Memoirs of General Lafayette Part 4

Recollection ensures it. Futurity does but enlarge the prospect: and the private intercourse will every day increase, which independent and advantageous trade cherishes, in proportion as it is justly understood.

"In unbounded wishes to America, I am happy to observe the prevailing disposition of the people to strengthen the confederation, preserve public faith, regulate trade; and, in a proper guard over continental magazines and frontier posts, in a general system of militia, in foreseeing attention to the navy, to ensure every kind of safety. May this immense temple of freedom ever stand a lesson to oppressors, an example to the oppressed, a sanctuary for the rights of mankind! And may these happy United States attain that complete splendor and prosperity, which will ill.u.s.trate the blessings of their government, and for ages to come, rejoice the departed souls of its founders.

"However unwilling to trespa.s.s on your time, I must yet present you with my grateful thanks for the late favours of Congress; and never can they oblige me so much, as when they put it in my power, in every part of the world, and to the latest day of my life, to gratify the attachment, which will ever rank me among the most zealous and respectful servants of the United States."

On the return of the Marquis de Lafayette to his native country in 1785, he spent some time in the bosom of his amiable family. With an affectionate wife, of cultivated mind and accomplished manners, with a circle of literary friends, and enjoying a high reputation for his heroic services in America, he must have possessed all the ingredients of human happiness. He received the smiles of the King and Court; was caressed by the gay and chivalrous; and had the esteem and friendship of the first literary characters in France. He was fond of agricultural pursuits; and as his estates were extensive, he devoted a considerable portion of his time to the cultivation and improvement of his lands. During this time his hospitable attentions were shown to American travelers, who were always sure of his friendly reception.

The legislature of Virginia, in 1786, conferred upon Lafayette, an honorable tribute of regard, in recollection of his very important services in defence of American Independence; and particularly of his brave and successful efforts during the campaign of 1781, against Cornwallis. This was a resolution to place his bust in their capitol. Mr. Jefferson, then in France, was authorized to have the like work of honor fixed in Paris, with consent of the munic.i.p.al authority of that city and accordingly, another bust of Lafayette; was placed, by approbation of the King and of the Provot of Paris, in one of the galleries of the city hall.

In 1786, he traveled through various parts of Germany, and visited the courts of Vienna and Berlin. He became acquainted with Frederick II. the greatest royal tactician of Europe; and probably availed of the opportunity of attending his reviews, to increase his knowledge of military discipline.

Soon after his return to France, we find him uniting his influence and efforts with the celebrated philosopher, Malesherbes, who was zealously engaged in favour of the French protestants. At this time, also, he joined a society in Paris, whose object was the gradual emanc.i.p.ation of the unfortunate Africans: so generous and active are the principles of liberty, that they never cease to urge those, who yield to their influence, to deeds of benevolence and humanity. In 1787, he was chosen a deputy to the a.s.sembly of the States General, by the n.o.bility of Auvergne, his native province; and at this time he shared largely in the popular favour. But, although subsequently found among the most zealous for a new const.i.tution, by which the power of the monarch was greatly curtailed, he now voted with the other members of the order of n.o.bles, and contended for their distinct authority.

At this meeting of the States General, however, he was active in procuring a favorable decree for the protestants, and was the first to raise his voice for the suppression of "_lettres de cachet_." This convocation of the States General, composed of separate chambers or orders, had not been long in session, when great difficulties arose in consequence of various plans, and the conflicting opinions of different factions, (for factions were now beginning to appear;) and it was proposed to call a "National a.s.sembly." It does not appear, that this was a favorite measure of Lafayette; though, from his avowed sentiments respecting the equal rights of man, it cannot be doubted, that he approved of the plan. For in 1789, he became a member of this celebrated a.s.sembly, whose acts not only laid the foundation, for a radical change in the government of France, but tended directly to destroy the whole power of the monarch. Even here, indeed, he appeared as the friend and advocate of Louis; and however ardent he was for an amelioration of the condition of the people, by rendering the civil government more mild, than heretofore, he was sincere and active in providing for the personal safety of his Prince, and for the honor of his crown, conformably to his views of political liberty.

