Politics of Alabama Part 1

Politics of Alabama.

by J. C. (Joseph Columbus) Manning.

CHAPTER I.

THE FAMOUS KOLB-JONES GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST.

Until recently, embracing the past several months, almost national attention has been centered upon the politics of Alabama.

Notice was first attracted by the famous Kolb-Jones gubernatorial contest. This campaign was something novel in the South, for until then, there had not been, for years, any probability of defeat to the organized Democracy in Alabama.

However, during the Kolb-Jones political fight, astute "organized"

Democratic leaders soon expressed such grave apprehensions of the success of their ticket that, only a few weeks before the time had come for the state election (Aug. 1, 1892), Alabama was in the throes of such political excitement as had probably never before been known in the history of that commonwealth. This fervor increased up to the day of election, when, as is known to the entire country, Capt. R. F. Kolb swept the state with cyclonic victory, notwithstanding the fact that he was defrauded by the manipulations of the ballot-box stuffers, unscrupulous returning-officers and unprincipled members of canva.s.sing-boards. Another man is to-day occupying the seat to which Captain Kolb is ent.i.tled, with the absolute acquaintance of the certainty of this statement, and with the perfect knowledge that a vast majority of the people of Alabama are fully aware that, inasmuch as he has a.s.sumed it wrongfully, he is unworthy of the trust. What a shameful and revolting spectacle!

President Hayes was never more despised by the people of Alabama, than is Governor Jones by the common people of his own state.

No better or more interesting recital could be given of the rightful claims of Captain Kolb, than is made in his open letter, written December 15, 1892, and addressed to the General a.s.sembly and people of Alabama. In this letter Captain Kolb makes a demand for justice, gives well-known facts that are susceptible of proof, makes statements of particular frauds, and asks why an investigation of the matter is not permitted and the people allowed to choose their own public servants.

The letter is as follows:

"TO THE MEMBERS OF THE GENERAL a.s.sEMBLY OF ALABAMA, AND THE PEOPLE OF ALABAMA:

"As I have so far been denied the official rights conferred upon me by a sovereign people, I deem it my duty to address this open letter to the members of the Legislature and people of Alabama, and respectfully ask for an impartial hearing. 'Let justice be done, though the heavens fall.' On the 1st of December, 1892, a conscienceless and corrupt oligarchy overturned the republican form of government in Alabama, and installed as the _de facto_ governor, a man who was not elected to the office. I feel that I am airing no mere private or personal grievance in thus protesting against and denouncing this great crime against law, order and civil liberty. I would be an unfaithful steward and unworthy of the sacred trust confided to me by the people of Alabama at the polls in August last, if I remained silent under the circ.u.mstances. Two years ago the Democratic party, in convention a.s.sembled, refused to nominate for governor the acknowledged choice of a majority of the party.

For the sake of harmony, I bided my time for another two years, believing that the people would then rise in their majesty and throw off the tyrannous yoke of party bosses. On the 8th of June last, the Democratic party again a.s.sembled in state convention, to nominate candidates for governor and other state officers, and for a second time, the rights and wishes of the people were over-ridden by fraud and the unfair use of party machinery in the election of delegates thereto. My friends did everything in their power to bring about a fair and honorable settlement of all differences existing between the two factions of the Democratic party in the state. All overtures in this direction were treated with scorn and derision by the so-called 'organized' Democracy, and we were forced to organize our own state convention, which was composed exclusively of life-long Democrats. This convention nominated a full state ticket and appealed to the justice-loving hearts of the true, sovereign people of Alabama, for their verdict on the first Monday in August. The issues between the two factions of the party were fully presented by both sides of the controversy, in the most memorable campaign ever known in the political history of the state. On the first Monday in August, the people spoke at the ballot-box in thunder tones and declared that the ticket headed by myself for governor, received a majority of over 45,000 of the votes cast, fully 25,000 of that majority being white voters. By frauds and manipulations on the part of election managers and county returning-boards in many counties of the state, this true majority of 45,000 for myself for governor, was changed into a fict.i.tious majority of about 11,000 for Thomas G. Jones. This state of facts was admitted to be true for weeks after the election by prominent supporters of Governor Jones throughout the state, who did not hesitate to say that the Legislature, when it convened, would provide for a prompt and impartial investigation of the frauds alleged to have been committed, and would declare who was rightfully ent.i.tled to the office of governor. Governor Jones himself is on record as having used the following language on the subject, in an interview with Mr. Chappel Cory, editor of the Birmingham _Age-Herald_, on August 21, 1892:

