Perley's Reminiscences Part 48

Whitney, the only daughter of Senator Harry B. Payne, of Ohio, whose unstinted expenditures have made her house in Washington, like her other residences, noted for their hospitality. The residence of Secretary Manning, with its drawing-room fitted up in the Louis XVI. style, is palatial, while those who visit the home of the Secretary of War admire the quiet style of its furniture and the rare old family silver on its table.

The death of Vice-President Hendricks removed an official around whom the disaffected Democrats could have crystallized into a formidable opposition. Believing as he did, that he had been defrauded of the office of Vice-President by the Electoral Commission in 1876, he regarded his election in 1884 as a triumphant vindication of his rights, and he was not disposed to have the position longer regarded as "like the fifth wheel of a coach." He made no secret of his opposition to civil service reform and to his Indiana rival, ex-Senator McDonald, against whose appointment to a place in the Cabinet he formally protested. Perhaps a social antagonism between Mrs. McDonald and Mrs. Hendricks had something to do with this.

Vice-President Hendricks was slightly lame, from a singular cause.

He spoke in public a great deal in the Presidential campaign of 1882, and while speaking he was in the habit of bending forward on the tip of his right foot, resting his entire weight upon it. From the pressure of his right shoe a swelling arose on one of his toes, shortly after he reached home after making a speech at Newcastle, Indiana. In twenty-four hours erysipelas developed, and it was only after an illness of six months that he recovered. But he always afterward was somewhat lame, especially when he was fatigued.

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T. A. Hendricks THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS was born in Muskingum County, Ohio, September 7th, 1849; was taken when three years of age to Indiana, where he studied law and practiced; was a Representative in Congress from Indiana, 1851-1855; was Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1855-1859; was United States Senator from Indiana, 1863- 1869; was Governor of Indiana, 1872-1877; was nominated for Vice- President on the Democratic ticket at St. Louis in 1876, and was defeated; was again nominated for Vice-President on the Democratic ticket at Chicago in 1884, and was elected; was inaugurated March 4th, 1885, and died at Indianapolis, November 25th, 1885.

CHAPTER XLV.

THE FORTY-NINTH CONGRESS.

The first session of the Forty-ninth Congress was commenced on the 7th of December, 1885. The Republicans had a majority in the Senate, but it was understood that they would not oppose the Administration in a factious way, but would insist upon having the reasons for the removals of Republican officials and the appointment of Democrats in their places. The President, on the other hand, intimated that he should a.s.sert all his prerogatives. A number of the Democratic Senators were not happy, and asked each other whether they had dragged their weary way out of the wilderness to the top of a civil service Mount Pisgah only to gaze upon the promised land, there to see the pleasant pastures and shady groves of official life, without being permitted to enjoy them.

John Sherman was elected President _pro tempore_ of the Senate.

Although he had twice lost the Republican nomination for the Presidency by the treachery of Ohio politicians, he had not "sulked in his tent," but had done all in his power to carry that State for Garfield and then for Blaine. It was understood that Senator Edmunds had resigned in his favor all claims to the Presidency of the Senate, and he was elected by the full party vote, thirty-four against twenty-nine. He stated in his brief inaugural speech that he should endeavor to enforce the rules with impartiality, ascertaining, if possible, the sense of the majority, and giving to the minority its full const.i.tutional rights and protection.

There was a prolonged and acrimonious debate in the Senate, called the third battle of Bull Run, as it related to the conduct of Fitz John Porter in the second battle. One day Senator Plumb, of Kansas, declared that the attempt to reinstate Porter was the beginning of an attempt to re-write the history of the Union army, and to put that which was disloyal and unfaithful above that which was loyal and faithful. "This," said Mr. Plumb, "was our quarrel, if quarrel it was, and the other side ought to refrain from voting on it."

This roused Senator Butler, of South Carolina, who had served as a Brigadier-General in the Confederate army, and he, in sharp tones, protested against what Mr. Plumb had said, denouncing it as "absolutely and entirely and unqualifiedly untrue. And, sir," he went on to say, "if it were in another form I would p.r.o.nounce it as false and cowardly." He concluded by declaring that he did not believe Fitz John Porter was a traitor. He did not believe that he deserted his colors, and believing that, he should vote to reinstate him. "Ah!" quietly remarked Mr. Plumb, "I knew all that before the Senator arose." "Then," retorted Mr. Butler, "I hope the Senator will stop his insinuations." To this Mr. Plumb replied, "As the Senator has not restrained himself from making a somewhat lively speech here, I hope he will not feel under any restraint elsewhere."