He had, in truth, a most difficult part to act. He was ardently attached to the cause of freedom, and wished the people should have the public enjoyment of their just and national principles. And he was equally desirous, that his royal master should still retain such a portion of authority, as would be requisite to the dignity of the first magistrate of a great nation.--But the accomplishment of such generous sentiments was utterly impossible. Neither Louis, nor his courtiers could consent to the limitations of the royal authority, proposed by the reformers, and which were necessary to a just exercise of power in the people, whose representatives should share in the administration of the government. And many of the leaders in the revolution, even in its incipient stage, on the other hand, had such ambitious views, or visionary projects, that nothing would satisfy them, but an entire relinquishment of power long claimed and exercised by the Kings of this ancient nation.

In 1789, the new const.i.tution was proposed by the National a.s.sembly, by which the distinct and independent power of the monarch was almost annihilated; and the whole legislative authority was given to the representatives of the people. That Lafayette, and some others who advocated this instrument, were actuated by a disinterested love of the people, and believed that sufficient power was reserved to the King to secure respect for him, as the political head of the nation, cannot be doubted. We have only to lament, that subsequent events afforded proofs of the unfitness of the French people, at that period, for the blessings of a more popular government. It must also be admitted, that many who professed republicanism, and boasted of their regard to the people's rights were unprincipled and ambitious men, whom power had intoxicated, or who entertained views of government utterly inconsistent with the just authority of the laws, and the safety of individuals. Lafayette offered the declaration of the rights of man, at this period, for the sanction of the a.s.sembly: And though he was accused by the anti-revolutionists, as the author of all the excesses and cruelties which followed, for this proposition, it may justly be said in his behalf, that it contained no other axioms, than are admitted, by all impartial writers, as essential in free governments. The King and his courtiers condemned them; and jacobins and demagogues afterwards abused them, in their wild notions of republicanism, or their selfish projects of personal aggrandizement.

Lafayette was charged with indiscretion and want of judgment, for the active and zealous part which he took in the revolution, not only by bigoted monarchists, but by some who were friendly to republican inst.i.tutions. He is said to have declared, "that when oppression and tyranny were at their height, insurrection became a duty." This declaration, however, when candidly considered, implies no more, than was frequently expressed by the patriots of America, when opposing the arbitrary power of the British ministry, and advocating independence as the only remedy. The ardour and enthusiasm of Lafayette, probably, betrayed him into some practical errors, and led him to utter expressions, which were capable of being pressed into the service of jacobins and anarchists. We only contend, that he had no selfish views to accomplish--and that he was really friendly to the welfare and honor of his Prince, as well as to the liberty and happiness of the French people.

This is fully established by the fact, that, at this period and afterwards, when jacobin clubs were formed and acted as dictators to the National a.s.sembly, he became obnoxious to them, for his firmness in adhering to const.i.tutional principles; and, though generally censured by the royalists as an advocate for liberty and reform, was hated and opposed by the factions, with the pretence of his being still attached to the ancient regime. He retained his hold on the affections of the people for some time, and enjoyed also, more of the confidence and regard of the King, then any other who had favored the revolution. The court found him, at least, candid and sincere; and he often exposed himself to imminent danger in their defence. As proof of the former, he was chosen Vice President of the national a.s.sembly, in the absence of the aged President, July 1789; and appointed to the command of the citizens of Paris, to quell the riots, and to restore tranquility to the city, when an alarming tumult existed, in consequence of the want of bread among the lower cla.s.ses. As evidence of the latter, the King often consulted him in cases of difficulties and danger; and entrusted his person and family to his custody, when threatened by a lawless mob, though he well knew the sentiments of Lafayette, on the great question of royal authority.

When he was appointed to the command of the Parisian militia, (afterwards denominated the national guard,) which had been promptly organized according to a plan of his suggesting, it was a time of great confusion and tumult. He accepted the appointment from the most patriotic motives.

Drawing his sword before an immense concourse of citizens then a.s.sembled, "Lafayette made a vow to sacrifice his life, if necessary, to the preservation of that precious liberty which had been entrusted to him." It was then too, at the moment of his "brightest popularity," that he exhorted those who pressed around him, "to love the friends of the people; but, at the same time, to maintain an entire submission to the laws, and to cherish a zeal for liberty."

He manifested the highest respect for the civil power, even when he commanded the national guard and Parisian militia, though with this immense military force, and with his unbounded popularity, he might have safely followed his own wishes. The Parisians were eager to march to Versailles, where the King and court resided, to demand an immediate supply of bread.