"'If I am not fairly elected I do not want the office. I intend to renew my recommendation, made in February, 1891, to the ensuing General a.s.sembly, to pa.s.s laws to provide for contests before the General a.s.sembly, for governor and the other state offices. There can be no doubt that such a law will be pa.s.sed. You may say further that if the limited session allowed by the const.i.tution will not give sufficient time to hear and decide such contests as may be brought, that I will not hesitate to convene the General a.s.sembly in extraordinary session for the purpose. I have neither reason nor motive to use the power of the office of governor to hinder or embarra.s.s investigation; but, were it otherwise, consecration to this great trust would leave me no room for doubt as to the pathway of duty and honor, when the happiness and contentment of the people lay in the balance against partisan success or personal triumph.'

Commenting on this interview with Governor Jones, the _Age-Herald_ said editorially: 'There is now no reason why every honest man should not adjourn the discussion of the gubernatorial issue until the meeting of the General a.s.sembly. Certainly no honest-minded Democrat, however bitterly he may have fought for Captain Kolb, can find an excuse for keeping alive the fires of factional strife. The statement by Governor Jones, which we publish this morning, leaves nothing more to be said until the trial shall come up according to the law and the const.i.tution. No settlement of a contest is possible except by the General a.s.sembly, and the Governor says in plain terms it shall be settled and rightly settled. He goes so far as to say that if the const.i.tutional limit of fifty days shall not give time for the determination of all contests, he will convene the General a.s.sembly in extraordinary session for that purpose.'

Thus, it is plainly apparent, that Governor Jones and his friends are pledged to provide for and abide by a legislative investigation and adjudication of the contest. Can Governor Jones and his friends afford not to keep their pledges? Will Governor Jones follow 'the pathway of duty and honor,' or will he sacrifice both upon the altar of 'partisan success and personal triumph?' On the occasion of his inauguration as the _de facto_ Governor of Alabama, December 1, 1892, in making an urgent appeal to the Legislature to largely increase the present rate of taxation, Governor Jones declared that 'the Democratic party can dare to do right.' If he deemed it the duty of a Democratic legislature to increase the burdens of an already taxridden people, surely he can afford to recommend to this same Legislature the necessity of investigating alleged election frauds, which impugn the integrity of his t.i.tle to the office of governor, and especially, when these frauds are not denied by his supporters or the press friendly to him. In other words, will Governor Jones 'dare to do right,' in this grave matter, affecting, as it does, the rights of the majority of the sovereign people of this commonwealth and the perpetuity of a republican form of government in Alabama. Will the Legislature, now a.s.sembled on Capitol Hill, knowing as they do, that all honest and fair-minded men among their const.i.tuents demand an investigation, 'dare to do right,' and enact a law which will insure that justice shall be done and a stigma removed, which will otherwise be a stain upon Alabama's fair escutcheon forever? I believe the Legislature will rise above paltry partisan feeling, and that after becoming convinced of the wishes of their people during the Christmas recess, will return to the Capitol and effect a just and speedy settlement of this vital question. It has been charged that I have deserted the Democratic party. I repudiate the base calumny with the scorn of conscious innocence. The Democratic party has always been and always will be the party of the people, and the so-called 'organized' Democratic party of Alabama has simply deserted and outraged the people. I am now, as I have ever been, true and faithful to the principles of Jeffersonian Democracy. I believe in and shall ever contend for 'a government of the people, for the people and by the people.' There are men high in the councils of the so-called 'organized' Democracy, who while admitting my election, declare that because I supported the electoral ticket nominated by the Lakeview convention, I should be denied even an opportunity to contest before the Legislature for the office to which I have been elected; and some go so far as to say that, had I not given such support, I would have been legally seated in the gubernatorial chair of Alabama, on the 1st of December, 1892. No sensible, or honest person will contend that my support of the Lakeview electoral ticket can affect the merits of my cause of contest or change the facts of the previous August election. For that support, I have no apologies to make; for I followed the dictates of right and conscience. And besides, I could not consistently support the electoral ticket nominated by the convention of party bosses at the State-house, because such support would have been on my part an indirect indors.e.m.e.nt of the frauds which I honestly believe were committed against me by these same party bosses and their henchmen, in the August election. For taking the position I did, it is proclaimed by my enemies that I am 'politically dead in Alabama.' In reply to this, I would say that, when they undertake to lay me away in my political coffin, they will find that no amount of abuse and vilification will prevent my speedy and triumphant resurrection through the sovereign might of an outraged people. The political bosses are hereby notified that in the future, as in the past, I will ever be found battling for true Jeffersonian Democracy and the rights of the ma.s.ses. In the meantime, thanks to a merciful Providence, being in fine health and feeling confident of the continued sympathy and support of my fellow citizens, I propose to fight now and fight ever until the banner of right and reform is planted on the dismantled fortress of fraud and usurpation.