Senator Butler was by that time thoroughly enraged, and, advancing toward the Senator from Kansas, he exclaimed: "I can say this to the Senator, that if he were to indulge in just such sentiments and expressions elsewhere as he has, he would be very likely to hear from me." "Oh! Mr. President," cooly remarked Mr. Plumb, "we hear a great many things in these days. There are signs and portents, and all that sort of thing. It is just what the Senator has said that I was commenting upon; that, while the men who served in the Union army and the Northern people were divided to some extent on this question affecting the honor, the good name, the faithfulness, and the loyalty of one of their own soldiers, no Confederate soldier had any doubt upon the subject, but voted _nem.

con._ that he was not guilty."

A few moments later, Mr. Plumb said he has just been informed that the President had vetoed a bill giving a pension of fifty dollars a month to the widow of Major-General Hunter, who had been presiding officer of the court-martial that had tried Fitz John Porter. That seemed a fitting accompaniment for the pa.s.sage of the Fitz John Porter Bill. But the loyal people of the country would see to it that Mrs. Hunter did not suffer. The debate then lagged, and in a few minutes the vote was reached and the bill was pa.s.sed.

The champion of President Cleveland in the Senate was Arthur P.

Gorman, of Maryland, the son of a respectable citizen of Washington and the grandson of an Irishman. Educated at the public schools in Howard County, Maryland, he was appointed, when thirteen years of age, a page in the Senate of the United States. Prompt, truthful, and attentive to whatever was entrusted to him, he was gradually promoted until he became the Senate Postmaster. Among his warmest friends was Andrew Johnson, and when he was removed from office because he always spoke well of the President, Mr. Johnson appointed him Collector of Internal Revenue for the Fifth District of Maryland, which place he held until the Grant Administration came into power.

Entering into Maryland politics, and thoroughly acquainted with parliamentary law, he was elected Speaker of the House of Delegates, and afterward State Senator. When forty years of age he was elected United States Senator, defeating William Pinckney Whyte, who was the representative of the aristocratic element in Maryland. This element at once commenced a merciless warfare against Mr. Gorman, but he was in no wise daunted, and he has been re-elected by a large majority. He is rather an under-sized, squarely built man, with jet-black hair, a Roman nose, a clean-shaven face, very dark blue eyes, and a decisive manner. He is noted for his fidelity to his friends, and at the same time he often forgives those who have shamefully treated him, but who come to ask favors of him. He did much toward securing the election of Mr. Cleveland as President, and he has had the satisfaction of seeing that what he did has been fully appreciated at the White House.

Senator Kenna, of West Virginia, another stanch defender of President Cleveland, was the youngest Senator when he took his seat, but he had served three terms in the House of Representatives and was chosen for a fourth term when he was elected to the seat formerly occupied by Henry G. Davis. He is a tall, thick-set man, with a full, clean-shaven face, blue eyes, chestnut hair, rather inclined to curl. He is negligent in his dress and rather slow in the utterance of his sentences, as he speaks extemporaneously, what he says, however, is always to the point at issue.

General Charles F. Manderson is one of the ablest among the younger Senators on the Republican side of the Chamber. A native of Pennsylvania, he commenced the practice of law in Ohio, but went into the Union army, where he fought gallantly, receiving severe wounds. After peace was declared he migrated to the young State of Nebraska, whose interests he carefully looks after while he partic.i.p.ates in general legislation, especially military affairs and printing. He is of medium height, compactly built, with bright eyes and a well-modulated voice.

Senator Spooner, of Wisconsin, is the young orator of the Senate.

Slender in form, and not of commanding presence, he has a well- modulated voice, and his words are always well chosen. Whatever he says is characterized by depth of reflection and purity of style, and he is fearlessly independent in the expression of his ideas.

General McCook, the Secretary of the Senate, taking a wife, it became necessary, in accordance with the traditions of that body, to make him a wedding present. The Quaker Senator, Jonathan Chace, of Rhode Island, was one of a committee appointed to collect the contributions for a gift to General McCook, and he began to solicit donations while the Senate was in session, which made it necessary for him to speak low, and, perhaps, somewhat indistinctly. No sooner had be interviewed Mr. Dolph, of Oregon, than that Senator, leaving his seat, went out into the cloak-room, where sat several of the upper house, enjoying their cigars and a chat. "Well," said Mr. Dolph, as he joined them, "I have been called upon, since I have been in public life, to contribute to all sorts of enterprises and for all sorts of purposes, but I just had a request that beats any demand I have ever had made upon my pocket-book." "What was it?" asked the Senators, in a body. "Why," replied Mr. Dolph, "Friend Chace just came to me, and in a mysterious way said that his cook was about to be married, and that he wanted to have me subscribe to a testimonial to her. What in--" but here his auditors broke out in roars of laughter, in which Mr. Dolph joined when he saw his mistake. It was not the cook of Friend Chace who was to receive a wedding testimonial, but handsome Aaron McCook, the Secretary of the Senate.

