Musical Myths and Facts Volume I Part 14

[33] 'Allemannisches Kinderlied und Kinderspiel aus der Schweiz; gesammelt von E. L. Rochholz. Leipzig, 1857.' P. 58.

[34] 'Niedersachsiche Sagen und Marchen, gesammelt von Schaumbach und Muller. Gottingen, 1855.' P. 57.

[35] 'Niederlandische Sagen, herausgegeben von J. W. Wolf.

Leipzig, 1843.' P. 562.

[36] 'Iceland, its Scenes and Sagas, by Sabine Baring-Gould.

London, 1863.' P. 194.

[Ill.u.s.tration]

CURIOSITIES IN MUSICAL LITERATURE.

Anything which is new and unprecedented in music is seldom at once properly appreciated by the majority of musicians however beautiful it may be. Hence the diversity of opinion concerning certain important musical compositions which we meet with in our literature.

The 'Letters on Musical Taste' written by J. B. Schaul ('Briefe uber den Geschmack in der Musik. Carlsruhe, 1809,') contain many sensible observations which are blemished by unreasonable attacks on Mozart, because the then new composer did not in his operas restrict himself to the same treatment of the orchestra to which previous masters had accustomed the ear. Schaul was a great admirer of Boccherini. "What a difference between a Mozart and a Boccherini!" he exclaims. "The former leads us among rugged rocks in a th.o.r.n.y forest but sparingly strewn with flowers; whereas the latter conducts us into a smiling landscape with flowery meadows, clear and murmuring brooks, and shady groves, where our spirit abandons itself with delight to a sweet melancholy, which affords it an agreeable recreation even after it has left these pleasant regions."

There are several other remarks of this kind in the book, which aroused the ire of Carl Maria von Weber, and induced him to take up his pen in defence of Mozart,[37] which he probably would have thought unnecessary, if the book were not otherwise rather clever.

When, in the year 1790, Mozart's 'Don Giovanni' was performed in Berlin for the first time, the new opera found favour with the public, but by no means with the critics. The following extract is translated from the 'Chronik von Berlin,' Vol. IX., p. 133:--"It is not by overcharging the orchestra, but by expressing the emotions and pa.s.sions of the heart, that the composer achieves anything great, and transmits his name to posterity. Gretry, Monsigny, and Philidor are, and ever will be, examples of this truth. Mozart, in his 'Don Giovanni,' aimed at producing something extraordinary, thus much is certain, and something extraordinary surely he has produced; nothing however, which could not be imitated, or which is great. Not the heart, but whim, eccentricity, and pride are the sources from which 'Don Giovanni' has emanated....

This opera, nevertheless, proved remunerative to the manager; and gallery, boxes and pit will also in future not be empty; for a ghost in armour and furies spitting fire are a powerful magnet."[38]

The chord with the augmented octave, which occurs several times in Mozart's overture to 'Don Giovanni':--

[Music]

has caused more than one honest theorist to shake his head. No doubt, if seen in notation disconnected from the preceding and following bars, it looks deterrent enough; but ought it thus to be judged? Still, Schilling in his Musical Dictionary,[39] has thought it necessary to excuse Mozart for having used this chord. In the article headed "Accord" he remarks: "Turk says we possess no chord with an augmented octave. Until Mozart, this interval was only used as a Suspension. Mozart, however, makes it stable enough by filling with it a whole bar of 4/4 time. The master always knows why he acts in a certain particular way and not otherwise; and as in 'Don Giovanni' the extraordinary is predominant, this long-sustained augmented interval--this premeditated poignard-stab--may stand there as a warning to our libertines. We, for our part, know nothing more frightful than this sustained chord, and the sudden energy with which it is intended to be executed."

If Mozart could provoke adverse criticism, it is not surprising that Beethoven did, considering his great originality. Dr. Crotch therefore, should not be thought a worse critic than many others when he says (in his 'Lectures,' London, 1831, p. 146) of Beethoven: "That he has ever disregarded the rules of composition is to be regretted, as there does not seem to have been the least good obtained by it in any one instance."