"For the information of the members of the General a.s.sembly, I desire to give some of the facts in detail, showing the truth of the charge that the state ticket headed by myself for governor was fraudulently counted out, in August last. My information in regard to these frauds is of the most authentic character, and I will be able to sustain, by convincing proof, every charge alleged. These election frauds, to which I call attention, will be startling intelligence to the people in the 'white' counties of the state, who at present have no adequate conception of their extent and enormity. Let us first examine Governor Jones' own home county of Montgomery. Every well-informed person in Montgomery county knows and admits that the majority of 6,250 returned for Governor Jones, was a sham and a fraud. The same old methods were resorted to, that have been practised for years. The boast, openly made before the election, that our ticket would be 'counted out,' was carried out to the letter. It is a known fact and publicly stated, that not over 4,000 votes, all told, were actually cast in the August election in Montgomery county, and that an honest count of this vote would give me not less than 1,500 majority. The return of 3,561 votes, claimed to have been cast in the two beats of the city of Montgomery, every honest citizen knows to be untrue. I charge that there were not 1,000 votes actually cast in the two city beats, and all over that number counted were uncast ballots. The same is true as to the returns from nearly, if not all, the 'black'

beats of the county. Tickets for the Jones faction were subst.i.tuted for those cast for the Kolb faction, and a large number of uncast ballots were counted for Governor Jones and his faction that were never voted at all. Uncast ballots were placed in the ballot-boxes and counted for Governor Jones purporting to have been cast by men, both white and colored, long since dead, and others by men who have not lived in the county for years. The poll lists on file in the office of the judge of probate, were either destroyed or stolen, to prevent copies being furnished, which would show these facts to exist. The vote of Montgomery county alone, honestly counted and returned as the votes were cast, would show a difference in my favor of not less than 7,700 votes. In other words, I carried the county by about 1,500 majority, instead of Governor Jones by over 6,200 as the fraudulent returns show. The same state of facts exists as to Lowndes county--over 1,600 majority was returned for Governor Jones when, in fact, I carried the county by over 2,000 majority. In many of the 'black' beats hundreds of ballots cast for the Kolb faction were changed for those of the Jones faction, and hundreds more of uncast ballots placed in the ballot-boxes and counted for Governor Jones, that were never voted at all by anyone.

