provisional government under the presidency of General Jose Antonio Salcedo. The other generals accused Salcedo of lack of energy in pushing the war and on October 10, 1864, deposed him and made General Gaspar Polanco president in his stead. Poor Salcedo tried to resist, but was captured, hurried by a friend from one camp to another to keep him from being shot, and at last foully murdered. Polanco did not enjoy his triumph long. A reaction set in, a revolution was initiated against him, his troops deserted, he was captured and imprisoned, and on January 24, 1865, a superior council of government was formed by the insurgents, presided over by General Benigno Filomeno de Rojas.

The council called a const.i.tutional convention which proclaimed the const.i.tution of Moca of 1858 and in March, 1865, elected General Pedro Antonio Pimentel president. It was he who entered Santo Domingo City after the evacuation by the Spaniards.

Hardly had the evacuation taken place when Generals Cabral and Manzueta raised an insurrection which overthrew Pimentel's government while he was absent on the Haitian border, and General Jose Maria Cabral, an educated mulatto, was proclaimed Protector of the Republic.

Cabral had formerly been one of the most enthusiastic followers of Baez but it soon became evident that he was working for himself. He convoked a const.i.tutional a.s.sembly which was convening when General Pedro Guillermo rose in the east and proclaimed General Buenaventura Baez president. The movement was successful and the Congress, completely convinced by the sight of a sword unsheathed in its presence by one of the victorious generals, elected Baez to the presidency.

Since his overthrow in 1858 Baez had been in exile, but he had accepted Spanish sovereignty and the rank of fieldmarshal in the Spanish army. On the outbreak of the War of the Restoration, he sent Cabral to join the Dominican forces as his representative. He was now living in Curacao and a commission journeyed there to invite him back to Santo Domingo, a council inaugurated on October 25, 1865, meanwhile taking charge. A new const.i.tution was drafted and promulgated on November 14, 1865, and on the same day Baez entered upon his office.

Neither he nor the const.i.tution lasted long. The const.i.tution being too liberal, he had it abrogated on April 19, 1866, and Santana's const.i.tution of December 16, 1854, was adopted in its stead. This action was the excuse for an insurrection which broke out in Santiago on May 1, 1866, under the leadership of Pimentel in combination with Cabral, and quickly a.s.sumed such alarming proportions that Baez found it prudent to resign before the end of the month and retire to Curacao.

As usual a const.i.tutional a.s.sembly was called, and a new const.i.tution was promulgated on September 26, 1866. An election was held and Cabral chosen president by a practically unanimous vote. Nevertheless his government had scarcely a day's peace from insurrections. It found time, however, to resume amicable relations with Spain, to make a commercial treaty with the United States and to found a professional inst.i.tute. Other relations with the United States were also planned; for as Spain and France were eliminated from the annexation idea and the United States had abolished slavery, this country was looked upon with greater favor. The cost of the government's military activities was such that a strong attempt was made to lease Samana Bay to the United States for two million dollars; but as complete control was not offered the plan fell through. Later a special commissioner was sent to Washington to negotiate for the absolute lease of the Samana peninsula and Samana Bay, which negotiations were the prelude to the later annexation negotiations, but they were interrupted by a revolution in favor of Baez which broke out in Monte Cristi on October 7, 1867. and deposed Cabral on January 31, 1868. A council of generals administered affairs until Baez took charge for the fourth time, on May 4, 1868.

In accordance with established usage, the existing const.i.tution was abrogated and Baez' pet const.i.tution, that of December, 1854, placed in force, but with amendments. Baez then began to rule with a firm hand, and though occasionally bothered by small uprisings on the Haitian border, promoted by Cabral, Luperon and other unruly spirits, managed to sustain himself in power for almost his full term of six years. He was able to realize what had been the golden dream of administrations since the birth of the Republic, the contracting of a foreign loan. Hartmont & Co., a firm of London bankers, agreed to issue bonds of the Republic to the amount of 757,700, though at a ruinous rate, and actually paid over 38,095. The dream turned to a nightmare, for when the government annulled the contract on the ground of failure to comply with conditions, the bankers continued to issue bonds and kept the proceeds themselves; and the bonds thus fraudulently issued const.i.tuted the nucleus of the enormous debt which later led to American intervention.

Though Baez had, for political reasons, protested against Cabral's negotiations with the United States, he was too sagacious a statesman to fail to recognize the value of American protection. It was now Cabral's turn to indulge in tirades full of patriotic indignation, for Baez actively pursued negotiations for the annexation of the country to the United States. On November 29, 1869, two treaties were signed in Santo Domingo City by representatives of the American and Dominican governments: by one the Samana peninsula and Samana Bay were leased to the United States for fifty years at an annual rental of $150,000, and by the other the Dominican Republic was annexed to the United States.