Rochlitz, in criticising Beethoven's last violin quartets, which he evidently did not like, cautiously observes: "When Beethoven had published his first three Trios for pianoforte, violin and violoncello--and soon afterwards, his first Symphony in C major--a certain reviewer thought it right and good to speak of the Trios almost jokingly, treating them rather as confused explosions of the bold wantonness of a young man of talent; and the symphony he earnestly and warningly declared to be an odd imitation of the style of Haydn, amounting almost to caricature. Yet this critic was really an able musician of much experience, and standing firm as a rock in his time and its theory. He had also produced many works which are justly appreciated, and he liked Beethoven in a degree. Had the man given his name, or did we not owe reticence to the dead, every reader would concede this, and even more, if we named him. Again, when Beethoven had finished his second Symphony in D major, and Prince Lichnowsky brought the ma.n.u.script to Leipzig, Spazier, after the performance of the symphony, gave his opinion about it in his new journal, ent.i.tled 'Zeitung fur die elegante Welt.' He called it a coa.r.s.e monster--a pierced dragon writhing indomitably, which will not die, and which in bleeding to death (Finale) flourishes its uplifted tail furiously in all directions in vain. Now, Spazier was a clever fellow, a many-sided and versatile man, and by no means inexperienced. As musician, he was acquainted with every composition which in his time was considered as superior. Having been a pupil and faithful a.s.sistant of Reichardt, he enjoyed as a critic a by no means small reputation, and was even feared.

Since then, twenty-five years have elapsed; and what is now thought of these works by the whole world?"[40]

A collection of the musical reviews emanating from critics of reputation, which condemn our master-works, might be amusing, but would probably be more ridiculous than instructive. England especially could contribute a large share of such curiosities in musical literature. No doubt some of the judges were clever enough; they cannot exactly be said to have been unable to understand what they criticised; but they had compiled a certain code of rules for their own guidance in judging, gathered from the works of some favourite composer, which rules they considered as the only right ones. Consequently they denounced whatever they found in disagreement with their adopted code.

J. N. Forkel, the learned and justly-esteemed author of a 'History of Music,' and of several other useful works, possessed for J. S. Bach so intense an admiration, that he had at last no ear for any composer who differed from his idol. Hence his unwarrantable attacks on Gluck in his 'Musikalisch-Kritische Bibliothek,' Gotha, 1778.

We possess in the German language a cleverly written book ent.i.tled 'Ueber Reinheit der Tonkunst' (On the Purity of Music), the first edition of which appeared in the year 1825. The author of this book, A. C. J. Thibaut, a distinguished Professor of Law in Heidelberg, had studied the old Italian and Dutch Church composers of the time of Palestrina, whose works he delighted in having performed at regular meetings of a number of well-trained choristers in his house. Thibaut's enthusiasm for the old writers of vocal music without instrumental accompaniment was so unbounded that the great instrumental compositions by Beethoven and others had but little attraction for him. He ridicules with much sarcasm Weber's overture to 'Oberon.' Celebrated pianists evidently found but little favour with him. Still, Thibaut has had a beneficial influence on musicians, and his strange and spirited book deserves a prominent place among our curiosities in musical literature.

Distinguished composers sometimes prove but unreliable judges of the merits of other composers, especially if the latter are their contemporaries, and perhaps their rivals. We know from the biographies of the composers how greatly Weber disliked Rossini; how lightly Spohr appreciated Weber's 'Der Freischutz' when all the world was in ecstasy about the opera; how Spohr found fault with Beethoven's symphonies. And we know what Beethoven, in an unguarded moment, said of these composers.

We remember Mozart's unfavourable opinions concerning Clementi, Abbe Vogler and some other musical celebrities of his time; likewise J. S.

Bach's joking remarks to his son Friedemann about their going to Dresden to listen to the "pretty little songs" of Ha.s.se; and Handel's hard words about Gluck: "He knows no more of counterpoint than my cook!"--not to record other such gossip which is rather scandalous. Being reminded of these musical discords, it is all the more agreeable to remember the sincerity with which many of our great musicians have acknowledged the merits of their compeers. Haydn's esteem for Mozart was only equalled by Mozart's esteem for Haydn. Beethoven's high appreciation of Cherubini is notorious. Likewise, Schubert's admiration of Beethoven. But it is unnecessary here to point out instances of the kind.