The names of hundreds of dead men appear on the poll lists and ballots put in for them and counted for Governor Jones. When a copy of the poll lists was demanded of the judge of probate, which I charge would show these facts to exist, we were informed that said copy would be furnished the next day; but lo, and behold! when next day came, we were told that the poll lists had been stolen the night before. I charge that the vote of Lowndes, honestly counted as cast, would give me over 2,000 majority, instead of over 1,600 majority for Governor Jones, as returned, which would make a difference in my favor of over 3,600 votes. The same facts exist as to Wilc.o.x county. I charge that not over 3,000 votes were actually cast in this county in the August election, and if honestly counted I would have received a majority of not less than 500. Yet by fraud and ballot-box stuffing and holding back the returns for over a week after the election, a majority of over 4,300 was given to Governor Jones. An honest count in this county would show 4,500 votes in my favor. But it was reserved to Dallas county to outdo all others, in the way of ballot-box stuffing and fraudulent returns, by which a majority of over 6,100 was figured out for Governor Jones. An honest count of the vote as actually cast would give me over 3,000 majority, making a difference of over 9,000 votes in my favor, from this county alone. In Selma beat the returns show that 2,642 votes were cast, and a majority of over 2,300 returned for Governor Jones. The facts are, that not exceeding 1,400 votes were actually cast in Selma beat, and fully 600 of those cast were for the Kolb ticket. The census gave Selma beat a population of only 7,600, all told, and yet, they return 2,642 of this population as having voted. One voter out of five is above the average of most populations, but Selma has found a way to manufacture nearly three voters out of every five of her people. In some of the 'black' beats of the county, only thirty to forty votes were actually cast, by both white and colored voters, and yet the returns give from 400 to 700 majority from these beats, to Governor Jones. I charge that not as many votes were cast in the county of Dallas for both Jones and Kolb as the majority claimed for Governor Jones. The truth is, that Governor Jones did not actually receive over 1,300 votes, all told, in the county, and yet he is fraudulently given over 6,100 majority. In Perry county the same frauds and ballot-box stuffing were resorted to, and hundreds of dead men made to vote for Thomas Goode Jones. With an honest count of the vote of Perry as actually cast, I would have received a majority of over 500 votes, instead of a majority of over 1,800 for Governor Jones, as returned, which would make a difference of over 2,300 votes in my favor. In Hale county, all will remember, that the first report received from that county after the election, gave me the county by over 1,600 majority, but the political bosses here urged them to hold back the returns and 'doctor' them; that the 'organized' ticket was in great danger and the 'black belt' was expected to do her duty. Hale was equal to the emergency, and in a few days revised her returns and figured out over 1,200 majority for Governor Jones. I charge that the vote of Hale, if honestly counted, as actually cast, would give me a majority of over 2,500, which would be a difference of over 3,700 in my favor. The same irregularities occurred in Greene county, where a true majority of over 500 for me was changed into a fict.i.tious majority of 500 for Governor Jones, showing a difference of over 1,000 in my favor. In Sumpter county my majority was fully 500 more than was returned for me, and about the same in Pickens; and in Marengo county, an honest count of the vote as cast would have given me the county by a safe majority, instead of 1,000 majority for Governor Jones as returned.

"In Macon county, by fraud and manipulations, a true majority of about 2,000 for me was reduced to a little over 700. In Bullock county, by frauds, manipulations and partisan abuses by county returning-boards, a majority of over 1,800 was given Governor Jones when, in fact, if he was ent.i.tled to any majority at all, it should have been less than 200. In Autauga county an honest count of the vote actually cast, would have given me the county by at least 500 majority, but by ballot-box stuffing and fraudulently counting-out votes cast for the Kolb ticket and subst.i.tuting Jones tickets instead, a small majority was falsely returned for Governor Jones. In all these 'black belt' counties a majority of the judges of probate, sheriffs and clerks, whose duty it was to appoint the inspectors of elections, were friends of Governor Jones, and in most of the counties, the rights of the Kolb faction were utterly ignored, and no friend of mine permitted to act as manager or clerk at any of the beats. Only at a few 'white' beats, in any of these counties, were we allowed any representation. My political enemies were not satisfied with this great wrong done me in the 'black belt' counties but invaded some of the 'white' counties, and by fraud and manipulation in the beats, or by partisan action on the part of county returning-boards, on the Sat.u.r.day following the election, robbed me of over 10,000 votes to which I was justly ent.i.tled. In Conecuh county I received a majority of 1,235 votes, and yet, by throwing out boxes and robbing others, this majority was all wiped out, and a false majority of 270 given to Governor Jones. In Pike county I received a majority of 910 votes and the returns from eleven beats, giving me large majorities, were thrown out or destroyed by the county returning-board, and a majority of 55 given to Governor Jones. The contests in both of these counties (Conecuh and Pike) have been virtually decided in my favor by Judge Hubbard, in his decision in the contest cases for judge of probate in each county. His opinion, as rendered, being in favor of Dr. R.