Baez submitted the annexation treaty to a plebiscite in his country in February, 1870, and an overwhelming vote was cast in favor thereof.

While the adversaries of the treaty did not dare to oppose it actively within the country, it is probable that the vote represented the true sentiment of the Dominican people, for aside from the evident economic advantages of annexation, the influence of Baez was such that the people were ready to follow blindly whatever he advised. Both treaties lapsed, but the annexation treaty was renewed and President Grant in his messages to Congress strongly urged its pa.s.sage. Powerful opposition developed in the United States Senate, led by Senator Sumner, and the treaty failed of ratification. By a resolution of Congress, approved January 12, 1871, the President of the United States was authorized to send a commission of inquiry to Santo Domingo. President Grant appointed three eminent men, Benjamin F.

Wade, Andrew D. White and Samuel G. Howe, who were a.s.sisted by Frederick Douglas, Major-General Franz Sigel and a number of scientists. The commission proceeded to Santo Domingo, travelled across the country in several directions and made an extensive report, which is still an important source of information as to the characteristics of the island. The commission's report was transmitted to Congress, and President Grant made another earnest plea for the annexation of Santo Domingo. Congress took no further action, however, and the United States thus deliberately rejected an opportunity to obtain control of a most important strategical position and to secure peace and prosperity to the Dominican people.

It is interesting to speculate on what the future of Santo Domingo would have been if annexation had been realized. The power of the United States would have maintained peace; salutary laws would have educated the people in self-government; liberal tariff concessions would have stimulated agriculture and industry; the influx of a good stock of immigrants would have developed and settled the interior; honest administration would have provided roads and schools, and soon the country would have attained a high degree of development and prosperity. The failure of the United States to extend a helping hand condemned Santo Domingo to long years of anarchy and dictatorships.

When it became apparent that nothing would come of the annexation plans, the Baez administration, on December 28, 1872, rented the Samana peninsula to an American corporation, the "Samana Bay Company,"

for ninety-nine years, at an annual rental of $150,000. The company, which intended to found a large city on Samana Bay, actually paid the sum of $147,229.91, the greater part in gold and the remainder in arms and ammunition. This payment, with that received on account of the Hartmont bonds, and with the higher customs receipts due to quiet conditions, afforded relief to the treasury; while peace brought the country a prosperity further increased by the immigration of numerous Cubans driven from their homes by the ten years' war that had begun in 1869.

President Baez did not lose hope in the ultimate realization of annexation, and it was also his intention to have himself reelected for another term of six years. These circ.u.mstances were used against him by his ambitious enemies, and on November 25, 1873, a revolution broke out in Puerto Plata which spread so rapidly that Baez was obliged to capitulate on December 31 of the same year. A new generation, grown up since the independence of the country and which had come to look upon civil disorder as a normal condition, now came into power, and the question of foreign annexation ceased to be an issue.

A period of constant revolutionary ferment and frequent changes of the const.i.tution followed, with a wearisome succession of military presidents. General Ignacio Maria Gonzalez became provisional president in 1874, took advantage of the non-payment of an annuity by the Samana Bay Company to rescind the contract with the company, called a national a.s.sembly, which formulated the const.i.tution of March 24, 1874, and had himself elected president, entering upon office on April 6 of that year. As the const.i.tution did not suit him, he called a new national convention and had another const.i.tution promulgated on March 9, 1875. This was too much even for Santo Domingo, and his enemies formed a powerful league in Santiago with a view to having him impeached, but the Congress rejected the charges. Another civil war was imminent when Gonzalez resigned on February 23, 1876.

The council of ministers took charge of the government and held an election at which Ulises F. Espaillat was designated president. He entered upon office on April 29, 1876, and as he was an excellent man would have given a good account of himself under different conditions; but General Gonzalez started a revolution on the Haitian frontier, and on October 5, 1876, Espaillat was ousted. A superior council of government was formed, which appointed General Gonzalez president in the beginning of November, 1876. Gonzalez had been in power for just one month when he was overthrown, in December, 1876, by a revolution that originated in the Cibao, and General Buenaventura Baez became president for the fifth time. The Republic thus had four presidents in 1876: Gonzalez twice, Espaillat and Baez. Baez called a const.i.tutional convention and the const.i.tution of May 14, 1877, was promulgated.