Musical amateurs often evince a preference for a certain composer merely because they have accidentally become more familiar with his works than with those of other composers. No wonder that in their literary productions referring to music they should have largely contributed to the curiosities. In noticing here M. Victor Schoelcher's 'Life of Handel,' it is with sincere esteem for his enthusiasm and perseverance, which enabled him to collect interesting information respecting the great composer. However, in order to write the 'Life of Handel' it is not sufficient to be an enthusiastic admirer of his works. One must be well acquainted with the musicians contemporary with the great composer, and with the stage of progress of the art at the time when the little boy Handel took his initiatory lessons. One must also have practical experience in musical composition. The following opinion expressed in the work alluded to may serve as an example of a literary curiosity from a musical amateur:--"When a great artist like Handel is accused of theft, the proofs should be exhibited openly.... These pretended thefts are nothing but accidental resemblances, fugitive, and quite involuntary.... If Dr. Crotch is to be believed, Handel was never anything but a plagiarist, who pa.s.sed his life in seeking ideas out of every corner!" and so on. Now, it is a well-known fact that Handel did in several instances make use of the compositions of others. But, no discerning biographer would for this reason regard him as a thief. The really musical inquirer would find it interesting to examine carefully how the great composer has treated and enn.o.bled ideas emanating from others.

An autobiography of a celebrated musician may be instructive, if the author possesses the moral courage to record candidly what he has thought and felt. He must tell the truth, and nothing but the truth. How seldom is this the case! Be it from a praiseworthy consideration for others, or perhaps from personal vanity, statements of committed mistakes, unsuccessful struggles, and such like facts, are often omitted or gilded over. The letters of celebrated musicians, published after their death by their friends, are generally so much polished, and sentences thought to be injurious to the reputation of the great artist so carefully expunged, that we obtain only occasionally a glimpse at the real life of the man. Perhaps the most amiable, but also the weakest publications of this kind are generally the biographical notices which have been edited by the widow of a celebrated musician. To note one instance: 'Spohr's Autobiography' is interesting, although it is somewhat tinged with self-complacency. After Spohr's death his widow published the Autobiography, supplementing it with laudatory remarks such as the following:--

"During the last few years of his life he often expressed his conviction that there must certainly be music in Heaven, although it might be very different from our own music. When his wife replied with all her heart: 'Yes, perhaps different; but more beautiful than yours it cannot be!'--Then, a smile of happy contentment and blissful hope spread over his face."[41]

The musician acquainted with the frequent repet.i.tions in Spohr's works of certain modulations and mannerisms in favour with the composer, may well be excused if he shudders at the thought that he should have to listen to them eternally.

Let us now direct our attention for a moment to books relating to musical controversy. The reader is probably aware of the dispute occasioned by Gluck and Piccini, in France, towards the end of the last century, and of the large number of pamphlets which it caused to be published, including some which were written by the most distinguished thinkers of the time. The dispute concerning the genuineness of Mozart's Requiem likewise supplies some curious specimens of musical literature.

The paper-war commenced with an article by Gottfried Weber, published in the musical journal 'Caecilia,' in the year 1825. The gauntlet thrown down was taken up, in the same year, by the Abbe Stadler. After this beginning of the controversy, other champions, _pro_ and _contra_, made their appearance; and the quarrel, conducted not entirely without personal insult, soon grew to be as formidable as the fray between the Montagues and the Capulets,--when, fortunately for the sake of concord, Mozart's MS. score of the Requiem was discovered, and revealed which portions of the work had been committed to paper by himself, and which were written after his death by his instructed disciple, Sussmayr.

Another controversy of a peculiar kind, in which many musicians took part, and upon which several dissertations were published, originated in a violent attack by Giovanni Spataro upon Franchino Gafori, in the beginning of the sixteenth century. An account of this dispute, which related to some theoretical questions, is given in Hawkins's 'History of Music,' London, 1776, Vol. II., p. 335. As regards the style of language of the combatants, it reminds us more of fists and clubs than of needle-guns; but this is only what might be expected.

Again, as regards the learned inquiries respecting the origin and use of music, some curious treatises may be noticed.

The opinion that man learnt the art of music from the songs of birds is very old, and was already held by the Roman poet Lucretius, nearly a century before our Christian era. Guido Casoni, in his 'Della Magia d'Amore,' Venice, 1596, finds the origin of music in Love. J. C. Ammon, a German clergyman, wrote in the year 1746, an essay ent.i.tled 'Grundlicher Beweis da.s.s im ewigen Leben wirklich eine vortreffliche Musik sei' ('A Clear Proof that there is in Eternal Life really excellent Music'). Also Mattheson, of whose literary productions more than one might be cla.s.sed with the curiosities, wrote circ.u.mstantially about the music in Heaven.