The House of Representatives, in which the Democrats had a good working majority, re-elected Mr. Speaker Carlisle, with nearly all of the old officers. The only real contest was over the Chaplainship.

Mr. Morrison, of Illinois, presented as his candidate the Rev. W.

H. Milburn, known as the blind preacher, who received ninety votes against eighty-two for all the other candidates, and was elected.

John Griffin Carlisle, Speaker of the House, is a thorough parliamentarian, who rises above party lines in his rulings and is the model of courtesy in the chair. The clearness and the fairness with which he states a question to the House has never been equaled, and his ready recollection of precedents is wonderfully accurate.

He is the fourth Kentuckian who has wielded the Speaker's gavel, Henry Clay having been elected again and again, while Linn Boyd, a veteran Representative, occupied the Speaker's chair for four years. John White, of Kentucky, was also Speaker for one term, but when it was ascertained that an eloquent address delivered by him at the close of a session had been pirated from one delivered by Aaron Burr on vacating the chair of the Senate, he was mercilessly ridiculed and committed suicide.

Another able Kentuckian in the House is William C. P. Breckinridge, of Lexington, who has inherited the brilliant oratorical powers of his father, the Rev. Dr. Robert C. Breckinridge, and of his uncle, Vice-President John C. Breckinridge. He is a model of venerable, manly beauty, his snow-white hair and beard bringing out in strong relief his ruddy complexion, while his large blue eyes gleam with forensic fire.

In the "gift enterprise" of seats, a New York Representative, Mr.

Stahlnecker, drew the first prize and selected a seat in the third row from the front. Mr. Hisc.o.c.k, who is always observed by all observers, had, with Mr. Hewitt, to content themselves with seats in the outside row. The seat of the patriarchal Judge Kelley was protected by his hat, and no one appropriated it until his name was called, when he again resumed his old place. General Robert Smalls, the coal-black Representative from South Carolina, was the object of much interest as he stepped forward to select his seat, and all necks were craned to get a view of New York's Republican standard-bearer when a scholarly, refined-looking gentleman responded to the name of Ira Davenport. Of course, all strangers wanted to see the indefatigable Randall, the economical Holman, the free- trader Morrison, the Greenback Weaver and the argentive Bland, the eloquent McKinley, the sarcastic Reed, the sluggish Hisc.o.c.k, and the caustic-tongued b.u.t.terworth. Old stagers who remembered the shrunken, diminutive form of Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, could but smile when they saw his successor, Major Barnes, who weighs at least three hundred pounds.

The lobby is a quiet but efficient part of Congressional machinery.

Scores of bills are considered and pa.s.sed during every session, each involving thousands of dollars, and those having them in charge do not feel like turning a deaf ear to any one who can promise support. An occasional investigation reveals the work of ex- Congressmen, who hover about the Capitol like birds of prey, and of correspondents so scantily paid by the journals with which they are connected that they are forced to prost.i.tute their pens. But the most adroit lobbyists belong to the gentler s.e.x. Some of them are the widows of officers of the army or navy, other the daughters of Congressmen of a past generation, and others have drifted from home localities, where they have found themselves the subjects of scandalous comments. They are retained with instructions to exert their influence with designated Congressmen. Sometimes the Congressmen are induced to vote aye on a certain measure; sometimes to vote no, and it often occurs that where the lobbyist cannot make an impression on them, one way or the other, they will endeavor to keep them away from the House when the roll is called.

To enable them to do their work well, they have pleasant parlors, with works of art and bric-a-brac donated by admirers. Every evening they receive, and in the winter their blazing wood fires are often surrounded by a distinguished circle. Some treat favored guests to a game of euchre, and as midnight approaches there is always an adjournment to the dining-room, where a choice supper is served. A cold game pie, broiled oysters, charmingly mixed salad, and one or two light dishes generally const.i.tute the repast, with iced champagne or Burgundy at blood heat. Who can blame the Congressman for leaving the bad cooking of his hotel or boarding- house, with the absence of all home comforts, to walk into the parlor web which the cunning spider-lobbyist weaves for him?