The mob proceeded thither in great numbers, and still greater tumult. He declined marching the military, until be had the express consent and order of the National a.s.sembly. And on his arrival, he immediately joined with the king's body guard, in suppressing the riotous proceedings of the promiscuous mult.i.tude, who had previously reached the place, and were committing depredations even in the royal palace. This was a scene of great confusion and alarm; and violence and bloodshed ensued. The enemies of Lafayette pretended, that he might have prevented the mischief, by timely and decisive measures. But impartial witnesses testified, "that, from the first moment of the alarm, he had even exceeded his usual activity." He appeared in every quarter. "Gentlemen," said he to the Parisian soldiers, "I have pledged my word and honor to the King, that nothing belonging to him shall receive injury. If I break my word, I shall no longer be worthy of being your commander." The people insisted, that the King should go to Paris; and on consulting with the Marquis, who gave a.s.surances of protection and respect, he proceeded to the city, accompanied by his family, and was received with great acclamations of _vive Le Roi_.

Lafayette still retained his great popularity and influence. The Court party had perfect confidence in his integrity and honor, though they did not approve of his revolutionary principles. And the friends of the const.i.tution found in him one of their most zealous and able supporters.

These, however, soon become divided into clubs and parties; some of whom were aiming at more power for the representatives of the people, and for divesting Louis of every thing but the name of King. To this description of politicians, Lafayette, and others who const.i.tuted the majority of the National a.s.sembly at this time, were opposed. They considered the King as still the fountain of all executive authority, and were willing that he should also have a _veto_ upon their legislative proceedings--His person, they declared, was inviolable, and his crown hereditary. Put the more violent revolutionists, who soon became known by the distinctive appellation of _Jacobins_, formed themselves into a club; where extravagant measures were proposed and then presented to the a.s.sembly; and frequently were adopted, through intrigue and threats, when a majority of the members were dissatisfied with them.

Attached to the const.i.tution, a friend to justice and order, and an advocate for the dignity and authority of the monarch, as limited and defined by the const.i.tution, Lafayette was among the most open and decided in counteracting the views of the Duc de Orleans, Mirabeau, Petion, Brissot, Robespeirre, and others of the jacobin faction, who aimed at further changes to fulfill their own selfish and ambitious designs. Orleans was an unprincipled and dangerous n.o.bleman; of royal blood and cousin to Louis: But his object was to bring about an entire revolution, and place himself on the throne of France. He, therefore, hated and feared Lafayette; who, he knew, was too honest to further his plans, and too powerful to allow him to succeed: Orleans became obnoxious and was persuaded to leave the kingdom. But he soon returned; and promoted or approved the shocking excesses which were afterwards committed.

During the years 1790 and 1791 great agitations existed in Paris, on various occasions, through the changing opinions of political leaders, and the collisions of individuals, who were rivals for power. The grand confederation took place in July 1790, when the const.i.tution received the sanction of all cla.s.ses; and when Lafayette, at the head of the national guards, attracted as much notice and possessed as great influence as the king himself. His popularity seemed unbounded; nor did he commit any act of cruelty or injustice to injure his high reputation. He could not, in all instances, command the military or restrain the mob; but he had the merit of using his greatest efforts to preserve order, and to maintain the authority of the laws. When the King proposed to visit St. Cloud, he was opposed by the populace and the Jacobin clubs, under the pretence that he intended to leave the kingdom. Lafayette attempted to disperse them and to remove all obstructions to the intended visit of Louis. The troops were disobedient to his orders, and refused to favor the King's journey.

Mortified by their insubordination, Lafayette resigned his command, but afterwards resumed it, through the solicitations of the National a.s.sembly, and of the guards themselves, who regretted their disobedience of his orders.

On the attempt of the King, soon after, to depart from France, who had become disgusted with the conduct of the revolutionists, and was in fear of his personal safety, Lafayette was charged with being privy to the plan, and subjected himself to the popular displeasure on this suspicion. That he promoted the plan, was never proved, and is not probable. That he had intimations of it, is possible; but that he gave strict orders to the officers about the king's palace to guard against such an event is most certain. He discharged his duty as a public agent; and it is not improbable he might have supposed the king in immediate danger, and that by a temporary absence from the capital, the ferment would subside, and he might return in safety. No one, for a moment, believed that he wished, with the emigrants and other enemies of the revolution, to have Louis surrender himself to the hostile powers of the coalition, for the purpose of bringing a foreign army to enslave France. He was, indeed, anxious for the safety of his Prince; but he would never have compromitted the liberties of his country, even for such an object.