A book of his on the subject, published in the year 1747, bears the t.i.tle--'Behauptung der himmlischen Musik aus den Grunden der Vernunft, Kirchen-Lehre, und Heiligen Schrift' ('An a.s.sertion that there is Music in Heaven, proved from conclusions of reason, from the teaching of the Church, and from Holy Scripture'). Latrobe, in his treatise ent.i.tled 'The Music of the Church,' London, 1831, settles this question by citing pa.s.sages from the Revelation; for instance, the nature of the instrumental accompaniments to the vocal music in Heaven, is in his opinion clearly revealed by the pa.s.sage "Harpers harping upon their harps." (Rev. XIV., 2).

The erroneous conjecture, that the art of music suggested itself originally to man, from his hearing the various sounds in nature, instead of being innate in him, has been entertained by several writers.

Suffice it to notice two books on this hypothesis, written in the present century: 'The Music of Nature; or an attempt to prove that what is pa.s.sionate and pleasing in the art of singing, speaking, and performing upon musical instruments, is derived from the sounds of the Animated World,' by William Gardiner; London, 1832. 'La Harpe d'Eole et la musique cosmique; etudes sur les rapports des phenomenes sonores de la nature avec la science et l'art;' par J. G. Kastner; Paris, 1856.--Kastner is the author of several musical treatises which might be enumerated with the literary curiosities.

Feyoo y Montenegro, a Spanish ecclesiastic, about the middle of the eighteenth century, wrote a dissertation, the t.i.tle of which, translated into English, is: 'The Delights of Music accompanied by Virtue are upon Earth the foretaste of Heaven.' By way of contrast to this may be noticed Frances...o...b..cchi's 'Discorso sopra la Musica,' Florence, 1580, in which the learned author maintains that music is injurious to morals and good manners. Vicesimus Knox, in his 'Essays moral and literary,'

London, 1778, recommends the acquirement of musical accomplishments as a means of protecting oneself in old age from contempt and neglect.

The oddities of the following English works are sufficiently indicated by their t.i.tles:--'The Schoole of Abuse conteining a pleasaunt Inuective against Poetes, Pipers, Plaiers, Jesters, and such like Caterpillers of a Commonwelth,' by Stephen Gosson; London, 1579. 'Histrio-mastic; The Player's Scovrge, or Actors' Tragedie,' by William Prynne; London, 1633.

For the publication of this work, which contains a satire against vocal music, the author was condemned by King Charles I. to have his ears cut off, and to stand in the pillory.

Curious specimens of English treatises on sacred music are:--'A Treatise concerning the lawfulness of Instrumental Musick in Holy Offices,' by Henry Dodwell. Second edition; London, 1700. 'The Temple Musick; or an Essay concerning the Method of Singing the Psalms of David, in the Temple, before the Babylonish Captivity,' by Arthur Bedford; London, 1706. 'The Great Abuse of Musick,' by Arthur Bedford, London, 1711.

A German philosopher, in the beginning of the present century, wrote 'On our Inclination to sing when we are in a cheerful Mood.' Others have shown that cheerful music makes some persons feel sad. Shakespeare knew this, to conclude from Jessica's words (The Merchant of Venice, Act V., Scene I.): 'I am never merry when I hear sweet music.'

As regards curious ill.u.s.trations of musical instruments, the following works are especially deserving of notice:--

'Musica getutscht und ausgezogen,' Basel, 1511, by Sebastian Virdung.--'Musica instrumentalis,' Wittenburg, 1529, by Martin Agricola.--'Musurgia seu Praxis Musicae,' Stra.s.sburg, 1536, by Ottomarus Luscinius.--The last-named work is written in Latin; the other two are in German. All these contain ill.u.s.trations of the instruments described by the authors. Sebastian Virdung's book is written in dialogue. Virdung and Luscinius (whose German name was Nachtigall) were priests. Martin Agricola was a professional musician, and conductor of a choir and orchestra at Magdeburg. His book is written in wretched doggerel rhymes, but the wood-engravings are very exact, and his explanations are lucid.

The circ.u.mstances of Martin Agricola having been practically experienced in the art, and having lived, so to say, in the midst of the instruments on which he treats, render his observations especially reliable.

The same may be said of Michael Praetorius, a distinguished Kapellmeister at Brunswick, who is the author of 'De Organographia,' Wolfenb.u.t.tel, 1619. This valuable treatise forms the second volume of a work ent.i.tled, 'Syntagma Music.u.m,' etc. The first volume treats on the history of music, chiefly sacred; it is written in Latin, and was published in 1615. The third volume, which like the second is written in German, contains an account of the different vocal compositions in use at the time when the work was written. The wood-engravings of 120 instruments belonging to Volume II. were published with the separate t.i.tle: 'Theatrum Instrumentorum seu Sciagraphia,' Wolfenb.u.t.tel, 1620. The proper German name of Praetorius is Schulz. It was not unusual with the old German authors to Latinize their names on the t.i.tle-page of their books.