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Fredk T. Frelinghuysen FREDERICK T. FRELINGHUYSEN was born at Millstown, New Jersey, August 4th, 1817; graduated at Rutgers College in 1836; was Attorney- General of the State of New Jersey, 1861-1866; was United States Senator, 1866-1869, and again 1871-1877; was Secretary of State under President Arthur, December 12th, 1881 - March 4th, 1885; died at Newark, N. J., May 20th, 1885.

CHAPTER XLVI.

THE PRESIDENT'S WEDDING.

President Cleveland was married at the White House at seven o'clock on the 2d of June, 1886, to Miss Frances Folsom, the daughter of his former law partner. Since the historic mansion had been occupied there had been eight marriages within its walls, but for the first time a President of the United States was the bridegroom. The day had been unpleasant, but in the afternoon it cleared off, and the sunbeams flittered through the foliage of the trees. Only a few relatives of the bride and high officials were invited, but a large crowd a.s.sembled around the door of the White House, where they could only hear the music of the Marine Band when the ceremony was commenced. At the same time a Presidential salute was fired from the a.r.s.enal, and the church-bells chimed merry peals.

The state apartments at the White House were profusely decked with flowers, nodding palms, and tropical gra.s.ses. The crystal chandeliers poured a flood of light upon the scene, and the warm and glowing colors of the ma.s.ses of scarlet begonias and jacqueminot roses mingled with the bright tints of the frescoed walls and ceilings.

The open fire-places were filled with colias and small pink flowers, while on the mantels were large plaques of pansies bearing appropriate mottoes.

Precisely at seven o'clock the Marine Band struck up Mendelssohn's Wedding-March, and the President came slowly down the staircase with his bride leaning on his arm. They were unaccompanied--even the bride's mother awaited her coming. The bride wore a train four yards in length. Attached to the lower side of the train on the left was a scarf of soft, white India silk, looped high, and forming an overskirt, which was bordered on the edge with orange-blossoms.

Across the bodice were full folds of muslin, edged with orange- blossoms. Long gloves were worn to meet the short sleeves. The bridal veil was of white silk tulle, five yards in length, fastened on the head with orange-blossoms, and falling to the end of the beautiful train, which, as the bride stood with bowed head beside the President, lay far behind her on the floor. Her only jewelry as a superb diamond necklace, the President's wedding present, and an engagement-ring containing a sapphire and two diamonds.

President Cleveland wore an evening dress of black, with a small turned-down collar, and a white lawn necktie; a white rose was fastened to the lapel of his coat. The bridal couple turned to the right as they entered the Blue Parlor from the long hall, and faced the officiating clergyman, Rev. Dr. Sunderland, who immediately commenced the ceremony in accordance with the usages of the Presbyterian Church.

After the couple had pledged their troth the President placed a wedding-ring upon the bride's finger, and Dr. Sunderland then p.r.o.nounced them man and wife, with the injunction: "Whom G.o.d hath joined together let no man put asunder." The Rev. Mr. Cleveland, a brother of the bridegroom, then stepped forward and concluded the ceremony with an invocation of blessing upon the pair.

At the conclusion of the ceremony the bride's mother, Mrs. Folsom, was the first to tender her congratulations. She was followed by Miss Cleveland and the other relatives and friends in turn. Then the band struck up the march from Lohengrin, and the President and his wife led the way through the East Room to the family dining- room, where the wedding supper was served. The decorations were of an elaborate character. A mirror in the centre of the table represented a lake, on which was a full-rigged ship, made of pinks, roses, and pansies. The national colors floated over the mainmast, and small white flags, with the monogram "C. F." in golden letters, hung from the other masts. The guests were not seated, but stood up and enjoyed the croquets, game, salads, ices, and creams. The health of the bride and bridegroom was pledged in iced champagne.

Each guest received a box of cardboard, containing a white satin box filled with wedding cake five inches long by two broad and two deep. On the cover the date was hand-painted in colors, and a card affixed bore the autograph signature of Grover Cleveland and Frances Folsom, which they had written the previous afternoon.

At a quarter-past eight the President and his wife left the supper- room and soon reappeared in traveling dress. He wore his usual black frock business suit, and she a traveling dress of deep gray silk, with a large gray hat lined with velvet and crowned with ostrich feathers. They left the back door of the White House amid a shower of rice and old slippers, and were driven to the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, where they took a special train for Deer Park.