From this period, the Jacobin clubs became more popular, and had the chief direction of all political affairs. In their desire to lesson the authority of the King, and to secure power, they hesitated at no measures, however unjust; and the new const.i.tution, even which they had sworn to support, was grossly violated in the prosecution of their selfish views. The influence of Lafayette was rapidly undermined by these artful demagogues. He was sincerely attached to the const.i.tution; and was desirous of maintaining inviolate; the power of the, monarch which it guaranteed. He was the friend to law, and opposed all his influence to riots and excesses. He became an object of dread to the Jacobins, and they resolved to destroy him. But for a long time, the majority of the National a.s.sembly supported him. In attempting to suppress a dangerous riot, by which many of the citizens were alarmed and threatened, when he commanded the military in 1791, he was shot at by one of the mob. The man was taken, and he forgave him--But the National a.s.sembly decreed the death of the culprit, who had attempted the life of "the hero of the day." And the munic.i.p.ality of Paris, also had a gold medal struck off, in honor of Lafayette, and presented him with a bust of Washington in approbation of his conduct.

He was repeatedly denounced by individuals of the violent party, before they succeeded in rendering him obnoxious to popular displeasure. And this was finally effected, through misrepresentations and false reports.

Letter of Lafayette, Feb. 1791, to M. de Bonille, one of the court, but not then at Paris.

"Paris is divided by factions, and the kingdom oppressed by anarchy. The violent aristocrats dream of a counter revolution--the clergy concur with them. The impartial monarchists are looking for a part to play, without the means of doing it. Among the friends of the revolution, you have many honest men, some lose themselves in speculations--and some Jacobins, whose leaders spread trouble everywhere. As to the ministers, they are merged in the revolution; and have no rule, but to yield to the popular voice. The Queen is resigned to the revolution,--hoping that opinions will soon change. The King wishes the happiness of the people, and the general tranquility, to begin his own. As to myself, I am attacked by all the party leaders, who consider me an obstacle not to be overcome or intimidated. Add to this, the hatred of the aristocrats and of the Orleans party; of the Lameths, with whom I was formerly connected; of Mirabeau, who says I despise him; the money distributed, the libels, the dissatisfaction I give those whom I prevent from pillaging Paris-and you will have the sum of all which is going on against me. But except a few ardent heads who are mislead, the well meaning, from the highest to the lowest, are for me.

"I stand well with the National a.s.sembly, except a few disreputable Jacobins. I have little connexion with the court, for I can derive no use from it to my country; and yet I am aware advantage is taken of my neglect to intrigue. Some friends are at work with me, upon a plan of conduct, by which the revolution will be consolidated, the good basis of the const.i.tution established, and public order restored. The chief talents of the a.s.sembly, Mirabeau himself, cannot but support this plan. Here then are courts established, and juries are decreed; this is the moment to let our voice be heard with force, propriety and utility.

"You have accepted the coalition which my heart and my patriotism have offered you. You lately said to one of my friends, "If Lafayette and I understand each other well, we shall establish a const.i.tution."

"My first wish is to finish the revolution speedily and well, to secure the const.i.tution on solid foundations, to employ for that purpose, all I possess of national confidense and personal means; and then to be nothing more in France, than an active citizen. Adieu,

"LAFAYETTE."

But after he was persecuted by the Petions and Robespieres of the day, because of his moderation, loyalty and attachment to the const.i.tution, he was held in high esteem by the friends of rational freedom, and still enjoyed the confidence both of Louis and of the National a.s.sembly. Toward the close of the year 1791, by request of the King, he was appointed to command the army of the centre, to oppose the foreign troops then invading France. When he accepted the appointment, he a.s.sured the National a.s.sembly of his "determination to support the const.i.tution." The President replied, "the French nation, who have sworn to conquer and to live free, will always, with confidence, present to their foes and to tyrants, the const.i.tution and Lafayette."