A. Lee, of Conecuh, and T. H. Brown, of Pike, both of whom were candidates for probate judge on the Kolb ticket. In like manner, as in Conecuh and Pike, I was robbed of over 1,000 votes in Butler, over 1,000 in Elmore, over 600 in Coosa, over 700 in St. Clair, over 700 in Shelby, over 100 in Chilton, over 1,000 in Talladega, over 500 in Walker, over 1,000 in Morgan and over 1,000 in Madison.

I have given plain and unvarnished facts, as I believe them to exist, and positively a.s.sert that a fair and impartial investigation will prove every statement made, to be true. It may be asked why the evidence is not here adduced to prove these allegations. If adduced here, these same parties would say that it was all _ex parte_ and that it would be controverted and destroyed, if both sides should be heard. Besides, they know that the details necessary to be recounted as to each beat in so many counties, would make a summary too voluminous to be incorporated in an address. All I ask is that a full, fair and impartial investigation shall be had and that a true judgment may be rendered. If Governor Jones and his friends are not afraid of truth, equity and justice, why do they refuse? If the effect would only be to remove a cloud from his t.i.tle to the office, would he not gladly embrace such an opportunity? 'But there's the rub.' They well know that an investigation would disclose frauds and manipulations which could not be defended, and would prove his claim to the office of governor wholly unfounded upon right. That is why they dare not permit an investigation. That is why some of them talk so glibly what they would not dare to utter over their own signatures. That is why the Legislature has treated this matter with silence, while patriotic representatives of the people have urged and insisted upon action, so that justice might be done, and right triumph. Every honest man knows that Governor Jones has no shadow of claim to the office of governor. The people, by their votes in August, relegated him to private life for the next two years, and yet he is sitting up at the Capitol upon a lot of stuffed ballot-boxes from the 'black belt,' and claiming his election. Some of his best friends have publicly declared that he could not afford to hold the office in the face of such fraudulent returns, and if he persisted in doing so, he would go down to posterity more despised than Rutherford B. Hayes. I am only contending for what is right. As a native-born citizen of Alabama, and one who has always endeavored to serve my people and state to the best of my ability, both in time of war and in time of peace, I feel that I have a right to demand that justice be done. Thousands of true men all over this great commonwealth honored me with their support in the August election, and in their name I demand of the Legislature, a prompt and impartial investigation of this matter. These people represent a majority of the white voting population and demand a respectful hearing. I beg you, members of the Legislature, not to mistake the temper of these people. Remember that a large majority of them have been life-long Democrats. While they don't believe in, and never will submit to the domination of a few party bosses, yet they do believe in the time-honored principles of pure Jeffersonian Democracy. They have been the true, the tried and unflinching Democrats, who have heretofore fought the battles and won the victories of the party in Alabama. True to its n.o.ble cause, true to every great principle, and true to every demand of patriotism upon them, they have been in the fore-front of every contest when victory was won, and the firm and immovable, the true and faithful guardians of its cause, in every defeat we have ever sustained.

Many of these people were gallant soldiers in the late war, and since 1865 have been battling for the Democratic party in Alabama.

Many of them have reared sons, in whose b.r.e.a.s.t.s they early planted the principles of true Democracy, and taught them that it was the party of the people. They believe that Democracy means that the people shall rule, and that white people should govern Alabama.