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B. Sunderland BYRON SUNDERLAND was born at Sh.o.r.eham, Vermont, November 22d, 1819; was graduated from Middlebury College in the cla.s.s of '38; taught school for two years at Port Henry, New York; was a student at the Union Theological Seminary for two years and a half; was licensed to preach and was ordained in 1848 pastor of the Presbyterian church at Batavia, New York, where he remained for eight years; received a call to the Park Church at Syracuse, and was its pastor until the close of 1852; became pastor of the First Presbyterian Church at Washington in 1853, and has occupied its pulpit since, except from August, '64, to January, '86, when he was temporarily absent in charge of the American Chapel at Paris, France. From 1861 to 1864 he was Chaplain of the United States Senate, and resigned on account of failing health.

CHAPTER XLVII.

A SUMMING-UP OF SIXTY YEARS.

The progress of Washington City during the past sixty years--1827- 1887--has been phenomenal. The United States of America, then twenty-four in number, now number thirty-eight, bound together by iron bands, then unknown, while the telegraph and the telephone add their usefulness to that of the railroads. Domestic rebellion showed itself, to be overthrown only after a struggle in which the courage and endurance of the North and the South were equally demonstrated. The teeming population of Europe has overflowed into every section of the Republic where wealth is to be won by enterprise and industry. The fertile prairies of the far West not only supply the inhabitants of the Eastern States with food, but they export large quant.i.ties of meat and of grain. The workshops and factories resound with the whir of wheels and the hum of well-paid labor, which, in turn, furnishes a market for agricultural and horticultural products. There has been of late a fomentation of ill-feeling and jealously between cla.s.ses dependent upon each other, and both equally valuable to the nation. But, on the whole, it is impossible to deny that the United States is a free, a prosperous, and a happy country.

The national metropolis has, during these past sixty years, enjoyed peaceful progress. In 1827 the population of the entire District of Columbia was less than seventy-five thousand, of whom sixty-one thousand were inhabitants of the city of Washington; now the population of the District is two hundred and three thousand, and that of Washington is about one hundred and fifty thousand. The increase of wealth has been even greater than the increase of population. Then there was not a paved street, and it was often difficult to extract carriages from mud-holes in the princ.i.p.al thoroughfares; now there are many miles of stone and asphalt street pavements, shaded by thousands of forest trees. Then there were twenty-four churches, now there are over two hundred. Then there were no public schools for white children that amounted to much, and it was forbidden by law to teach colored children, now there are scores of schools, with their hundreds of teachers, and twenty- six thousand six hundred and ninety-six pupils in the white schools, and eleven thousand six hundred and forty pupils in the colored schools--thirty-eight thousand three hundred and thirty-six pupils in all. The streets, then dark at night when the moon did not shine, are now illuminated by electricity and gas. The public reservations are ornamented with shrubs and flowers, while numerous statues of the heroes and the statesmen of the country are to be seen in different parts of the city.

That the tone of society has been wonderfully improved during the past sixty years the earlier chapters of this book bear testimony.

Duels and personal encounters are no longer witnessed at the national metropolis, and yet our legislators have not grown craven- hearted, nor do they lack indomitable energy and sound judgment.

Neither is it true that Congress has become demoralized by railroad speculations, or degraded by the influence of shoddy, although the war subjected its members greatly to these influences, and some succ.u.mbed to them.

When the silver-toned trumpets of peace proclaimed the close of hostilities, Washington suffered from the laxity of morals and corruption attendant upon the presence of a great army of soldiers and a more unscrupulous legion of contractors. "I have seen," said Senator h.o.a.r, on the impeachment of Secretary Belknap before the Senate, "the Chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs in the House, rise in his place and demand the expulsion of four of his a.s.sociates for making sale of their official privilege of selecting the youths to be educated at our military school. When the greatest railroad of the world, binding together the continent and uniting the two great seas which wash our sh.o.r.es was finished, I have seen our national triumph and exultation turned to bitterness and shame by the unanimous reports of the three Committees of Congress, two of the House and one here, that every step of that mighty enterprise had been taken in fraud. I have heard in the highest places the shameless doctrine avowed by men grown old in public offices that the true way by which power should be gained in the Republic is to bribe the people with the offices created for their service, and the true end for which it should be used when gained is the promotion of selfish ambition and the gratification of personal revenge."

The time was when the "Rex Vestiari," as the King of the Lobby styled himself, on a silver cup which he impudently presented to a retiring Speaker, had no difficulty in a.s.sembling the leading Congressmen and prominent diplomats around his table to enjoy his exquisite repasts. But there has come a more vigorous code of morality, and society is now rarely disgraced by the presence of these scoundrels.