As commander in chief of that department of the French army entreated to him, he was a.s.siduous to maintain proper discipline and order; a matter of great difficulty, as a revolutionary spirit pervaded all ranks, and the soldiers were disposed to insubordination, especially under a leader not belonging to the popular party. He had several engagements with the enemy, in which he was successful. But his operations and those of the other generals, who commanded in other departments of the northern armies of France, were greatly impeded by the injudicious and variable plans of the a.s.sembly, then torn by factions, and disgraced by low intrigues. The evil spirit extended to the military; and each faction had its partizans among the soldiers. Lafayette saw and lamented this disastrous state of things; and he dared to oppose his single efforts to avert the impending ruin. It was at this time, that he wrote his celebrated letter to the National a.s.sembly, of June 16, 1792, in which he exposed the violence and the cabals of the Jacobins, and conjured the moderates to cling to the const.i.tution, as the only means of safety. This letter is so important, in developing the views and sentiments of Lafayette, and in detecting the causes of the excesses, which eventually disgraced the French revolution of that period, that it will be proper to record it in this connexion. He wrote to the King at the same time, expressing great anxiety for his safety, and declaring his wish to maintain the const.i.tution.

Lafayette's letter to the Legislative body.

"_At the entrenched camp of Maubeuge_, 16_th June_, 1792.

"GENTLEMEN,

"At the moment, perhaps too long deferred, in which I am about to call your attention to the highest public interests, and to point out among our dangers, the _conduct of a ministry_, whom I have for a long time censured in my correspondence, I learn that, unmasked in consequence of its own divisions, it has fallen a sacrifice to its own intrigues. [This was the Brissotin ministry.] It is not enough however, that _this branch_ of the government has been delivered from its disastrous influence. The public welfare is in peril--The fate of France depends princ.i.p.ally on its representatives--The nation expects from them its security. But in giving them a _const.i.tution_, France has prescribed to them the _only_ means by which she can be saved.

"Persuaded, gentlemen, that as the rights of man are the law of every const.i.tuent a.s.sembly, a const.i.tution ought to be the law of the legislators, which that const.i.tution shall have established. It is to you that I ought to denounce the too powerful efforts which are making, to induce you to depart from that course which you have promised to pursue.

"_Nothing shall deter me from the exercise of this right of a free man, to fulfill this duty of a citizen_; neither the momentary errors of opinion; for what are opinions when they depart from principles: nor my respect for the _representatives_ of the people; for I respect still more the _people_, whose sovereign will it is to have a const.i.tution: nor the benevolence and kindness which you have constantly evinced for myself; for I would _preserve_ that as I _obtained_ it, by an inflexible love of liberty.

"Your situation is difficult--France is menaced from without, and agitated within. Whilst foreign powers announce the intolerable (inadmissible) project of attacking our national sovereignty, and avow it as a principle!

at the same time the enemies of France, its interior enemies, intoxicated with fanaticism and pride, entertain chimerical hopes, and annoy us with their insolent malevolence. You ought, gentlemen, to repress them; and you will have the power so to do, _only when_ you shall become _const.i.tutional_ and _just_. You wish it, _no doubt_; but cast your eyes upon all that pa.s.ses within your own body and around you. Can you dissemble even to yourselves, that a _faction_, (and to avoid all vague denunciations) the _jacobin faction_, have caused all these disorders? It _is that which I boldly accuse_--organized like a separate empire in the metropolis, and in its affiliated societies, blindly directed by some ambitious leaders, this sect forms a _corporation entirely distinct_ in the midst of the French people, whose powers it usurps, by tyrannizing over its representatives and const.i.tuted authorities.

"It is in that body, in its public meaning, the _love_ of the laws is denounced as aristocracy, and their _breach_ as patriotism. _There_ the a.s.sa.s.sins of Dessilles receive their triumphs, the crimes of Jourdan find panegyrists. There, the recital of the ma.s.sacre which has stained the city of Metz, has also been received with _infernal_ acclamations! Have they become sacred because the emperor Leopold has p.r.o.nounced their name? And because it is our highest duty to combat the _foreigners_, who mingle in our domestic quarrels, are we at liberty to refrain from _delivering_ our country from domestic tyranny?

"Of what importance is it, as to the fulfillment of this duty, that strangers have their projects; and their connivance and concert with our internal foes? It is I, who denounce to you this sect [the jacobins]; I, who, without speaking of my past life, _can reply_ to those who suspect my motives--"Approach, in this moment of awful crisis, when the character of each man must be known, and see which of us, more inflexible in his principles, more obstinate in his resistance, will more courageously overcome, those obstacles, and those dangers, which traitors to their country conceal, and which true citizens know how to appreciate, and to brave for her."