Under the influence of the younger element he was less autocratic than in his previous administrations, but perhaps for that very reason his whole term was one prolonged struggle with insurrections, until he was obliged to surrender on February 24, 1878. He retired to Porto Rico and died near Mayaguez in 1884. Two governments were now established, General Ignacio Maria Gonzalez being proclaimed president in the Cibao, and General Cesareo Guillermo in Santo Domingo. An agreement was reached by them on April 13, 1878, and Guillermo became provisional president of the entire country. The const.i.tution of 1877 was reproclaimed with amendments, an election was held and General Gonzalez was declared const.i.tutional president, entering upon office on July 6, 1878. Guillermo immediately started a revolution with General Ulises Heureaux and compelled Gonzalez to abdicate on September 2, 1878. It was the end of Gonzalez' meteoric presidential flights, but after a period of retirement he ventured into public life again, and for many years was Dominican minister to Haiti.

Jacinto de Castro, the president of the supreme court, acted as president until September 29,1878, when he was succeeded by the council of ministers of which Guillermo was chief. The const.i.tution of 1878 was promulgated, with amendments, on February 11, 1879, and on February 28, Guillermo, after going through the form of an election, became const.i.tutional president. He did not last long. On October 6, 1879, a revolution broke out at Puerto Plata and a provisional government was formed under the presidency of General Gregorio Luperon, an intelligent negro, who had been imprisoned for larceny under Spanish rule, but had redeemed himself by signal services in the War of the Restoration. Guillermo resisted two months, but was compelled to surrender on December 6, 1879.

Luperon did not depart from the usual custom, but called a const.i.tutional a.s.sembly which, in 1880, adopted with amendments the const.i.tution of 1879, and fixed the presidential term at two years.

Luperon then held an election and gave the presidency, for the two years beginning September 1, 1880, to one of his supporters, Father Fernando de Merino, an eloquent priest who had taken an active part in politics since his youth, and who later became archbishop of Santo Domingo. The reverend gentleman suppressed all revolutionary uprisings with uncompromising severity and did not hesitate to execute the conspirators that fell into his hands.

During Merino's administration General Ulises Heureaux served as minister of the interior and began to wield the power which he was to retain for twenty years. Heureaux was born in Puerto Plata about 1846.

Both of his parents were negroes, his father being a Haitian who followed the sea and afterwards became a merchant, and his mother a St. Thomas woman. He received a mercantile education and took part as a subordinate in the War of the Restoration against the Spaniards. On the withdrawal of the Spaniards, in 1865, he became a bandit on the Haitian border and practised horse stealing on a large scale. Later he obtained a position in the Puerto Plata custom-house and took a more and more prominent part in the civil disturbances of his country, until he became well known as a politician and a revolutionist. He distinguished himself by his bravery and was many times wounded.

Throughout these civil wars he remained a st.u.r.dy follower of General Luperon, the successor of Santana as leader of the "Blue" party and an implacable opponent of General Buenaventura Baez, the chief of the "Reds" and of General Ignacio Maria Gonzalez, the leader of the "Greens." When General Luperon overthrew President Cesareo Guillermo, in 1879, Heureaux was closely a.s.sociated with the revolutionary movement.

Heureaux was able to strengthen himself to such an extent that when, in 1882, Luperon determined to become president himself he found that his former follower had outgrown him in power. The result was that Heureaux became president and served from September 1, 1882, to September 1, 1884. When his term expired a bitter struggle ensued with Luperon, who still retained considerable influence. Luperon's candidate was Segundo Imbert, while Heureaux supported General Francisco Gregorio Billini, who was ultimately victorious. Luperon went into exile, but later became reconciled with Heureaux and returned to die in Santo Domingo.

Billini entered upon the presidency on September 1, 1884, but became restive under the demands of Heureaux and his friends and resigned on May 15, 1885. The vice-president, Alejandro Woss y Gil, succeeded to the chief office. His term was to have expired in September of the following year, but a formidable insurrection broke out in July, 1886, under General Casimiro N. de Moya, with the object of preventing Heureaux from carrying out his design of succeeding Gil. After six months of fighting, during which the number of fatalities was happily remarkably small, Heureaux was victorious, and having had himself re-elected, resumed the presidency on January 6, 1887, until which time Woss y Gil remained in office.

The biennial elections were a source of annoyance even to one who was sure of victory, and Heureaux therefore called a const.i.tutional convention which amended the const.i.tution then in force and lengthened the presidential term to four years, beginning in 1889. As General Cesareo Guillermo, Heureaux's former companion in arms and later opponent, was understood to be nursing aspirations for the presidency, Heureaux sought to apprehend him. Guillermo fled, but finding himself pressed, committed suicide. No further obstacle opposed Heureaux's election, and he was again inaugurated on February 27, 1889.

In the meantime negotiations had been undertaken for the contracting of new foreign loans, and one was floated in 1888 and another in 1892.