The works just noticed are now so scarce that the musician rarely finds an opportunity to consult them. Hardly more accessible is the 'Harmonie universelle,' Paris, 1636, by F. Marin Mersenne,--a work which is valued especially on account of its comprehensiveness. The second volume contains descriptions with ill.u.s.trations of the musical instruments in use about the year 1600. Mersenne was a monk,--as was also Athanasius Kircher, whose 'Musurgia universalis' appeared in Rome in the year 1650.

Kircher's work is less scarce than that of Mersenne, but also less important. The ill.u.s.trations in 'Musurgia universalis' are however, interesting, and it is princ.i.p.ally on account of them that the work is still appreciated by musical historians. The 'Musurgia universalis' is written in Latin. Athanasius Kircher occupied himself also in making acoustic experiments, and he wrote a treatise on the subject, ill.u.s.trated by engravings. He also constructed various acoustic instruments, which after his death, were deposited with other curiosities left by him, in a Museum at Rome. Dr. Burney, who saw them in Rome in the year 1770, remarks in his Journal: "They are now almost all out of order; but their construction is really curious, and manifests an ingenuity as well as zeal of this learned father in his musical inquiries and experiments."

Filippo Bonanni, who like Athanasius Kircher was a Jesuit Father, published at Rome in the year 1722, a work ent.i.tled 'Gabinetto armonico pieno d'istromenti sonori,' which contains 138 copper-plate engravings of musical instruments, most of them with representations of the performers. It is written in Italian. A second edition, in Italian and French, appeared in 1776. Bonanni's work is an amusing picture-book rather than a scientific treatise. The ill.u.s.trations are inexact, and the explanations are meagre and unsatisfactory. The author had evidently never seen most of the instruments which he describes, and many of the ill.u.s.trations appear to have been drawn from his description and not from actual specimens.

It is however, from Bonanni and kindred writers that Laborde has compiled his 'Essai sur la Musique,' Paris, 1780. It would be more easy than pleasant to cite mis-statements copied from old authors by Laborde which have been recapitulated almost verbally by subsequent writers down to Fetis. In consulting the 'Essai sur la Musique' with its ill.u.s.trations, many of which are fanciful, it must be borne in mind that Laborde was a musical dilettante more distinguished for his enthusiasm for the art, than for any particular qualification as an author on the subject in question.

Sir John Hawkins, likewise a musical dilettante and ardent lover of the art, by persevering diligence succeeded in acc.u.mulating a large ma.s.s of material for the compilation of a history of music, published in 1776, which contains many interesting accounts of scarce works on music, with extracts from them; but he was evidently not much of a musician, and the information he offers is arranged without sufficient discernment or order.

Hawkins was probably unacquainted with the original German works from which he gives extracts in translation. At any rate, he has made some funny mistakes. For instance, in noticing a publication of a series of letters on music by Steffani, he says (Vol. IV., p. 303): "Mattheson, in his 'Orchestra', mentions two persons, namely John Ballhorn and ( ) Weigweiser, as the authors of observations on these letters by Steffani; but, according to Mattheson, neither of them was either able to read the original, or in the translation to distinguish between the sense of the author as delivered in the text, or the opinions of the translator contained in the notes."

Now, the fact is that neither John Ballhorn nor Wegweiser--or Weigweiser as Hawkins spells the word,--were distinguished men deserving a place in a 'General History of Music.' "Johann Ballhorn" merely signifies "a Blunderer," just as "Jack of all Trades" signifies a person who can turn his hand to anything. Old Mattheson was a quaint and sarcastic writer.

He calls the translator of Steffani's treatise from Italian into German a "Johann Ballhorn" on account of the blunders in the translation; and another writer, who commented upon the subject, and who put himself forth as a true Mentor, he nicknames Wegweiser, which simply means "Guide." The student ought, however, to acknowledge the literary scrupulosity of Hawkins evinced by his leaving a small blank s.p.a.ce open before "Weigweiser" to enable any reader who may happen to be informed of the christian name of this gentleman, to insert it there. Still, Hawkins may well be excused, considering that even Nagler, in his well-known Lexicon of Artists, written in German, exhibits a somewhat similar "John Ballhorn." He mentions a Mr. "Somebody" among the English engravers, and states that this artist has engraven the Death of General Wolfe painted by West.