They now feel that a few political bosses are undertaking to overthrow a republican form of government in this state. I warn you to stop and reflect. Don't trifle with these people longer. Let justice be done, and sweet Peace will again spread her white wings over our beloved state.

"R. F. KOLB.

"Montgomery, Ala., Dec. 15, 1892."

Nothing but silence answers this scathing arraignment of the Democratic party of Alabama. The burning charges of corruption and robbery meet no reb.u.t.tal; none could truthfully be made. Many weeks after the publication of Captain Kolb's letter, the Birmingham _Age-Herald_, of March 3, 1893, contained a remarkable editorial confession, headed: "That Political Pest,"--which may enable one to form some opinion of the sentiment of the average Jones Democrat regarding the Kolb-Jones contest and "dispute" over the election. This quotation from the editorial will prove quite interesting:

"Now the fact is that the Populists will fight the Democratic party in 1894 on the issue of the last August election, and their cry will be so many variations of the contest matter. The plain facts of this matter had as well be understood first as last. If Captain Kolb and the other gentlemen who ran on his ticket had supported Cleveland and held good their claims to being Democrats, a contest law would have been enacted. Public sentiment would have compelled it, and the dispute over the election would have been legally settled, and in all probability Governor Jones would have been governor just as he is now. But when Captain Kolb and his fellow candidates on his state ticket, went bodily over to Mr. Harrison and conspired with Chris Magee, public sentiment revolted. From that moment all possibility of a contest law vanished. The organized Democracy would not hear to yielding an inch of ground, and all the influence of Governor Jones himself could not have availed to procure a contest law from the Legislature. That is a plain statement of fact. That is the shape it will a.s.sume in 1894.

In the meanwhile, if we begin the campaign already, how are we going to have any rest?"

As is easily apparent from reading the foregoing editorial, the princ.i.p.al excuse of the "machine bosses" as to why the office of governor was stolen from Captain Kolb, is "because he did not support Cleveland!" This silly twaddle about Captain Kolb going over to Harrison, is just such nonsensical stuff as the average of Alabama Democratic editors deem fit to feed the Democratic "G.o.ds and little fishes" on. What other available matter have they, when truth, right and reason have forever departed from their sanctums and from their cause?

CHAPTER II.

THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY ONE OF PREJUDICE.

Excepting those who have resided in the South, few people outside have any true conception whatever, of what means a contest against the fixed ideas and established policies of the ruling element in this section.

Not until recently have the searching currents of thought inundated, to a great and perceptible extent, the foundations of bitter prejudice that have been the main basis of the monster political structure which has towered in its glory in the South since the days of reconstruction. For a long time, few there were who would dare to revolt against its darkened walls, lest they might forever be driven from the shadow of its wings.

It is no idle charge that is embodied in the frequent statement that the "par" prejudiced Democratic politicians in Alabama will adopt any method, foul or fair, _especially foul_, that may perpetuate the control of that party, in this state. And it has been the dire dread of becoming a victim of just such venomous partisans as these that has awed aspiring men of this state into party line and once made it seriously doubtful whether any able man would jeopardize his political prospects by being so bold as to stand out in opposition to the "Democracy (?) of Alabama," and its shadowy practices, which Southern young men have been taught by gray-haired parents to believe justifiable.

When, for once, the prejudice of the leaders and the animosity of the rabble of the Democratic party is fully aroused and incited against any person who would ally himself with the opposition, then the subject of this ardent persecution may expect that never will he, nor his seed, go forgotten by an unrelenting foe, until such prejudice-bearing life is extinguished.

The time has been when Alabama Democrats would not concede it a right for a Southern voter to be anything else than a "booster"

for the "machine bosses." The privilege to oppose the Democratic party--considering the treatment accorded those who lately antagonized that party in the South--is generally supposed by "Bourbons" not to exist, even now.