"And how could I delay longer to fulfill this duty, whilst every successive day weakens still more the const.i.tuted authorities, subst.i.tutes the spirit of party for the will of the people; whilst the audacity of the agitators, [the disorganizers] imposes silence on peaceable citizens, throws into retirement useful men, and whilst _devotion_ to the _sect_ or _party_ stands in the place of _public_ and _private_ virtues, which, in a free country, ought to be the austere [severe, or strict] and only means of attaining to public office.

"It is, after having opposed to all the obstacles, and to all the snares, which were laid for me, the courageous and persevering patriotism of an army, sacrificed perhaps to conspiracies against its commander, (Lafayette was the commander) that I now oppose to this faction the _correspondence_ of a _ministry, worthy_ representative of its _club_--a correspondence, the calculations of which are false, its promises vain and illusory--its information deceitful or frivolous--its advice perfidious or contradictory--correspondence, in which _after_ pressing me to advance without precaution--to attack _without means_--they finally began to tell me that _resistance_ was _impossible_, when I indignantly repelled the cowardly and base a.s.sertion. What a remarkable conformity of language, gentlemen, between the factions whom the _aristocracy_ avow, and those who _usurp_ the _name_ of _patriots_! They both wish to overthrow our laws, rejoice in our disorders, array themselves against the const.i.tuted authorities, detest the national guards (the militia)--preach insubordination to the army--sow, at one moment, distrust, at another, discouragement.

"As to myself, gentlemen, _who embraced the American cause at the moment when its amba.s.sadors declared to me that it was perilous or desperate_-- who from that moment have devoted my life to a persevering defence of liberty and of the sovereignty of the people--who, on the 14th of July, 1789 after the taking of the Bastille, in presenting to my country a declaration of rights dared to say "that in order that a nation should be free, it is only necessary that it should _will_ so to be." I come, this day, full of confidence in the justice of our cause--of contempt, for the cowards who desert it, and of indignation against the traitors who would sully or stain it with crimes; I am ready to declare that the French nation, if it is not the vilest in the universe, can and ought to resist the conspiracy of kings who have coalesced against it!

"It is not in the midst of my brave army that timid counsels should be permitted.--Patriotism, discipline, patience, mutual confidence, all the military and civil virtues I find here. Here the principles of liberty and equality are cherished, the laws respected, property held sacred. Here calumnies and factions are unknown. And when I reflect that France has many millions who can become _such_ soldiers, I ask myself, to what a degree of _debas.e.m.e.nt_ must such an immense people be reduced, stronger in its natural resources than in its artificial defences, opposing to a monstrous and discordant confederation, simple and united counsels and combinations, that the cowardly, degrading idea of sacrificing its soverignty, of permitting any discussion as to its liberties, of committing to negotiation its rights, could be considered among the _possibilities_ of a rapidly advancing futurity!

"But, in order that we, soldiers of liberty, should combat for her with efficacy, or _die_ for her with any _fruit_ or advantage, it is necessary that the number of the defenders of the country should be promptly made in some degree proportionate to that of our opponents; that the supplies of all descriptions should be increased so as to facilitate our movements; that the comfort and conveniences of the troops, their clothes and arms, their pay, the accommodations for the sick, should no longer be subject to fatal delays, or to a miserable and misplaced economy, which defeats its very end.

"It is _above all, necessary_ that the citizens rallied round their const.i.tution, should be a.s.sured that the rights which that const.i.tution guarantees shall be respected with a _religious_ fidelity; which will of itself cause more despair to our enemies than any other measure.

"Do not repel this desire--this ardent wish. It is that of all the sincere friends of your legitimate authority; a.s.sured that no _unjust_ consequence or effect can flow from a _pure_ principle--that no tyrannical measure can save a cause, which owes its _force_, aye, and its glory, to the sacred principles of liberty and equality. Let criminal jurisprudence resume its _const.i.tutional_ power. Let civil equality--let religious freedom enjoy the application of their true principles. In fine, let the reign of the _clubs_ be _annihilated_ by you; let them give place to the laws--_their_ usurpations to the firm and independent exercise of the powers of the const.i.tuted authorities--their disorganizing maxims to the true principles of liberty--their delirious fury to the calm and constant courage of a nation which knows its rights, and is ready to defend them--in fine, their sectarian combinations to the true interests of the country, of the nation, which in a moment of danger ought to unite _all_, except those, to whom its subjection and ruin are the objects of atrocious pleasure and infamous speculation.

"LAFAYETTE."

"_Camp of Maubeuge, June_, 16, 1792.