The government's fiscal agent who secured these loans in Europe was General Eugenio Generoso Marchena, a man of much influence. In 1892 General Marchena announced himself as a candidate for the presidency.

Heureaux won without difficulty, but still uneasy, he arrested Marchena in Santo Domingo, imprisoned him for a year and sent him to Azua to be shot.

During Heureaux's new term, beginning in 1893, the country by improvident bond issues and debt contraction, made rapid strides in the direction of bankruptcy. In 1893, the San Domingo Improvement Company, an American corporation, under contract with the government took charge of the customs collections for the purpose of providing for the services of the loans. The illegal imprisonment of several Frenchmen gave rise to friction with the French government and in 1894 a French fleet appeared before Santo Domingo City, but the matter was adjusted by the payment of an indemnity. As the 1889 const.i.tution forbade a president from holding office for more than two terms in succession, Heureaux, wishing to continue in the presidency, obviated the difficulty by the simple expedient of promulgating a new const.i.tution in 1896, in which the limitation was removed. He was declared unanimously elected in 1896 and began his final term on February 27, 1897.

The long period of comparative peace enjoyed by the country under the rule of President Ulises Heureaux, or "Lilis," as the dictator was popularly known, brought seeming progress and prosperity, though at a heavy price. Many of his opponents Heureaux was able to buy, and in this way he retained the loyalty of hundreds of little military chiefs scattered through the country. Those whom he could not buy he persecuted, imprisoned, exiled, or executed. While possessing pleasant and affable manners, he was unrelenting in his persecution of conspirators and many stories are told of his harshness in this respect. It is related that when he was minister of the interior under Merino he discovered that his brother-in-law was implicated in a plot; he therefore invited him to dinner and after they had dined, asked how his guest had enjoyed the meal. "Very well," was the answer. "I am glad of that," said Heureaux, "for I am about to have you shot. Take a cigar," he added pleasantly, "it will be your last." And it was, for the execution followed at once. On another occasion, so the story goes, after he had become president, a prominent general was his guest and after dinner they took a stroll. Coming to a place in the suburbs where workmen were digging a peculiar trench, the general inquired, "What are they digging here?" "They are digging your grave," answered Heureaux, and before the general could recover from his consternation a squad of soldiers appeared. He was shot and buried then and there.

The governor of Macoris and the minister of war were both powerful men whose influence was feared by Heureaux. He therefore cunningly wrought up the latter against the former to such an extent that one fine morning the minister suddenly appeared in Macoris and had the governor summarily shot. An outcry was made by the governor's friends, and Heureaux, affecting indignation at the act, had the minister of war executed. Many of his prisoners mysteriously disappeared, and popular rumor points out one of the lower platforms of the fort "La Fuerza,"

where an aguacate tree formerly grew, as the place where prisoners were shot at night, their bodies being thrown to the sharks at the base of the cliff. Some of the dictator's suspects were a.s.sa.s.sinated in the public streets. Even exiles were not secure from his wrath and in one instance a Dominican writer named Eugenio Deschamps, who had been publishing articles against him in Porto Rico, was seriously wounded in the streets of Ponce by an a.s.sa.s.sin's bullet.

Ability and unscrupulousness, courage and cruelty, resolution and cunning were mingled in the character of Heureaux. Over the country he exercised the powers of an absolute monarch. He was the fountain head of all government and the real chief of every department. The accounts of the government and his private accounts were treated by him as one and the same thing. His ambition to remain in power necessitated the expenditure of large sums which he obtained through improvident foreign loans and usurious contracts with local merchants. Those whom he favored grew rich; his enemies he ruined. In other ways also his morals swerved from the straight and narrow path, and an isolated town gloried in the distinction of being the only place in the Republic where the president did not have a mistress. He himself stated that he had no concern as to what history would say of him, since he would not be there to read it.

During the latter part of Heureaux's administration the leaders of the opposition were recognized as Juan Isidro Jimenez and Horacio Vasquez, Vasquez was the chief of a large landholding family of the Cibao.

Jimenez had been a prominent merchant, at one time carrying on mercantile houses in Monte Cristi, New York, Paris and Hamburg; his family had formerly been prominent in Dominican affairs, his father having been president of the Republic in 1848 and his grandfather one of the leading spirits of the revolution by which the Haitian yoke was thrown off. Jimenez was born in Santo Domingo City in 1846 and as a boy went to Haiti with his father, growing up in Port-au-Prince. As a youth he removed to Monte Cristi, where he established himself in business and took part in the War of the Restoration against the Spaniards. Having with Heureaux, he resided for a number of years in Cape Haitien, Haiti, and from there directed conspiracies against the dictator.