During the heat of political campaigns,--and especially was it the case in Alabama last year,--every imaginable pressure is brought to bear upon those who do not see fit to support the Democratic ticket. Ostracism is practised in both social and business life. Merchants withhold supplies from farmers, wealthy landlords threaten the discharge of their tenants, and mortgage-holders talk wildly of foreclosures, to those who express a desire to exercise the right of franchise according to their own belief and as free men of a so-called free republic. In no other section of the country are such political forces as these exerted to so radical a degree, or is the "party lash" wielded with so tremendous a flourish.

The "party lash" cracker must be devised so as to "drive them into line;" it makes no difference what the nature of the material may be, if its popping is fitting for the time and purpose.

CHAPTER III.

DIFFERENT KINDS OF "PARTY LASH" CRACKERS.

The rank and file of Democrats in Alabama, until recently, have blindly drifted along, neglecting every interest. Thinking of nothing else, scarcely, than "machine boss" protection from the near approach of some highly-pictured prospective woe, ever since before the late war, when slaveholders waved the party lash and popped the cracker of "secession or ruin,"--until now, when the sons of ex-slaveholders, and others that form the "domineering bossism" in Alabama, pop the cracker of "Democracy or negro rule." From the time when the "old plantation darkey," hat in hand, stood humbly before his master to hear that he was no longer a chattel slave, until now, the "bulldozing" ex-slaveholding lord has "blowed" about the danger of "negro rule" and the sons of this cla.s.s of office-holding hierarchy have as bl.u.s.teringly echoed the farce. They failed to remember that it was the wrinkled hands of the old colored slave that were stretched out in protection over his master's loved ones when the deadly flash and quaking thunder of battle threatened Southern homes, and they soon unkindly pictured them as demon clutches. There is no reasonable ground for fear of "negro supremacy." It is the domination of the man with the black heart, without special reference to "hide,"

that the yoemanry of Alabama must really fear. It is not the supremacy of the negro that curses, or may curse the white productive cla.s.ses, but it is the supremacy of "machine bosses" who, through the fraudulent manipulation of the ballot-box in counties with a predominance of colored population, roll up fict.i.tious and enormous majorities in order to defeat the will of the white people of other counties. This white-"hided," black-hearted cla.s.s, which has always popped the cracker of "negro supremacy" are now those who wrongfully dominate a majority of the white people of Alabama on account of stuffed ballot-boxes extravagantly based upon a negro population. The "antediluvian,"

ex-slaveholding Democrat has talked much about this or that party being a "negro party," but for a certainty this Pharisaical set can now see in their own "dear old Democratic party" in Alabama a full-fledged "negro party." The Kolb-Jones election demonstrates this fact. Jones having received majorities in no other than "black belt" counties. Be it said to the credit of the "black belt" negroes, however, they protest that they did not vote for Jones and are amazed that the country has palmed the Democratic party of Alabama, and the responsibility for its existence, off on them. The national election in Alabama, a fac-simile of the state election, sustains the apparently dark complexion of that party.

The "Force Bill" cracker is another very available "party lash" snap.

Democratic campaign orators never fail to picture, in their denunciation of this hobgoblin, burly negroes guarding the polls with bayonets while timid white men come trembling forward to deposit their ballots. "Unless the Democratic ticket is elected, such a state of affairs will most certainly exist," shouts the office-holder, and there are, even now, voters in Alabama who are simple enough to believe it. No party advocates or indorses a measure of any such provisions, yet the people of the South are told that a vote against the Democratic party means the support of just such a state of affairs, and if possible, something worse. It is argued by Democrats, that under such a perilous probability, no farmer could justly consider his empty pocket, poverty-stricken home, overworked and shabbily-clothed family, and poorly-educated children, "and go off to discussing the money question."

Until of recent years, the rank and file of the people in Alabama usually "kicked up the dust" in their terrible display of hostility to anything antagonistic to the Democratic party. In the meantime, the "machine bosses" wielded the "party lash" and popped the snap crackers over their heads; ingeniously playing upon their pa.s.sions and prejudices, and always holding the offices.

CHAPTER IV.

THE TROUBLE OF THE SIXTIES.